Contents

Acknowledgements • iiiThe Collaboration • ivAbout the Authors • ivPreface • vOverview & Focus • viiResearch Sources • viii

Chapter 1: Background Information • 1

Chapter 2: History of The Golden Valley 2a: The Oral History 819-1700s • 5 2b: The Documented History 819- 2008 • 7

Chapter 3: Art on cloth; a historical view of styles • 32

Chapter 4: Art related to scriptures • 62

Chapter 5: Art on Miscellaneous Media • 73

Chapter 6: monastic furniture 1400-1988 • 84

Chapter 7: Prayer Wheels • 114

Chapter 8: The Community of Senge Monastery and Village • 120 Chapter 9: The Other Monasteries of the Valley Thig Mo Monastery • 128 Ghomar Monastery • 131 Nyantok Monastery • 134 Rong Wu Monastery • 136

Chapter 10: Tibetan Buddhist Symbolism in Art used at Senge Monastery General Symbolism • 138 Animals and Mythical Creatures • 149 Eight Auspicious Symbols • 162 Seven Precious Possessions of Chakravartin • 167 Musical Instruments • 170 Flowers • 172

Appendix A Sa Chog Ritual (Klu) • 175

Appendix B Rules of the Lower Senge Geshong Monastery • 178

Appendix C 15 Directions Ritual (10 Directions plus 5 Directions) • 181

Index • 188

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The Collaboration

The writing of The Golden Valley is a collaborative effort between Dave Glantz and David Huber. David Huber has spent twelve years studying the region’s artwork, gathering oral histories and research information with the generous and skillful assistance of his many Tibetan friends and scholars. He has also used his prior experience in the custom furniture and art restoration fields to analyze the construction of the cabinetry and artwork. Dave Glantz draws upon his expertise as a professional market researcher and traveler to Tibet, to analyze and further interpret this abundant collection of facts and data, and tell its extraordinary story.

About the Authors

Dave Glantz has over 25 years of experience as an educator, international consultant and market researcher, designing and directing qualitative and quantitative studies for leading government contractors, federal agencies, associations and Fortune 500 companies. In addition to survey research, Dave’s passion for his work has led him to conduct hundreds of focus groups and over a thousand in-depth interviews across four continents with senior government and military decision makers, medical professionals, NGO personnel, congressional staffers, business executives, consumers, students and many other audiences. His research spans such widely varying topics as cybersecurity, international development work, college financing, and the use of the International Space Station’s national laboratory, among dozens more.

Dave’s research focuses on thought leadership, branding, website usability, satisfaction and loyalty, and capture research, as well as concept, message and ad evaluation. These studies are proprietary, and consequently his reports are not for public release. However, he has also authored and edited numerous other articles and essays in research-oriented publications and international journals, addressing social and political issues. Examples include his 2008 analysis of how a president Obama or McCain would conduct U.S. foreign policy; and a 2015 call to return the Parthenon Marbles to Greece.

Dave holds a M.A. in Political Studies (International Relations) and B.A., History (minoring in Art History), from the University of Manitoba in Canada. He is a member of the Qualitative Research Consultants Association (QRCA).

David Huber worked for USNSGA for nearly ten years, with six of those years on the intel side completing several “special missions”, as they were then called. He specialized as an in-theater tactical analyst whose primary objective was to locate targets for exploitation and then provide advance warnings for the team in the event of detection by hostile forces. His final years at the agency focused on counter-espionage, completing 88 special assignments. These included working with and alongside US military allies in the Pacific Rim as an advisor during joint operations. These last special assignments culminated in his developing a security procedure and protocol manual that was adopted service-wide.

Following his government career, David leveraged his skills as an art and antique furniture restoration expert for insurance companies, museums and private clients. He quickly branched into custom furniture design and manufacturing, working in these combined fields for over 20 years. After consulting for corporate America in various fields and becoming disillusioned with what he felt to be the corporate world’s inadequate business ethics, he commenced his current endeavor of saving the surviving Tibetan art in the Golden Valley and started research on the history, art, culture and philosophy of the area, dedicating 12 years to this study.

David has an A.S. degree in Computer Science from Coleman College, and a B.S. in the Bible from Southern Christian University, and attended seminary at Turner Theological Seminary.

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Chapter 1 Background Information

Research Sources

History Section

My research relies on several sources, two that are readily available being The White Annals, a history of adminis-trative institutions compiled by Gedun Choephel; and The Blue Annals, the Stages of the Appearance of the Doc-trine and Preachers in the Land of Tibet, as translated and published by the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta 1949. The last two major works used are the book, Lineage Collection of Rebgong, written by Blon Chos scholar Jam dbyangs bsod nams grags pa in AD 1603. To my knowledge this book has not been translated into English. And finally, The History of the Seng ge Geshong Monastery in Rebgong, written by (name withheld) and compiled in 2005 (translated into English in 2007 from a 180 page hand-written draft in my possession). These last two books provided the foundation for the greater part of the history which was supplemented by many other books and seminar notes. Unfortunately since these last two books are not available to scholars or the general public I did not use citations, nor could I. My information from the Lineage Collection of Rebgong was only in the form of hand-written notes copied from the original hand-written manuscript and had no page numbers. I researched the events mentioned in the Lineage Collection of Rebgong to make sure that they were plausible and probable and found that they perfectly aligned with other documented sources. I have woven this supplemental research into the narrative, including source notes to provide a historical context and hopefully a more complete picture.

Tibetan Buddhist Symbolism Section

This section is an amalgam of several sources that are cited below, but not cited in the text of the symbolism chapter. These sources did not provide all of the information contained in the symbolism chapter. I used other sources as there are more than a few icons that are not covered by any of the sources listed below. In these cases I conducted further research and also consulted with the artist monks.

The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs by Robert Beer.

Images of Enlightenment: Tibetan Art in Practice by Landaw and Weber

Buddhist Symbols by Tatjana & Mirabai Blau

Buddhist Symbolism in Tibetan Thangkas by Ben Meulenbeld

Wisdom and Compassion: The Sacred Art of Tibet by Rhie and Thurman

viii

Chapter 1 Background InformationThe valley, now called the Golden Valley (Ser Geshong in Tibetan), comprises a total of five monasteries (extant in 2006). Rong Wu, at the south end of the valley, is the largest and is situated in the town of Rong Wu, the Rebgong County seat (Tongren in Chinese), and teaches multiple academic disciplines within the monastery. Five miles away and subordinate to Rong Wu are the Upper and Lower Senge Geshong Monasteries, hereafter referred to as Senge monasteries, known today through their contemporary Chinese name, the Wutun monasteries. The Senge village had been divided into an upper and lower village until 1958, when, according to the archival records from the Lower Monastery, the Chinese incorporated it into a single entity. However, it is still noted on maps and other written accounts as two villages. The Lower Senge Monastery was the first monastery in the valley, founded between the years 1028 and 1050. The two Senge monasteries are referred to as the “Royal Academies of Art.” Ghomar, situated across the valley from the two Senge monasteries, teaches art and chanting; the monks must each learn 300 different chants. Nyantok, which is just outside of Rong Wu, is the smallest of the five monasteries and predominantly teaches art.

Adjacent to the Nyantok, Senge and Ghomar monasteries are villages, with Senge village being the largest and Nyantok the smallest. In this small valley each of the five monasteries are within five miles of each other, and despite the close proximity there is a seemingly strange occurrence: the people of the villages of Nyantok and Senge each speak a language unique to their village, and which is not easily understood by the other, whereas the rest of the valley speaks a commonly understood language with the exception of a hamlet just a mile south of Senge that also speaks the same language as Senge. The language issue is a result of different army groups having settled in the valley many generations before, with none speaking the same native language, as the army groups were basically clan or tribal associated. The different clans also congregated together, as is the way of clans. In my interviews with the oldest monks in each of the five monasteries I noted that “art technology” passed from monastery to monastery; one particular technology was the making of tangkas with cloth appliqués, which took 90 years to pass from Nyantok to Senge. When I questioned them about what I considered to be an overly long period of time for that transference of knowledge over so short a distance, I was informed that it was, in fact, rather fast, given the language hurdles. The language

differences are a rather common phenomenon in villages throughout Amdo.

Such instances as these illustrate the widely ranging impact of domestic and foreign influences, whether benign in the form of trade and friendly communication, or brought about through violent invasions that have shaped the culture and history of Tibet, and of which the Golden Valley is a prime example. Subsequent chapters of this book will highlight the various ways in which these outside influences led more than once to flourishing artistic innovation within the monasteries, while at other times led to the incredibly tragic destruction of most of the monasteries themselves. As will be seen, today’s monasteries at best live a modest, if not precarious, day-by-day existence. Their continued existence, I feel, is partially predicated upon the lucrative tourist trade which Chinese owned tour companies totally dominate.

In 2006 in Senge village there existed what I refer to as a Chinese “mole” that was using children to paint tangkas that according to the mole were sold to the monasteries at $10,000 per painting, as well as to Chinese officials for similar amounts (an off-the-books way of paying the mole for his services). This when superior art painted by highly trained and qualified monks and lay artists were selling for $300 to $500. He was the only one in the village I noticed that drove a car. My sense was the monasteries had to pay these exorbitant prices to stay on the Chinese authority’s good side, much the same as lamas were forced to marry to continue in their practice after 1958. This brand of extortion, which forced upon the monks the twisted economic reality of a system that perversely pays more for lower quality work, and where a Chinese interloper is the only one reaping tremendous profits, is a stark reminder of how today’s Tibetan artistic and cultural tradition is under siege.

The bottom of the map in figure 1 on page 2 shows the area of the valley with the five monasteries and the ruins of a sixth monastery, Thig Mo. To place the Golden Valley in perspective with other Tibetan lands and the rest of China, at the top of the map is Xining, a major city located 80 miles to the north of the Golden Valley, in Qinghai province, and which has its own airport. The monasteries and villages are on what is now called the Longwu River, which empties into the Yellow River 25 miles north of Senge Village. The towns of Bao’an and Guide are included, which are referenced along with Xining later in chapter 2.

