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Cutrone, The Liturgical Setting of the Institution Narrative in the East Syrian Tradition
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5/19/2018 Cutrone, The Liturgical Setting of the Institution Narrative in the East Syrian Tradition
1/6
6
The
Liturgical Setting of
The Institution Narrative
in
the
Early Syrian
Tradition
Emmanuel
Cutrone
SINCE THE 1966 PUBLICATION
1
OF THE MAR ESA lA TEXT OF THE
ANAPHORA OF
Addai
and
Mari by William Macomber debate has continued over the
presence of
an
institution narrative in the early Syrian eucharistic
prayer
2
Macomber comparing Addai
and
Mari with Maronite Sharar
concludes that the ancient eucharistic prayer did have the narrative
which
was
removed
at
a much later date Others have argued that the
Mar Esa
ya
text of Addai and Mari is a true representation of a tradition
which did not originally have the narrative Recently
E
Mazza has add-
ed his voice to those who maintain that the Syrian eucharistic tradition
knew an anaphora which did not contain an institution narrative
He
concludes that
as
late as 392 in Antioch Theodore of Mopsuestia com-
ments
on
a eucharistic prayer without
any
mention of the words Christ
spoke
at
the Last Supper
5
Since Sharar
an
anaphora which shares antiquity with Addai
and
Mari
and
postolic
onstitutions
VIII
which is contemporary with Cyril
of Jerusalem
and
Theodore of Mopsuestia are two Syrian anaphoras
which certainly have the narrative it
must
be demonstrated that in the
same liturgical tradition some anaphoras
had
the narrative while others
did
not this cannot be done then it seems that those who argue for the
continual presence of the narrative must
be
correct
and
the evidence of
5/19/2018 Cutrone, The Liturgical Setting of the Institution Narrative in the East Syrian Tradition
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106 THE INSTITUTION NARRATIVE
Cyril of Jerusalem and Theodore of Mopsuestia must
be
read differently
from above.
J.-P. Audet sparked a new line of inquiry with his structural analysis
of Jewish prayer forms as the basis for Christian eucharist.
6
Many have
amplified
and
redefined this line of research? Thomas Talley s clarifica
tion of the distinction between
eulogein and
eucharistein
and
his structu
ral
and
thematic analysis have made major contributions to the under
standing of the early evolution of Christian eucharist.
8
As profitable
as
this has been, there still is not agreement
on
the place of the institution
narrative in the early development of the anaphora. The research seems
to indicate that there is nothing in the structure of the prayer which ei
ther demands
or
eliminates the inclusion of the narrative. While strong
arguments have been
made in
both directions,9 it seems necessary to
move the investigation elsewhere.
Beginningwith the New Testament,10 it seems clear that, from the very
start, the institution narrative was part of eucharistic worship. Leon
Dufouris the latest voice to present a strongargument that theinstitution
narratives come into Scripturefrom two different liturgical traditions: the
Antiochene: I Corinthians 11:23-26/Luke
22:15-20
(Pl/Lk)
and
the Mar
kan: Mark 14:22-25/Matthew
26:26-29
(Mark/Matthew).l1 This is biblical
v i ~ n that in the most influential center of the Syrian church, Antioch,
the Institution narrative was used in a liturgical setting prior to the com
positionof I Corinthians. But this does not necessarily mean that the nar
rative was incorporated into the eucharistic prayer. Even though Leon
~ u r
does discuss various types of religious meals
and
gives special
Importance to the todah meal, he refuses to specify the liturgical
manner
in which the narrativewas used or to suggest any particularsof the struc
ture of the eucharistic prayer. Of course, the passages as given are not
blessings
or a ny
other form of prayer; they truly are narratives.
But
since they are descriptive of a salvific event, they could have been incor
porated into a larger prayer context as
an
embolism, but they could
not
have s tood alone as a prayer. As an embolism the use would have been
limited to special occasions, but not the weekly eucharistic liturgy,13 Bou
ley suggests that they first functioned as Christian haggadah. 4
Whereas Ignatius of Antioch
5
makes reference to both eucharist and
agape, he does not even allude to the institutionnarrative. Didache 9
and
10 give texts of prayers which most agree have the structure
and
content
of a valid eucharistic prayer, yet the narrative is not found. Since Addai
and
Mari does not have the eucharistic words, this means that in the Syr
ian tradition the first time the institution narrative appears outside of
Scripture isin theanaphora ofSharar which isa companionprayer to the
anaphora ofAddai and Mari dating from at least the third century.16
The Narrative in Sharar
the liturgical setting of the institution narrative in the Syrian tradi
tion is the eucharistic prayer, the earliest witness to that narrative should
reflect strong influence of the Antiochene tradition (Pl/Lk). The text of
the narrative as it appears in Sharar follows:
Inthe night in which you
were betrayed to
the Jews, Lord, you took bread
in
your pure
and holy
hands and
lifted your eyes to heaven
to
your glori
ous
Father; you blessed, sealed, sanctified, Lord, broke, and gave it to
your
disciples
the
blessed Apostles,
and
said to
them
This
bread
is
my
body,
which is broken and given for the life of the world, and will be
to
those
who take i t for forgiveness of debts and pardon of sins;
take
and eat from
it, and it will be to you for eternal life. Likewise
over
the
cup
Lord, you
praised, glorified, and said, This cup is my
blood
of t he n ew covenant,
which is
shed
for many for forgiveness
of
sins; take and drink from it, all
of
you
and
it will be to
you
for pardon
of
debts and forgiveness of sins, and
for eternal life.