1

Chapter 1 Background Information Chapter 1 Background Information

Because a history of the Senge monasteries is a history not only about people, but also of Buddhism and art, a little background is needed to set the stage. This includes the retelling of selected folk legends, which tend to paint a richer picture of the lives and influences all those centuries ago than documented places and dates alone. Buddhism probably came to China in the first century, when the emperor of China heard about Shakyamuni and invited him to China. Unfortunately, by the time the invitation was presented Shakyamuni had long since passed. However, and possibly related to this imperial invitation (though we cannot be sure), a person known as Hvashang is depicted by Tibetan tradition as bringing to China a number of arhats (sages far advanced in terms of their enlightenment). Historically, Hvashang is most likely to have been a participant in the great debate held at the Samye Monastery circa 792 regarding the fate of Chan in Tibet. The name Hvashang probably derives from the word for monk, and he is commonly known as

the Laughing Buddha. When one sees paintings of the 16 or 18 arhats, Hvashang is often depicted with them. The actual dates of the arhats coming to China vary from 50 BC to 200 AD. Zengcheng a Buddhist master during the Ming Dynasty dates their arrival prior to 68 AD.

Figure 2 on page 3 is the lower portion of a tangka about Shakyamuni and the 18 arhats. The plump man in the boat (lower right corner) is Hvashang. In historical records in India a Chinese monk, Fa Xian, visited India in AD 402, stayed for ten years, and after his return translated many Sanskrit Buddhist texts into Chinese. In Mahayana Buddhism, a group of eighteen arhats with names and personalities were regarded as waiting the return of the Buddha as Maitreya, and other groupings of 6, 8, 16, 100, and 500 also appear in tradition and Buddhist art, especially in East Asia. They can be seen as the Buddhist equivalents of the Christian saints, apostles and early disciples and leaders of the faith.

Figure 1

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Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008 Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008

Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008

The written history starts with the 41st Tibetan king, Tritsuk Detsen (name at birth), whose reign lasted from 817 (Tang Annals) or 814 (Blue Annals) to 836, 838, or 841 AD (depending upon source). He is best known as Ralpacan. I am most confident in 841 AD as the date of his death. Langdarma, his successor, according to Sakya accounts, reigned as emperor for just over one year and died in 842. The exact dates are subject to controversy; but what is more important are the events themselves. Ralpacan was an ardent supporter of Buddhism, which came officially to Tibet in the middle of the 7th century under Songtsen Gampo and with the help of Songtsen’s wife, Princess Kongjo. However, logic dictates that there was some type of presence prior to this as well. Over the ensuing centuries, Buddhism had a back and forth existence among the nobility. Ralpacan invited scholars and translators from China, Nepal, Kashmir and the Kingdom of Khotan. He decreed that all translations of Buddhist texts must be done directly from Sanskrit, having standardized Tibetan equivalents for thousands of Sanskrit terms. The Tibetan empire reached its greatest extent under Ralpacan, with control over parts of China, India, Nepal and several

other countries in the surrounding areas.

During Ralpacan’s reign, Chinese Emperor Xianzong wrote him asking for the return of three prefectures. This did not work out well for the Chinese Emperor; in 819 the Tibetan army attacked the Chinese. The battle in the Amdo region, now called Qinghai, was carried out with 18 armies, the Gyi tsa, Khro tsa, Rkang tsa, Gzi tsa, Zangtsa, Gcan tsa, Rkyang tsa, Dmi tsa, Rmog tsa, Reb tsa, Stag tsa, Rag tsa, etc... Each army was basically a tribe or a clan, as was the custom then and for many centuries to follow, ending in the 18th century (this ending will be discussed later). Among them were the Rkyang tsa group led by Bstan pa phyag rdor, also known as Dar stong rgyal bo, and the Khro tsa group led by his son Gcod dga’ dar rgyal. They fought many hard battles against the Chinese army occupying this Tibetan land. The Chinese army was defeated and driven to Nag ri sgang mountain, which stands along the Klu chu river basin in Gansu province, near Lanzhou. Figure 3 shows the contested border region with Xining and Lanzhou. A considerable expanse (125 miles) separates those two major cities.

Figure 3

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Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008 Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008

artists in Beijing in 1264, painting and decorating Kublai Khan’s palace as recorded in the Lineage Collection of Rebgong.

Amdo, the prefecture bordering the western part of China where the Golden Valley and Rebgong is located, was basically a frontier area and ruled by mutual consent with both Tibet and China offering prestigious titles and authority to the same persons. China set up trade, postal and administrative centers in the area around Rebgong. A horse and tea trading station was set up near Cone in 1404 to trade with the eighteen divisions of the bo Tibetans in the Tiebu Valley south of Cone (this may well correspond with the 18 army groups that came and stayed in 819-22 AD). This gave the Cone Tibetan leader Shis bsdus, the opportunity to be recognized as the ruler of these people by the Chinese, who awarded him the position of chiliarch meaning “leader of a thousand households”. Aside from these trade stations, the Ming also maintained military posts in Amdo, including the Bao’an outpost just to the north and a little east of

Senge in 1371. The Guide Commandery under the control of the Xining Commandery, established in 1375, had jurisdiction over Jentsa and Rebgong.

According to legend and verified by archaeological findings in 1915 when they were rebuilding the great assembly hall at the Lower Senge Monastery, there was a large mudslide that destroyed half of the monastery. At one time there was a feeder lake on the side of Bankari Mountain on the west side above the monastery. Long ago the sides of the mountain were covered with oil pines and many of the houses of the village and buildings of the monastery were built using these trees. There are still some oil pine houses standing in the village; however you will not find a single one growing on the sides of the mountain. Figure 6 on page 14 is a view of the monastery in 2006 showing how close it is built to the side of the mountains, which are steep and require some huff and puff to climb. Figure 7 shows the mountains from the same spot that figure 6 was taken from. No oil pines are visible.

Figure 5

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Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008 Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008

This deforestation made the steep sides of the mountain unstable and in conjunction with heavy rain probably caused the lake to collapse onto the monastery. A possible time frame for this would be from around the end of the 14th century to the beginning of the 15th century as there are well documented cases of entire monasteries being destroyed by landslides caused by heavy rains during a twenty year period from 1386 to 1405 throughout the Tibetan Plateau. Of course the local Tibetans had to have commemorative names for this event; the remaining part of Ban ka ri Mountain was then called Klad gi chad, which means “collapsed on head”, and the valley was called Chu ‘khyil lung ba, which means “water puddle valley” as nicknames. During the new construction that was going on in 2006 they were still finding buried statues and other metal ritual items when digging the foundations of the new buildings; these items were disposed of as they had been defiled by people walking over them; it is a feet thing. One is never to have the bottoms of your feet pointing to sacred objects or texts, so the rule is do not put those items at the end of your bed. Keep a separate room and sit in the lotus or diamond position and face the objects so your feet bottoms are pointing in a different direction.

The village and monasteries are most commonly known as Wutun (also written as Wutong), which means “from Tibet” in Chinese. This came about when the newly installed Chinese Emperor Yongle of the Ming Dynasty moved the Chinese capital from near current Xi’an to Beijing and built the Forbidden City. In 1403 he invited artists from the Senge monasteries to help construct and decorate a pagoda, figure 9, based upon the Bodhgaya, figure 8, in India. Bsod nas gega pa, the Chief of Senge, sent fifty artists to Beijing to do this work. The Chinese emperor was so pleased with their work that he wrote a letter of praise and named their work “Wujitong”; this is when the name Wutong or Wutun became implanted in the Chinese mind concerning the art and artists of Senge. It is recorded that the Emperor Yongle gifted the artists with mineral pigments, a gift highly prized by artists of the time.

Historical accounts say that a Buddhist monk from India arrived at the Imperial court with architectural plans for the pagoda in 1403; conjecture takes over here in that he convinced the Emperor to build it, just showing up un-announced. I would maintain that he was summoned by the Emperor to design a pagoda and arrived close to the time that the artists from Senge arrived, by astute plan-ning on the Emperor’s part. One source has the starting Figure 9 Wutai Si Temple, Beijing. < http://commons.

wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Vajra_throne_tower_in_Zhenjue_Temple.JPG :Author Shizhao>

Figure 8 Bodhgaya in India < http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mahabodhitemple.jpg Author Bpilgrim>

time of construction as 1403, with major construction finished by 1424. However, the pagoda was not completely finished until 1473: many sources have dated the construction of the temple in that year. The temple walls are noted for having Tibetan Buddhist symbolism

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Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008 Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008

Figure 11

The Mahakala Brahmin took his thigh bone trumpet and tapped it three times on the roof of the cottage, which resulted in an earthquake in the valley. However it did not stop the slaughter, so they started in secret to gather all of the implements necessary and pulled the hair on the chest of hungry ghosts. (Note G) Unfortunately Nian Gengyao had enough good merits that their efforts yielded no results. Literally they went back to the drawing board and Stong skor drew an image of Nian, as he had met him before, which they placed on an altar along with offerings and prostrated themselves before it, working to take away all of Nian’s good merits. Eventually this worked and they stabbed the drawing with a curved

Note G: Hungry ghosts are the souls of a deceased person whose egotism (greed, miserliness and attachment) in the life just ended that now prevents their moving on, they have huge stomachs and pin-hole throats. They become hungry ghosts in the second Bardo on the third day if they cannot see the light and wander about with an unsatisfied ravenous desire. Bardo is the soul’s state after death where one has awareness freed from the body; it is a realm of the mind or consciousness. I have not been able to find out what pulling the hairs on their chests means. Bardo literally means “in between”. One thought is to get their attention and have them take some type of recuperative and compassionate action on the behalf of others, possibly freeing them from their torment after the action is accomplished. One should note that a hungry ghost can escape by understanding that virtuous acts, unselfish acts, like rebuilding temples and helping others will facilitate that escape; this is according to the Buddha Speaks Mahayana Sublime Treasure King Sutra. Hungry ghosts are also noted for having copious amounts of matted body hair (that way you can pull a bunch). There is an analogy in the sutra of the hair pore containing manifestations of “innumerable mountains, inside which there are diamond (Vajra) precious caves, gold precious caves, silver precious caves, Sphatika precious caves, Lotus colored precious caves, and Green precious caves. There are also some caves that fully have the seven treasures. Thus, virtuous man, inside that hair pore there are such manifestations.” <http://www.purifymind.com/Sutras16.htm>

knife and he was killed. The curved knife had a piece broken off and the knife is still at the village to this day. The Stong skor lama was very appreciative of Stan pa rab rgyas’ help and made a gift of Gyu thog, a turquoise color glazed roofing tile, enough to do buildings in both the Thig Mo and Lower Senge Monasteries. The buildings were the residences of the Shar lama (shar means “eastern”). Remnants of these tiles can still be seen, figure 12, in the ruins of Thig Mo Monastery. Evidently the Stong skor lama had a large supply of these, enough to provide the roofing for 13 buildings.

Figure 12Figure 13 shows a roofing fascia tile on a mound of stones with a carving of Buddha in stone and a mani stone in the pile at the Thig Mo Monastery ruins. Thig Mo Monastery was completely destroyed in 1958 by the Chinese. More images are presented in the Thig Mo Monastery section of Chapter 9. When people come to the ruins they add a stone to the pile in remembrance of those that died in 1958.

Figure 13

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Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008 Chapter 2b Documented History 819-2008

water offerings every day until he died. When he died, several natural letters could be seen on his forehead. Over the next five years until 1957 Lama Rje gkon mchog blo gros continued to teach the Lamrim Chenmo, along with several other teachings. In 1954 he gave all of his possessions to the monastery and under his direction the temple of Maityana Mthong ba don ldan was rebuilt.

The Prayer of Moral Behavior on the top of a portable Tibetan reading desk shown in figure 16 reads as follows: the first line starts with a greeting of the utmost respect and the title “The Prayer of Moral Behavior” followed on the next lines with the translated text, “I pay homage to the Manjushri! To all the Buddhas of the three eras who live in the ten directions of the world, I pay homage with my body, mind and speech, by the power of prayer and moral behavior.” Regrettably, this sincere devotion to spiritual preparation proved to be no defense against the incursion that was already underway.

THE CHINESE OCCUPATION

The Chinese had moved militarily into the eastern edges of Inner Tibet, the first phase of a larger plan to invade and take control of greater Tibet. Mao wanted to colonize Tibet, with the intention of moving in four to eight million Chinese and using the arable land for farming and exploiting the area’s mineral wealth. The offensive was planned with the financial backing of the Soviet Union, which also supplied bombers and tons of other military and non military supplies.

Small clashes with the local Tibetans occurred as soon as the PLA crossed the Amdo border in 1949. The ill equipped and outnumbered Tibetan forces were soon defeated. The PLA’s next order of business while simultaneously gaining supplies, military hardware and pilot training to go along with the Soviet bombers, was to build roads for the eventual invasion. With the exception of the military hardware supplied to Mao by Stalin, this was the same plan, as mentioned, used during the early 1700s by Chinese Emperor Kangxi and his successor Yinzhen.

In 1951 the Chinese moved 70,000 troops into the area. They conscripted Tibetans to build roads, which nearly all were loath to do, as they were completely happy with their isolation and their Buddhist way of life. (Some Tibetans, however, did volunteer to work on the roads as the pay, at least initially, was good.) But overall, the Tibetan view of the Chinese occupation was that it was an attack on their system of values and the Buddhist way of life that the vast majority embraced. They soon came

to perceive the Chinese as godless Maoists invading not with logical arguments and humane alternatives, but only violence and cruelty. The Buddhist practitioners of Amdo, who had been passing down their cultural heritage from person to person for over a thousand years, in good times and bad, was for the first time in its history forced to choose between complete and unconditional acquiescence, or utter annihilation. In quick succession, Tibet’s other eastern localities were also force-fed this bitter pill. During this time the Chinese confiscated all goods that had been brought in by Tibetan traders, labeling them as being manufactured by “foreign imperialists”.

The Chinese halted their advance at the edge of the border region and requested that a delegation from Lhasa arrive in Beijing to reach an accord. The delegation, admittedly under duress, signed a Chinese authored draft called the 17 Point Agreement. The agreement was never authorized by the leaders in Lhasa and the terms were never adhered to by the Chinese. What it accomplished was a buying of time for the Chinese to build their roads, and to equip and train an Air Force and Army for the main invasion to come.

In 1952 the Chinese stepped up their propaganda campaign of Class Warfare, attempting to pit poor Tibetans against the rich. This tactic had worked well in China, but found no traction among Tibetans, who universally rejected the slogans and refused to divide along perceived class lines. The Chinese response in 1953 was to ratchet up the pressure by destroying the first of what eventually would be nearly all of Amdo’s Buddhist monasteries. This was followed by redoubled conscription and forced labor on the construction of roads.

It is important to note that the United Nations was powerless to stop this invasion, as both China and the Soviet Union had veto authority in the UN Security Council. It was the perfect set-up. The only countries with sufficient military capabilities to intervene were the US and the UK. However, due to the total lack of infrastructure in Tibet this was impossible. There were no roads or rail lines into Tibet and no airport runways with which to supply opposition forces. The US and UK therefore ignored the problem. This of course was exacerbated by Tibet not having any diplomatic relations with any country other than India.

Recently (2009) declassified Canadian government documents contain the following: on November 16, 1950, the High Commissioner of Canada to India sent a

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Chapter 3 Tibetan Art on Cloth: a historical view of styles Chapter 3 Tibetan Art on Cloth; a historical view of styles

Chapter 3 Tibetan Art on Cloth

Tibetan art for the purpose of this book shall be defined as Tibetan Buddhist art, and forms the scope of this chapter’s discussion about paintings on cloth. Tibetan art originated as someone else’s art, a mixing of Chinese and Nepalese methods, before evolving into a more distinct Tibetan form. As it was also Buddhist art, those influences in both Chinese and Nepalese styles were to varying degrees dictated by India and Hinduism, with a correspondingly generous crossover of Hindu icons. All of the art in this book is from the two Senge monasteries, with just a few exceptions, which are notated throughout this chapter.

Strictly speaking, Buddhist art began with the first drawing of Shakyamuni. A few tales recount this first image of Shakyamuni, who was rather loath to have an image of himself painted; “Don’t look to me, but to the enlightened state” is a statement credited to him. Two stories, maybe more, exist concerning that first depiction of Shakyamuni. One states that the first likeness was drawn on canvas from rays of golden light emanating from his body. Another story tells of King Bimbisara of Magadha wanting Shakyamuni’s image and hiring an artist after finally convincing Shakyamuni to consent. The artist was unable to draw Shakyamuni as his radiance blinded him, so Shakyamuni agreed to sit on the edge of a quiet pond, allowing the artist to paint his image from the reflection on the water.

Buddhism’s overt arrival in Tibet is generally credited to Songtsen Gampo, the 33rd ruler of the Yarlung Dynasty. Songtsen Gampo moved the longstanding seat of government from the Yarlung Valley to Lhasa. The Yarlung Valley is about 110 miles southeast of Lhasa. He had as many as six wives or consorts, two of whom are quite famous and instrumental in establishing Buddhism in Tibet. These two were the Nepali Princess Bhriklutio and the Chinese Princess Wengchen, both Buddhist. Princess Wengchen’s illustrious exploits were discussed in chapter 1.

Both princesses brought large dowries with them that included the usual jewels and gold, but more importantly they each took along sacred Buddhist images, statues and a retinue of artists and craftsmen. This sets the beginning of Tibetan Buddhist art as deriving from the twin influences of Chinese and Nepalese styles. Subsequent

Tibetan artists in the area of Lhasa were either of mixed ethnic lineage and thereby trained by their fathers, or of indigenous birth and trained by those original Chinese and Nepali craftsmen working on different projects.

Tangkas are said to have first been made by Tibetans in the 10th or 11th century, however this is not accurate. Tibetan historical accounts tell of tangkas made by Chinese and Nepalese artists during Songtsen Gampo’s reign, thought to be from 618-649; the end date of his reign looks accurate as he died that year. These first paintings were decorated with fine silk and pearls, although the account provides no further elaboration. Tangka is Tibetan for “thing one unrolls”, since the Chinese were known to have scroll paintings such as those found in the tombs at Mawangdui, that date to the Han Dynasty (206 BCE – 220 AD). The Chinese scroll’s structural conventions were first outlined during the Tang Dynasty (618-907) and are still followed to this day. It is only natural that there were tangkas in Tibet when Princess Wengchen arrived in 642, as most of her dowry arrived before she did. Although they would technically have been Chinese scrolls, the tangka description would still apply.

When the conventional structure of Chinese scroll paintings is compared to the structure of Tibetan tangkas, they are very similar: a narrow piece of wood at the top is covered by fabric (or sometimes paper in a Chinese scroll) with a string attached to it for hanging. At the bottom there is a larger round piece of wood, again covered, that has enough weight to facilitate proper hanging, and of a large enough diameter with knobs at the ends to allow for ease of rolling up. Lastly, the painting is bordered by fabric. Perhaps it was only natural that upon adopting this style the Tibetans then adapted it to their own aesthetic preferences. They took away the paper backing, added a soot cover and sewed the border instead of gluing it onto paper. They also deviated from the traditional tall narrow size of a Chinese scroll, widening it to an approximate ratio of 2:3 (width to height) in relative dimensions for eastern Tibetan tangkas, although this is not an exact ratio. Indeed, a variety of accepted ratios exists within Tibet and even today remains open to the artist’s discretion: in 2000 the current Dalai Lama added a tangka to the canon that is displayed horizontally (figure 19, page 33) and with ratios more in keeping with central and western Tibet.

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Figure 19 Horizontal tangka of Shakyamuni and teachers.

Moving our discussion from the pictorial to the vernacular, at this time Songtsen Gampo sent his minister Thonmi Sambhota to India to devise a script for the Tibetans; an example is shown in figure 20. This initial script is different from the one used today, shown in figure 21, as it had a few more vowels and a more complex case system. Old Tibetan is for all intents and purposes unreadable due to those additional vowels and the additional case system. In classical or modern Tibetan the vowels are more like what we would call pronunciation marks, marks above

the script. Use of this script led to the creation of the first Tibetan literary works and translations, court records and a constitution. Old Tibetan was used exclusively until the early 9th century when the Mahavyutpatti was compiled; this is a lexicon designed to correct mistakes and misinterpretations, and includes a standardization of Sanskrit translations into Tibetan. Ralpacan is generally credited with its inception, and its use became prominent during his reign.

Figure 20 Old Tibetan Figure 21 Classical Tibetan scripture text from Labrang Monastery hand-lettered in silver ink

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Thankfully what the villagers saved from destruction during those years was not to be reused in the rebuilt temples and halls and, with their support, has been transferred to the west for safe keeping. This community effort to save the art speaks volumes about the integration of the community and the religion. The following is a look at some of what has been saved.

As stated in chapter 2, Sakya Pandita sent Lama Byi sgang ba to Rebgong in the early 13th century, bringing a new school of painting. This new school is considered one of the four schools of Tibetan art by indigenous Tibetan scholars, yet is overlooked by western Tibetologists. The little information I can find about this fourth school is that the colors were more vibrant, with a greater range of hues and some changes to the nimbus or halos instituted. In this visit by Byi sgang ba, a master painter, and his entourage of trained artists, an exchange of techniques and technology transpired between the two groups. Unfortunately I do not have any examples that can be directly attributed to this particular school.

The surviving collection of temple wall hangings (Jian tang is the Tibetan word for wall art) that dates from circa 1400 to the late 19th century reveals some interesting aspects in the mid range of those years. For instance, the gold ornamentation is done with kyungbur. Kyungbur is the Tibetan word for the raised outlining that westerners would call gesso. This technique is first noted in Tibetan tangkas in the 15th century. There is no evidence of this technique in tangkas from the Senge monasteries; however the furniture from its earliest examples has plenty of kyungbur. We will discuss the furniture in chapter 6.

The canvas used in the original wall hangings of the assembly hall that were removed and hidden by the villagers is rather coarsely woven cotton. Without exception each canvas was pieced together with a cross stitch, similar to how shoes are laced, with multiple

pieces of cloth used. This seaming together of multiple fabrics to get a single larger piece was necessitated by the widths of fabrics available at that time. Most of the temple wall hangings were pieced together horizontally close to the center, as they are all approximately 60 inches tall.

Cotton fabric during this time was produced on small hand looms operated by a single person, and the width was dictated by the operator’s arms as the shuttle-cock had to be passed from one side to the other by hand, requiring both hands to be used in concert to achieve any efficient speed. The general widths for cotton fabric during this time were 30 to 36 inches. The wall hangings were painted while stretched on a wooden frame, removed from the frame and mounted on the wall in the upper part of the hall.

On the painting of Akshobhya cloth was added to both sides of the canvas and the stretch points are evident (see next set of images). The canvas is heavily soiled, mostly with soot, and the aroma of incense can still be detected when bits of the canvas are smoldered. There is a light coating of clay over the canvas, and the pigments are mineral with a water soluble medium used to apply the pigments.

Figure 29 (image displayed on its side) shows the stretch points of a side hem visible next to the rust colored border on each side of the Akshobhya painting (figure 30). Typically the canvas is set within a wooden frame and then stretched by making a hole in the canvas near the border close to the wooden frame and running twine through it at regular intervals which is tightly attached to the wooden frame. The painting is 40 inches wide and seamed on both sides; subtracting the seamed edges the main body of fabric is about 36 inches wide, in keeping with the hand-loomed cotton fabric that was available at the beginning of the 15th century.

Figure 29

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Figure 30 Akshobhya shown with three heads and an early variation of his typical mudra (hand gesture). This variation is noted in a tangka of Akshobhya at the Guimet Museum in Paris. The buildings show elements of Chinese architecture in the roofs; this dominates the Senge style. This presents the question; is the Chinese roof style due to the monastery’s close proximity to Chinese territory or is it due to the nine-story temple Ralpacan built that had the gold Chinese roof? I think the latter is the more likely.

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Tangkas

The oldest tangka in the Senge collection is of Ekadashamukha, painted in the 14th or early 15th century (figure 45) and is rather open in its presentation. There is exceptional detail in all of the teachers and deities. The main deity, Ekadashamukh, which is the proper name for the eight-armed 11-headed depiction of Avalokiteshvara, is standing upon a lotus throne supported by a stem originating from a pool of water. This presentation is evident in all of the surviving early tangkas ranging a span of almost 300 years. This may be a stylistic technique of a particular teaching group within the Senge Monastery as all of these, I believe, came from the same family of artists. The normal practice that is still observed in Senge

is that a master artist, one that is recognized by the artistic community as such, will take on apprentices. And as these apprentices become masters they in turn will take on apprentices. Sha Wo Tse ring the elder was recognized in the 20th century as a master artist; two of his students are carrying on his tradition. One, a monk, Sha Wo Tse Ring the younger and no relation to the elder, is the head master artist and teacher at the Lower Monastery. The other, Tse Rang Dun Zhou, a lay painter, is recognized as the best tangka artist in Tibet, having won national competitions more than once. Both still carry on their teacher’s traditions, and both have a large number of apprentice students.

Figure 45 Ekadashamukha

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The tangka of Ekadashamukha was painted before the late 15th century; it is absent the gold squiggly lines in the blue ether of the deity’s aura. The squiggly lines are a part of the canon as can be seen in figure 46 which is a page from the current art canon; we will discuss its compilation and implementation shortly. I do not know if the squiggles apply to all portrayals, but it is noted in most depictions painted at the Senge monasteries after this one. Padmasambhava is in the upper left corner and the requisite sun and moon are also noted in this early tangka. There is more empty space in this tangka than in subsequent paintings, with the light blue sky becoming darker where the smaller seated teachers and deities are at the top of the painting.

Figure 46One of the most influential schools of Tibetan art may play a part in Druk Shone’s oral history concerning Bo Ho Karma, the painter in the Pure Lands that dropped his brush from heaven to the valley floor, where it was found by the inhabitants who took an everlasting interest in painting. Late in the 15th century a man named Sman Bla don ‘grub rgy mtso, upon having an argument with his wife, hit the road and traveled to the Gstang area of western Tibet. Along the way he found a brush and an old handwritten book of painting, became interested in painting and attended the Gtsang ba bkra shis art

school. (Remember those early Senge boys were noted as being Gtsang la stod artists. Could there be a connection?) He became an expert in art, eventually developing his own style, retaining what he considered the good aspects of Lama Byi sgang ba’s style. It is referred to as the Sman Tang style because he was born in Sman Tang outside of Lhasa. He went on to become a published author, writing a book called “Granting Precious Jewel of Dimension/Proportions”. In the book he clearly described in great detail the approved dimensions of the drawings of Buddhist deities. It was a compilation and reconciliation of numerous texts that existed at that time, wherein he corrected various discrepancies. This book is now the standard. The figures are to be laid out on an X-Y axis, and he defined the units of measurements to be used in relative terms. It was set forth in finger widths; however, any unit could be used as long as that standard was used throughout that particular representation. If different figures of different sizes are used then the appropriate scale would be employed.

Figure 47 is a page portraying Shakyamuni from the “Granting Precious Jewel of Dimension/Proportions” book, the Tibetan Buddhist art canon.

Figure 47

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Tibetan tangkas have four special categories of paintings according to Sha Wo Tse Ring, the younger, the head art teacher at the Lower Senge Monastery. These categories are as follows:

1. Painted in colors: in Tibetan tson tang, which is the most common type.

2. Red background: in Tibetan mar tang, generally with gold outlining, but other colors can be used as in figure 56 below, painted circa 1900. Figure 56 is a lineage tree or can also be referred to as a gathering of the saints, with Tsong Khapa the largest figure and just above him Manjushri, the archetype deity of wisdom. This placing of Manjushri projects a tribute of wisdom to the Gelugpa Lineage in this tangka. Red is the color of passion transmuted into universal compassion and discriminating wisdom.

Figure 56 Lineage tangka with Tsong Khapa.

reserved for advanced practice. Black is the color of hate, transmuted by the alchemy of wisdom into the ultimate-reality-perfection wisdom. It is not that darkness is the absolute; the void is not nothingness. Rather, darkness represents the imminence of the absolute, the threshold of experience. The absolute itself is the clear light transparency within which all relative forms and vulnerable living things are sustained. But the dark connotes death, which enlightenment converts into the Body of Truth. It is used for terrific ritual actions, the radical conquest of evil in all its forms. A conquest not by annihilation, but by turning evil into good, which is the basic operation of the mystical law of the universe.

This category of tangka can be seen in figure 53 on page 58 and figure 57 above, which is a 19th century tangka and a rare depiction of Guhyamanjuvajra, symbolizing the Tantra of Yogic Discipline. The central doctrine of the Yoga Tantras is that we are not as different from each other as we believe. By practicing yoga, we can discover that the central column of the world is identical with our own subtle spine, and the world that appears projected around us can be withdrawn into a stream of energy which will flower when male and female partners unite.

3. Black background outlined with gold: in Tibetan nag tang. As with the red background tangkas, other colors are sometimes used as shown in figure 57. They are a highly mystical and esoteric type, usually

Figure 57 Guhyamanjuvajra and consort.

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Chapter 4 Art Related to Scriptures

No less artistic and instructive than wall hangings and tangkas, in this section I look at a variety of scripture production methods and the items on which they appear. These include book covers, transport boxes, and woodblocks used for printing. The question also arises as to where these scriptures were likely to have been read and studied. And so, I also examine what is, and is not, a reading desk.

The scripture books were either printed using wood blocks or else lettered by hand. The most notable of the hand lettering examples I have seen uses Himalayan paper, painting it black and then hand scribing the scriptures in either gold or silver ink.

About 500 pages of hand-lettered texts were saved from the Chinese era of destruction, 1950-1966. The scriptures had been hidden away in a cave and for years were guarded by monks. These texts, comprising about 12 differentbooks, all lettered in silver ink, are from the Labrang

Monastery. Their size is rather uniform, being approximately 20 to 21 inches by 5½ inches in size; however, the title pages are smaller and vary in size with the smallest at 17 inches by 5 inches. The sizing is important when looking at some of the other items associated with the scriptures, including the transport boxes, the woodblocks used for printing and the reading desks.

The pages (figure 59) of the books are lettered on both sides, with the exception of the title page. The intent while reading these books was to place the entire book, which is a collection of loose pages, on a reading desk at the farthest point from the reader. The title page is then removed from the stack and placed printed side down, after which the first page is ready to read. After reading the first page it is placed face down on the back side of the title page and the next two pages are ready for reading.

Figure 59 Two adjoining pages of Buddhist teachings – hand-lettered in silver ink on Himalayan paper.

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The surviving collection of woodblocks used to print scriptures ranges from the 16-page Manjushri Sutra to the two-page Mantra of Increasing Grains and Wealth. The Manjushri Sutra consists of eight boards, carved on both sides. At the end of each board are indexing marks that indicate the order of printing. I find it hard to imagine carving these wood blocks; the Tibetan text is in a mirror image and there are hundreds of letters on each side of the block. (If you are going to have a slip of the hand/carving tool and have to start over, it is best to have it early on.) I have not identified the contents of all the different wood blocks and also do not have a good idea of their age. When I inquired about any oral history, all I received was a shrug of the shoulders and was told no one knows. The woodblocks’ size is uniformly 19 inches by 4 inches.

Figure 60 is the title side of the Mantra of Increasing Grains and Wealth, written in Tibetan script, but using Tibetan phonetics for Sanskrit. It starts out with a greeting of utmost respect and then reads phonetically “Arya gha na randa bha ya ha ran a ma” the exact meaning of which

I do not know. Figure 61 is a print made from the block.

Figure 62 is the text side of the woodblock in Tibetan. It translates from the Sanskrit as, “The treasury storehouse of precious grains, the lord of all the Bodhisattva. The Mantra of Increasing Grains and Wealth. Homage to the Lord of all Bodhisattvas! The Treasury storehouse and prosperity: give charitably six grains and the Lord of Wealth, a king who belongs to all beings, a splendor of the external world, a good donor and Chief of the Pure Land will generously contribute to all the immeasurable servants who chant this mantra by heart and pray for the blessing of this mantra, which is the fulfilling of boundless wealth.” This is followed by the actual mantra which reads:

OM RET NA GA NA GA NA WA TU, RET NE WA, GU RU GU RU, ZU RU ZU RU, MU RU MU RU, GHA GHA GHA GHA, GHA GHA, GHA GHA, NA MO NA MA YE SO HA

Figure 63, page 64, is a print made from the woodblock.

Figure 60 Title page woodblock of Mantra of Increasing Grains and Wealth.

Figure 61 Print of title page.

Figure 62 The text side of the woodblock.

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lip around the entire end of the board shown in figure 71. This style remained in place until the 18th century.

The later boxes feature an increase in artistic sophistication, yet the sizes remain in the same range. From the 18th to the beginning of the 20th century the painted design at the ends of the boxes (figure 72) expand towards the bottom, displaying multiple borders surrounding a mantra that appears with this change. The mantra, written in Classic Tibetan is OM AH HUM, the body, speech and mind of Buddha, which is written in gold. Additionally a rectangular red or orange underlayment, albeit with a rounded scallop at the bottom, also arrives in this change. In the 20th century the scalloped

bottom disappeared, however the mantra remained. This design on the ends of the scripture transport boxes is similar to the title cloth tabs seen at the ends of Tibetan Buddhist books (figure 73) in the private library in Rong Wu. The library is open to the public; however it is financed privately by Tibetans. The books in the library consist of Buddhist scriptures and teachings and are loose leaf pages wrapped by a yellow cloth with the indexing/title cloth tabs at the ends. All of these scriptures would fit perfectly in any one of the surviving scripture transport boxes. A conclusion can be made that this size was a long standing standard for the region, as the hand-printed scriptures from Labrang Monastery also fit.

Figure 71 End design of 16th century scripture box. Figure 72 End design of 19th century scripture box.

Figure 73 Cloth-bound Tibetan Buddhist scripture books in library at Rong Wu with title tabs.

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Chapter 5 Art on Miscellaneous Media

Likewise artistic and instructive, the paintings in this chapter pose an intriguing question as to their purpose. Some, the paintings on glued-together boards always nearly square in shape, may have been used as pictorial examples of various teachers to include the Panchen Lama, Atisha and the Sakya Pandita. Others such as Vaisravana and White Dzambhala do not fit any assumptive category other than both being associated with spiritual and material wealth, even as their depictions are unique. There are also three different mandalas all produced in the same style on boards. The most mysterious of all was a set of five paintings on wood wherein the wood, a thin board about 1/8th inch thick, was set into an intricate locking frame. Unfortunately only two of these survive in good enough shape to be identified. Also included in this chapter are paintings on leather of Shakyamuni.

The three sets of paintings on wood, the Vaisravana/White Dzambhala set, the set of mandalas and the teachers set, are constructed like an offering cabinet door, with a brace on the back that runs perpendicular to the joined boards. This brace provides stability to the joined wood, preventing it from warping. Thin and finely woven cotton is glued to the boards, followed by a light coating of clay applied to the cloth, which is then sanded smooth. Afterwards it is painted with a water-based mineral pigment. The teachers’ paintings appear to include an added component such as glue, as the paint is more resistant to hydrocarbon solvents. All of the painted art from the Senge monasteries is somewhat resistant to hydrocarbons, while water or water-based cleaners/solvents of any type dissolve the mineral pigments immediately.

The Vaisravana, White Dzambhala and the mandalas all appear to be the same age, and painted at the same time, circa 1700. All are the same size of 14 1/8th inches square. Vaisravana and White Dzambhala are a set with the same borders, made the same way and by the same artist,

although the artist is unknown. Neither Vaisravana nor White Dzambhala are carrying their customary mongoose, and both are carrying implements of battle along with military emblems. The art work is exceptional.

White Dzambhala shown in figure 84 on page 74 is riding a green summer dragon while holding a war lance in his right hand replete with a blood-soaked yak tail and military banner. The green dragon is not an animal associated with war, but with weather. It is clutching a red jewel that can control weather or more specifically rain in its front claws. The dragon seems to want instructions from White Dzambhala. A Chinese military style banner hangs From White Dzambhala’s waist. His left hand holds a staff with a long scarf that is colored yellow-green on one side and red on the other that is flapping in the wind created by the dragon’s flight. White Dzambhala is definitely in the going-to-battle mode with a straight-on fixed gaze. Below the dragon is a set of cymbals, a conch horn filled with perfume and an auspicious mirror. The dragon is also auspicious in that it is a five-clawed dragon. The clouds in back of White Dzambhala’s nimbus are like fireworks of green, blue, red and brown. Most depictions of White Dzambhala are on a blue dragon, which is not a color generally associated with the Tibetan Buddhist dragon. There is one other contemporary depiction of White Dzambhala (figure 85 page 74) from the Senge monasteries that is riding a green dragon. It is absent any military paraphernalia.

The White Dzambhala’s Mantra is: OM PADMA TROTHA ARYA JAMBHALA SIDDHAYA HUM PHAT. Cultivating the White Dzambhala Practice enables the eradication of poverty and illnesses. It can eliminate karmic hindrances, thereby enhancing one’s positive karmic affinities and wealth. The practitioner cultivating this with formless charity while offering care for the suffering of other sentient beings will then find spiritual accomplishment.

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Figures 94 and 95 Magnifications of the landscape detail in the auras surrounding Sakya Pandita and the first Panchen Lama.

The last group of paintings on wood, according to oral history, was painted circa 1875. The styling of the joinery and the subject matter suggests a Chinese influence. There is no cloth on the boards, just the clay coating on the bare wood. The depiction of the center character is the key to understanding the origins and final intended recipient of the set of paintings.

The painting portrays three different emanations of Vajrapani (figure 96 page 81). The center emanation is not of Tibetan or any other mainstream Buddhist canon, lending to the probable commissioning of this painting by the Shaolin Monastery, famous as the monastery where Kung Fu originated.

Vajrapani is the patron saint of the Shaolin Monastery, which had developed its own mythological evolution of Vajrapani. The center figure may be that of a Shaolin monk named Sengchou (480-560). Sengchou gained supernatural fighting ability by praying to Vajrapani and feeding on raw meat.

The other, more likely option, is the Yaksha-Narayana manifestation of Guanyin (Avalokiteshvara) as Vajrapani which the Shaolin Monastery holds to, and generally seen with a staff. However in the 18th century the staff was done away with to conform to the Qing Dynasty’s desire that the monastery not pose a threat to the dynasty.

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Chapter 6 Monastic Furniture 1400-1988

In many ways the evolution of Senge monastic art and cabinetry go hand in hand. Throughout the centuries there has been cooperation between the cabinet maker and the artist. Regarding this furniture, a close look at the joinery used, which in the main has not changed for 600 years, along with trends in style, the introduction of drawers and different pulls for drawers and doors, show innovation and refinement that has stood the test of time.

Fortunately, many altars and offering cabinets survived the Chinese destruction of the 1950s and 60s. The invasion and genocidal killings by the Muslim army, or bandits as they are referred to in the Tibetan historical texts in 1928, killed more than half of the monks at the Senge monasteries. This left both monasteries with many unoccupied residential compounds. The vacancies still exist today, exacerbated by the People’s Liberation Army’s killings of unarmed monks as well as lay Tibetans in 1958. But with characteristic pragmatism the monks used these unoccupied compounds as storage facilities and workshops for the artists. The majority of the older altars and offering cabinets show signs that they were used as work benches, with splatters of paint and kyungbur gesso both on the tops and insides of the cabinets.

The target of the destruction was mainly the temples and halls at the Lower Senge Monastery; consequently, what had been transferred to these workshops managed to survive. In 2004-5 the Upper Senge Monastery razed the remaining residential compounds and new construction started (figure 100). One other factor in the furniture’s continued existence is that they are not easily portable, whereas statues, ritual items and tangkas were easy to stuff in a backpack and carry off. The furniture required more elaborate transport.

For an unknown reason the Lower Monastery’s residences did not suffer the magnitude of destruction that befell Ghomar and Thig Mo. Thig Mo was a part of the Lower Senge Monastery serving as a retreat center, and located three miles north of Senge, was unattached to any village. Tragically, distance failed to protect Thig Mo from total destruction. One possible reason for the obliteration of Thig Mo was its location at the far northern end of the valley, placing it directly in the path of Chinese armed forces and other groups moving in from the more populated areas of Xining. It was the first Buddhist monastery they would have encountered and the first to fall. More information about the other monasteries in the valley, including Ghomar and Thig Mo, can be found in chapter 9.

Figure 100 Upper Senge Monastery reconstruction.

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Figure 115 15th century altar with UV damaged painting. Size: 21 inches high by 25 inches wide and 15 inches deep.

Figure 116 Side view of figure 115.

Arriving in the 16th century, drawers were perhaps the biggest design advancement. Prior to that some frames were made with a perfect spot for a drawer… except that the drawers themselves were not there. What was there was a drop behind the front panels revealing a sunken bottom that made viewing and access of contents difficult. Indeed, design functionality for easy access to contents did not seem to be a major consideration for the cabinet makers until the mid 1800s. Until then, front panels next to doors and drawers made for spaces that were either inconvenient to access in the case of doors or extremely difficult to access in the case of drawers. Drawers adjacent to a panel would make for the perfect hiding place, as it would be necessary to completely remove the drawer to access the space behind the panel.

Exactly what led to drawers being discovered by the Senge cabinet makers is not known. A family of cabinet makers in the area has been making wood products for generations. Currently two brothers from this family are fabricating cabinets and doing woodwork there, however I was not able to locate them during my stay at the monastery. They may have been employed at the Rong Wu Monastery, which at the time was undergoing a massive reconstruction project using the same techniques as the original construction. Somehow they figured it out, or else they saw some drawers somewhere and then incorporated them into the small altars. The earliest

appearance of drawers for furniture dates back to 14th century Europe with a subsequent explosion of drawers in the 16th century. However, very little is written about drawers in Asia.

The drawers exhibit true engineering genius: the sides are attached to the fronts using dovetailing (figure 117) with the dovetails large enough to be stable in this soft wood. This dovetailing is evident in all of the drawers, from the earliest made in the 16th century to those of the mid 20th century.

Figure 117 Dovetails in drawer where side meets front.

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and a dark turquoise green to provide additional motion to the water. The panels next to the tortoise have a torma centered Four-Petaled Flower, and this is set in the center of a classic protection wheel representing the Dharma. This is only the second tortoise I have seen in Tibetan Buddhist art, (the other is on a torma stick discussed on pages 106-107) with both depictions occurring around the same time period. It carries no readily identifiable representation other than the Buddhist story of the tortoise that did not want to leave his home pond when he knew that a drought was coming and the pond would go dry. The tortoise ended up dying in the dried mud of the pond and is a story about attachment; the Tortoise was too attached to his pond to leave for a safer place. The tortoise is identified with Ananda, who was the first cousin of Shakyamuni and his loyal attendant. Ananda is considered imperfect because he mourned the deaths of Shakyamuni and Shakyamuni’s favorite disciple Shariputra. This plays to the attachment problem. A non-Buddhist may not understand mourning the death of a person that you love dearly as an imperfection of attachment. Death is the ultimate price to pay for attachment from one point of view; however in the Buddhist sense it just means you have to come back and get it right next time.

There is no record of any Dalai Lama ever visiting the Senge Monastery, althought various heads of the monastery did travel to meet with him a few times.

The cabinet is 31.5 inches tall, 32.5 inches wide and 14.75 inches deep. Judging by the width of the kyungbur it was made in the late 17th or very early 18th century. This

dating by kyungbur width would be in keeping with the first necessity of such a special cabinet for that special person, the Dalai Lama, as the monasteries’ conversion to Gelugpa occurred in the middle of the 17th century. There was no soot on this piece of furniture, which indicates that no butter lamps or incense were burned in the room in which it was kept. The room was never used.

Two late 17th century altars that seem to be part of an early transition to the 19th century styles had elements of both. The red and gold zigzag on the frame is a single element zigzag, not the multiple stacked zigzags seen in later pieces. The top T-wave is not fully carved but only the horizontal part, while the vertical part is painted. The panels are the monochrome kyungbur filled gold designs. The altar shown in figure 138 has green summer dragons on the doors with five claws clearly visible. This altar was painted after the Ming Dynasty was replaced by the Qing and the art may well express that transition. As mentioned earlier, the Ming had forbidden five-clawed dragon depictions and as the Senge monasteries were in a border area, that convention may have been expedient to observe. The Qing, though, did away with the five-clawed prohibition. The front has a rounded gold border framing the doors and each panel, as well as along the bottom of the frame. The art work displays several Chinese elements, the Chinese oak leaves on the small bottom panels with the green background, the head-on view of the dragon, as well as the flaming Cintamani (also the flame style) in the middle of the dragon’s sinuous body curves. The narrow tall panels next to the drawers feature a Chinese-style longevity symbol done in gold kyungbur on a red background. The kyungbur is still rather thin, though thicker than it was a century earlier.

Figure 138 Late 17th century offering cabinet with five-clawed dragon.

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The green summer dragon (figure 139) on the front doors is proudly displaying five highly visible claws on each foot and hand and is not clutching a rain producing Cintamani that might obscure the viewing of any one of his five claws. The five-clawed dragon was the most auspicious dragon depiction. Also unique in this image is how the red flames move along the entire underbelly of the dragon and onto his arms and legs, rather than the usual flaming joints where the arms and legs connect to the body. The frame to the right of the dragon shows the

single gold zigzag on a red background with very little wax and soot build-up. The dark spots representing the scales of the dragon is also a noted convention in the Senge portrayals of dragons that is seen in every known painting of a Senge style dragon. This spotting is also evident when the dragon is represented in the gold-filled kyungbur (figure 136, page 99), where the scales are depicted as small kyungbur dots within the outline of the dragon’s body.

Figure 139 Five-clawed summer dragon that is so happy about having five claws that he has forgotten to grab his Cintamani.

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Chapter 7 Prayer Wheels

Prayer wheels are an integral part of Tibetan culture and everyday life. Whether they are the small hand-held ones (referred to as mani wheels) or the large ones requiring a team effort to turn, prayer wheels are a manifestation of the Compassion Buddha’s holy speech. Turning the prayer wheel with bodhichitta motivation while reciting the six-syllable mantra will allow “one to collect more extensive merit to quickly achieve enlightenment than an arhat who abides for many years in the blissful state of peace for oneself alone.” (Lama Thubten Zopa Rinpoche) Bodhichitta motivation is a motivation of compassion that leads a person to enlightenment so they can help others by becoming a bodhisattva. The six-syllable mantra is OM MANI PADME HUM, as referred to in chapter 3.

Much has been written about prayer wheels, with enough contradiction within any given single historical account to cloud the truth. Many accounts credit the initial production or introduction of prayer wheels to Nagarjuna (150-250 AD), a philosopher similar to Shakyamuni, while also citing Shakyamuni Buddha, circa 5th century BC, as introducing or referencing them. The above quote referring to the six-syllable mantra being associated with the prayer wheel is also quite common in current texts. While most 20th and 21st century prayer wheels have the six-syllable mantra and this mantra is also noted on the hand-held mani wheels, the existing old prayer wheels I have seen, those more than 100 years old, do not include the six-syllable mantra. This I have witnessed not only in Rebgong, but in Lhasa at the Potala Palace and the Jokhang Temple. More commonly on the larger and older wheels is the ten-syllable Kalachakra. Also noted are secret and hidden mantras other than and in conjunction with the Kalachakra. These latter ones have obviously given way to the current convention of the six-syllable mantra of Avalokiteshvara. As noted in chapter 3 page 36, the early mantras documented containing the OM MANI PADME HUM, had extra syllables. It must be noted that I am not an expert on prayer wheels and can only give an account of what I have personally witnessed in my limited travels, observation and research.

A case could be made that the ten-syllable Kalachakra mantra was a more traditional mantra on large prayer

wheels, those that are not hand-held. “Chakra” has many definitions, most referencing a circle, center, spinning, or nerve plexuses within the body, and “kala” has to do with time. Consequently Kalachakra could be defined as a time-spinning/wheel. The archival records at the Lower Senge Monastery make two different references going back to the 17th century on constructing what is best translated to be a water time wheel, which would be a prayer wheel with the Kalachakra Tenfold Power Symbol that was powered by water. The oral history also affirms that at one time there was in fact a water-powered wheel at the monastery.

Inside the Senge village temple is a rather large prayer wheel (figure 168) that spins constantly thanks to the elders of the village volunteering their time to keep it in motion for the village’s benefit. The prayer wheel

Figure 168 Village elders work to turn a large prayer wheel in the village temple. The prayer wheel has several mantras.

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Chapter 7 Prayer Wheels Chapter 7 Prayer Wheels

does not have the six-syllable mantra on it; rather it has the Kalachakra and a secret mantra just below the Kalachakra. The village temple survived the destruction of the 1950s and 60s; in fact it was never discovered by the Chinese forces in 1958, which was fortunate for the villagers as they hid as many of their livestock as they could fit into the village temple to avoid the animals’ loss to the PLA, and thus avoided mass starvation and the need for breeding stock to replenish their decimated herds. The village temple is strictly for use by the villagers and entry is forbidden to any person not of the village. I was allowed entry to the temple and to take photographs, which is otherwise also forbidden.

Three smaller pre 20th century prayer wheels managed to survive Chinese destruction. Two of them have Tibetan text written on the frames. They are reasonably similar in their iconography. The one in best shape is shown in figure 169. Judging by the width of the kyungbur it is most likely an 18th century prayer wheel.

The frame has the entire Seven Limb Puja written on it with the preamble visualization. The visualization is the image one focuses on when saying this mantra; the object of this mantra is to awaken bodhichitta motivation and finally to become that bodhisattva, fully capable of helping others.

Figure 169 18th century prayer wheel. Size: barrel 13.75 inches high and 10.5 inches in diameter, while the frame is

24.25 inches high and 19.5 inches wide.

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Chapter 8 The Community of Senge Monastery and VillageChapter 8 The Community of Senge Monastery and Village

Figure 186 Construction of pounded-earth walls at a small hamlet south of Senge village.

These walls, even when not covered with stone, will last centuries. The main defensive walls of the old village are made this way, although they are much thicker and are estimated to be between 800 and 900 years old. Figure 187 shows the co-author, David, standing in an archway in the old village wall. The images of buildings and walls from the Golden Valley presented in this book many times show these pounded-earth walls. The bricks used in the newer buildings are from a large brick kiln facility at the north end of the valley, just beyond the ruins of Thig Mo Monastery. It should take but another decade for these pounded-earth walls to become a construction method of the past due to the brick factory, if it has not happened already, as the images used were all taken in 2006 and already most of the new construction was accomplished using brick.

Senge village and monasteries is a community, as is the greater Tibetan area. Everyone works together for the individual and for the common good, whether it is the lay people or the Buddhist monastic personnel. The fields and the herds are a part of the community. In the valley they grow cash crop grains and also rapeseed for oil, which is the yellow colored crop in figure 188 on page 125. Canola oil is produced from a variety of rapeseed.

Figure 187 Co-author, David Huber, standing in archway of old defensive wall in Senge Village.

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Chapter 8 The Community of Senge Monastery and VillageChapter 8 The Community of Senge Monastery and Village

In the common court, a large open area in the middle of the village, there is at the side an enclosure (figure 189) for the storage of straw and of yak or cow dung. Residents come and mix straw with the animal dung, fashioning them in to flat round patties (figure 190), which are dried on the walls below the school (figure 191).

From there they are stacked in the entrance ways to the residential compounds (figure 192) for use as fuel for cooking and heating. Most residences have a stone or brick oven close to the compound entrance that is used for bread baking. I also noticed some of these ovens in the alley ways of the village.

Figure 189 Enclosure at the side of the common courtyard of the village for storage of straw and animal dung for fuel patties.

Figure 190 Two women making the round fuel patties.

Figure 191 Fuel patties drying on an earth-pounded wall.

Figure 192 Dung fuel patties stacked in the entrance way to a residential compound.

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Chapter 9 The Other Monasteries of the ValleyChapter 9 The Other Monasteries of the Valley

Chapter 9 The Other Monasteries of the Valley

Thig Mo Monastery

Thig Mo Monastery was established in the middle of the 11th Rab byung on the Tibetan calendar, or approximately 1657, by the mantric initiate Lama Brag dkar. Thig Mo was one of the eighteen Sadhana retreat centers in Rebgong. The philosophy behind the Thig Mo retreat was based on the practices of mantric and sadhana. To better explain the terms…

• Mantric is the adjective of mantra, meaning a thought process from man to thought (as in an instrument of thought associated with a text or chant) and fulfillment;

• Sadhana is a means of accomplishing something, and/or the pursuit of a goal (most preferably a spiritual goal), via a tantric ritual or liturgy.

Therefore, Lama Brag dkar accomplished goals through the subtle energy process of connecting with the cosmos and imposing his will/thoughts on the cosmos. The monks at Thig Mo also practiced yoga of the Buddha Sugata, which is devoted to the pursuit of supernormal knowledge of past and future lives, and the extinction of mental intoxicants, as well as meditating on the master of secrets, Bhairava (annihilation of the ego) and the tantric activities of the Gelugpa sect.

Monks came to Thig Mo from five different villages: Bya wang lung, Rka sar, Brag dkar, Ghomar and Senge. The two main guardian deities of Thig mo were Palden Lhamo and Gnas Chung (also known as Dorje Drakden) a minor emanation of one of Pehar’s five forms. The deity Gnas Chung made his way from the Nyingma tradition into the Gelugpa by way of the 2nd Dalai Lama and was further embodied by the “Adamantine Melody” of the 5th Dalai Lama. To fully understand Dorje Draken and the entities’ place in Tibet the following short history will suffice. Padmasambhava, when consecrating the Samye Monastery, tamed a spirit called Pehar Gyalpo (gyalpo is Tibetan for king). Pehar was then put in charge of the entire hierarchy of protective spirits. Pehar, emanating as Dorje Draken, is the spirit of the Nechung Oracle, the Official Spirit that possesses whoever is designated to do the talking and prophesying as defined in chapter 2.

Thig Mo Monastery prospered in the works of sutra and tantra. To understand tantric practice, consider the following definition by David Gordon White of UC Santa Barbara. “Tantra is that Asian body of beliefs and practices which, working from the principle that the universe we experience is nothing other than the concrete manifestation of the divine energy of the godhead that creates and maintains that universe, seeks to ritually appropriate and channel that energy, within the human microcosm, in creative and emancipatory ways.” (Note 12) A sutra is, in the shortest of definitions, a written astute observation on a continuous thread of thought that is presented in a memorable form.

By the early 1830s the growing prosperity of Thig Mo disturbed the Dzogchen practitioner Chos dbyings stobs Idan; Dzogchen is from the Nyingma and Bon traditions and is basically a rejection of all forms of practice, as they only create more delusions and a reliance on one’s own mind which is naturally empty, luminous and pure. Of course this is a conundrum of sorts: if one practices Dzogchen, then he must reject this practice, obviously an untenable position in which to be.

Chos dbyings stobs Idan, out of sheer malice, suggested to tantric practitioners Yum ‘bum skyabs and Sgroi ma skyabs that they construct a pagoda (stupa) near the village that led straight to the Thig Mo Monastery, ostensibly for the sake of all people in Rebgong, and he supported them with financial help and architectural plans. The Stupa was as wrong (or right depending upon your desires) as one could hope to make a stupa and have it still look like a stupa. The location of the stupa directly in the path from the village to the monastery was also wrong, as were the stupa’s sides and shape; the result was that it not only failed to channel Buddha, but focused instead on his groin area. Understanding the male anatomy and its purposes, it is easy to see that emanations from this area are filled with desire and ego.

Consequently, shortly after the stupa was built, the monks started to quarrel with each other. Eventually the

Note 12 Tantra in Practice, by David Gordon White, page 9, published by Motilal Banarsidass

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the stupa was identified as the cause of increased testosterone and destroyed. It was after this that Thig Mo converted to a monastery, established by Ra ngan blob sang darr rgyas. It was populated primarily by monks from Ya ‘go village. Ya ‘go village no longer exists as far as I have been able to determine. At the bottom of Thig Mo Mountain, next to the bend of the river before it enters into the gorge, there stand a few scattered residences. Are these the remains of Ya ‘go village? Here, the sources disagree. One source supports this idea, while another maintains that it is the lowest part of Senge Village. However, based upon a close examination of the former source’s identification of other regional landmarks, my own knowledge of the local geography, and the absense of any other evidence to the contrary, I tentatively agree, for now, that this is likely to be the remains of Ya ‘go. It is unfortunate that this area experienced such a period of wanton murder and destruction, and so few survived to relate its more recent history.

The monastery was completely destroyed in March of 1958 by the People’s Liberation Army. What is left now are a few remnants of walls (figure 194) and shards of the turquoise roofing tiles that had been donated to the monastery in 1723 (figure 195). The grounds of the monastery and the area immediately surrounding it have been turned into a terraced herb farm.

There is a pile of stones, with a large stone that has Shakyamuni carved on it along with a mani stone. The pile was placed there one stone at a time from people coming and placing a single stone on the pile, signifying “I remember you” in reference to the monks that were killed at the monastery (figure 196). There is also a vertically stacked set of large flat black rock mani stones (figure 197, page 130) a short distance away from the pile of remembrance stones; I do not know the purpose of these stones at this location. To really appreciate this stack of black stones, a side view is needed (figure 198).

Figure 194 The ruins of Thig Mo, just a few remnants of pounded-earth walls. See page 29 for a full view of the ruins.

Figure 195 Shards of turquoise roofing tiles. Figure 196 Memorial mound of stones.

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Chapter 10 Tibetan Buddhist Symbolism in Art used at Senge MonasteryChapter 9 The Other Monasteries of the Valley

Mare’s Tail Cumulus Clouds

Mare’s tail cumulus clouds (figure S15) are quite common in Tibet. The significance of these fast moving clouds and the pure clarity of the sky is metaphorically an illustration of the Buddha Mind. Clouds may come and go across the heavens, like the transitory thoughts or delusions which appear to obscure the mind’s true nature, yet the nature of the sky remains unchanged. This is like the mirror, which is always unaffected by the appearances which arise in it; so too is the sky clear, transparent, infinite and immaculate.

Figure S15

Medicine Bowl

The medicine bowl is a vehicle of Bhaisajyaguru, known as the King of Healers or the Most High Healer. Meditating on him or his vehicle creates great therapeutic energy, which is useful for healing oneself and others. The medicine inside the bowl is gorocana, literally cow essence. The idea is to remove poisons on the physical as well as the spiritual plane. Healing can take place only if behind the meditation is the desire to purify a specific poison. In this sense, being freed from physical suffering means also being freed from suffering on all other levels and the goal is not only temporary relief, but healing in the ultimate sense. The medicine bowl is a blue iron bowl; the significance of the blue is that it represents the destruction of ignorance and delusion. In figure S16 the red scarf laid over the bowl would signify the transmutation of that delusion and ignorance, or what is commonly referred to as passion, into the active verb of compassion.

Figure S16

Mirror

The mirror is an ancient Buddhist symbol for clarity, completeness of perception, and purity of consciousness. A mirror reflects a thing objectively, but what we see in the mirror is not the thing itself. Because the object is not seen directly, it may be seen more accurately, more clearly, without judgment and with greater perspective. This can lessen the tendency to see a thing as fixed or solid and encourage better understanding. The mirror, or perception, more effectively propels the mind toward insight and compassion than mere argument or lecture.

Whether something is beautiful or ugly, or good or evil, the mirror passes no judgment and is unaffected by the image; similarly, pure consciousness is unaffected by the beauty or ugliness, or good or evil nature of thoughts which arise and pass. Like a reflection in a mirror, their essence is void, without substance. Like a wild animal that sees and attacks an apparent rival in its own reflection in a still pool, the mind self-identifies with its own projected imagery.

The five small circles of the mirror in figure S17 make it a divination mirror; the five circles form a cross and symbolize the Five Buddha Wisdoms.

Figure S17

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Chapter 10 Tibetan Buddhist Symbolism in Art used at Senge Monastery Chapter 10 Tibetan Buddhist Symbolism in Art used at Senge Monastery

Eight Auspicious Symbols

The Eight Auspicious Symbols shown in figure S84 are also referred to as the Eight Symbols of Good Fortune, one of the oldest groupings among Tibetans, going back to the Sanskrit or Pali texts of Indian Buddhism. This grouping comes from The Heap of Good Fortune Sutra, which gives poetic reference to them. Loden Sherab Dagyab Rinpoche provides a wonderful translation of this reference in his book Buddhist Symbols in Tibetan Culture, as follows:

“Veneration to you with your head like a protecting parasol of good fortune,With eyes like the precious golden fishes of good fortune,With a neck like a precious adorned vase of good fortune,With a tongue like an open lotus leaf of good fortune,With speech like a right-spiraling Dharma shell of good fortune,With a mind like a radiant, glorious knot of good fortune,With hands like precious excellent jewels of good fortune,With a body like a precious, imperishable victory sign of good fortune,With feet that possess the wheel of good fortune of enlightened activity,The eight auspicious things are the best of excellent realizations,May every good fortune of these eight precious thingsAllow good fortune to rain down on us here and now. May there ever be well-being through these signs.”

There are nine things listed in these verses; in addition to the generally recognized Eight Auspicious Symbols the oddball item listed in the verse is jewels, or Cintamani, making the ninth item, even though the verse proclaims eight items of good fortune. For this no explanation is offered. Before getting into a description of the eight items we must also note another discrepancy in what is generally depicted versus what is described according to Sanskrit text. The wheel of good Figure S84fortune, always depicted as the eight-spoked Dharma Wheel, according to textural reference should have one thousand spokes. This is also the textural description of the seventh Precious Possession of Chakravartin: a gold wheel with one thousand spokes. By the convention of common usage, the wheel of good fortune is rendered as the eight-spoked Dharma Wheel. Likewise the parasol is to have one thousand pieces of wood, like spokes that support the covering. However it is generally depicted with just four supports.

The Parasol (Sanskrit chattra: Tibetan gdugs)

The parasol’s symbolism is not mysterious; parasols in common usage protect from sun and rain. The parasol and the shade it casts symbolize wisdom. Its hanging skirt indicates compassion, so the parasol (figure S85) becomes a symbol of protection from the painful heat of the suffering humans endure that results from the spiritual poisons of desire, hate, greed and ignorance.

Figure S85

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Chapter 10 Tibetan Buddhist Symbolism in Art used at Senge Monastery

Ming Dynasty prohibits 90Garuda 153makara 81naga 134

[explanation and image] 156Naga 39Phoenix

[explanation & image] 157[image on doors] 96

Snow Lion[explanation and image] 158

Zipak 66–67[explanation and image] 160–161

realbat 149blood smeared on lips 8buffalo 149–150camel 150

reason not in zodiac 150cuckoo - oral history 5deer 103, 151elephant 152fish 152golden pheasant 90leopard 154

leopard skins 51mongoose

[explanation] 155[image of scripture box] 67

monkey 102, 150mouse (or rat) 150peacock

[expanation & image] 156[image on doors] 95

pheasant[explanation and images] 157

rabbit 102snake 150

thermophis Baileyi 9tiger

[explanation and images] 159tiger skins 51white tiger 54–55white tiger [image] 56

tortoise 99–100[explanation and images] 159

yakblood drenched yak tail 75blood soaked yak’s tail 55[explanation and images] 160grazing in hills 8

annihilation of the ego 128arhat 2artistic canon (Tibetan Buddhist)

current recognized canon 45disparity of 45Granting Precious Jewel of Dimension/Proportions 53

IndexSymbols

3 jewels of Buddhism 10. See also Cintamani6 directions 2518 armies

Bon practitioners 34Bo Tibetans 18 divisions 13names list (partial) 7oral history 5waiting orders on frontier 8

18 clansblood oaths to divine emperors 8leaders vie for power 8

108 (holy number) 49

A

Akshobhya 26. See also Buddha, AkshobhyaGuhyasamaja depicted in place of 49

Amitabha 26, 36, 43, 117, 172, 173. See also Bud-dha, Amitabha

Lord of the Lotus family 172mandala 76mandala [image] 77peacock supports throne of 156statue of Songtsen Gambo 36

Amitayus. See also Buddha, Amitayus[image] 43royal version of Amitabha 117

Amoghasiddhi 26[image] 44

amrita[definition] 50fell on some kusha grass 153myrobalan or cherry plum [ingredients] 71transmutation of poison into 156vase containing 156

Ananda 100animals

animal jaw bones with Tibetan inscriptions 133mythical

dragonauspicious five-clawed dragon 73blue dragon 73creature of great creative power 151–152dragon riding bodhisattva 81five-clawed 69four claws (manuscript cover image) 70golden and turquoise 36green summer dragon 73scales of (kyungbur depiction) 99

dragon five-clawed

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bell 170Bengal quince 138Bhairava 128Bhaisajyaguru

other names 141Bhumisparsha 49. See also mudra, Bhumisparshabig bang theory

reference to Infinite Knot 165Bilva fruit 138Bird of Paradise 157Bodhicharyavatara 48Bodhichitta motivation 114

Seven Limb Puja 115–116bodhisattva 38, 48, 49, 63

dragon riding bodhisattva 81Shadakshari Lokeshvara 48

boiling human fat 144Bon

Dzogchen 128historical text Drakpa Lingdrak 150persecution of 150swastika {bend of legs} 145swastika box 34traveler’s protection cards 34–35Yeshe Walmo deity protector 147

bow and arrow 82Brahma 49, 176

offers Shakyamuni gift 167Brahmin 20–21Buddha

Akshobhya 26Guhyasamaja often is depicted 49helpful in overcoming anger 49painting [image] 40–41the Immovable 49

Amitabha 26Amithaba Pure Land 38seed syllable hrīḥ 77

Amitayus[image] 43[image in tangka~attendant] 58

Amoghasiddhi 26double dorje associated with 139[image] 44manifested in sense offering 138multiple arms and heads 43

Bhaisajyaguru 38Dorje Chang 27, 180Guhyasamaja

[image with consort] 42mirror in his hand 42

Kanakamuni 71Maitreya 49

a disciple of Buddha Ratna-chattra 69becomes ruller of Manorama Paradise 49

squiggly lines (in aura)[image of canon] 53

three lines on the neck 48arupaloka 144asama 154asana

Alida 51, 106characteristic of wrathful deities 81

chapasthana or bow position 81diamond 58Pratyalida Powerful Kick 106Vajrasana 70

Ashoka 173throne 70

Ashoka blossom 103Atisha

authorizes water as offering 142Buddhism strengthened 11originator of the lamrim 27prayer flags introduced by 153

attachment 21, 100in skyab dro 70[part of table] 26root cause 158tortoise 107, 159

Avalokiteshvara 58108 emanations of 48Avalokiteshvara Hall (8th century) 36Avalokiteshvara Temple (1980) 31incarnation of (statue) 36on prayer wheels 114, 117other emanations

Cintamanicakra 39Ekadashamukha 52

seed syllable hrīh [w/image] 77Shadakshari Lokeshvara 48six-syllable mantra 49six-syllable mantra history 36six-syllable mantra in Holy text 72Yaksha-Narayana manifestation 80

B

bael fruit 49, 138offering 55

Bao’anlocation with map reference 1–2military outpost 13

Bardo 21Bari Lotsawa [image] 54barley stalk 82Bats 149Beijing

Chinese capital move to 15Wuta Si Temple construction 15–16

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