Amen
As often asyou
eat
from this
holy
body and drink
from this cup
of
life
and
salvation,
you
will
make the
memorial of
the
death and
resurrection
of
your Lord, untilthe great day
of
his coming.
17
Obviously this text does not come from Scripture, nor does it appear
to be a simple expansion of theAntiochene (Pl/Lk) tradition.
An
analysis
of the text indicates the following: 1 The bread
and
the cup statements
are constructed so that the description of the action is parallel. Both state
ments have a relative clause after the identification: ... my body
which
is
broken
and
given ...
my
blood of the new covenant,
which
i s shed for
many ... Both statements say that the elements are for the forgiveness of
s ns
Both statements are accompanied
by
a directive,
take
and
eat
from
it, and it will be to you for eternal life ... take and drink from itall ofyou
and
it wi ll be to
you
for pardon of debts
and
forgiveness of sins,
and
for
eternal life. Neither the Antiochene (Pl/Lk) nor the Markan (Mk/Mt)
narratives parallel their statements in this fashion. 2 The account draws
from all four of the biblical narratives,
and
not just one tradition,
and
at
t imes includes things that are found in none of the four accounts. The
bread statement, took ... blessed ... broke ...
and
gave to
your
disciples
... is closer to the Markan tradition (Mk/Mt). This bread is
my
body
is in none of the biblical accounts. And the statement which follows,
which isbroken
and
given ... is from the Antiochene tradition (Pl/Lk).
The cup statement definitely favors Mark/Matthew. Sharar s This
cup
is
my
blood of the new covenant ... is closer toMark s, This is ... blood
. .. thanto
Paul/Luke
which has, Thisis ... covenant ... Nowhere in
Sharar is found anything close to the command, Do this for
my
remem-
5/19/2018 Cutrone, The Liturgical Setting of the Institution Narrative in the East Syrian Tradition
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The passages agree that it is proper to assign
an
important liturgical
function to a visiting bishop. But the passages also differ because the
cup
described in
Didascalia
12?
First the text of the passage: in Funk the
Latin reads, Et in gratia agenda ipse dicat; si autem,
cum
sit prudens et
honorem tibi reservans, non velit, supercalicemdicat 21 Brock translates
the section as follows:
. .. i f a b ishop, le t
him
sit
with the
bishop,
a nd be
allowed
the
same honor
with himself; and thou, 0 bishop, shalt desire him
to
speak to the people
words of
instruction ... Thou shalt also permit him
to
offer the Eucharist;
but
if,
out o f
reverence
to
thee, and a s a wis e man,
to
preserve the honor
belonging to thee,
he
will not offer, at least
thou
shalt compel him to give
the
blessing to the people.
26
109
MMANUEL
J
CUTRONE
And i he
(the visiting minister) is a bishop, let
him
sit with
the
bishop,
who
should accord to him the honor of his rank, even as himself. And
do
you, the bishop, invite him to give a homily to your people . .. And when
you
offer the oblation, let him speak
the
words;
but
if he is wise and gives
the
honor to i fu
and
is unwilling to offer, at least let him speakthe words
over the cup.
The passage calls for proper respect to a visitingbishop, who is to be
offered a very important function within the liturgical celebration. Brock
does not comment
on
the passage,
but
his translation suggests thismean
ing: when the eucharistic prayer is said the visiting bishop should
be
in
vited to speak that portion of the prayerwhich recalls the words ofJesus
at the Last Supper, but i he prudently declines this honor, he should at
least speak the cup statement of the eucharistic prayer. This suggests a
concelebration. F.x. Funk interprets the passage differently. He thinks it
means that the visiting bishop should be invited to recite the complete
eucharistic prayer,
but
if not the whole prayer, then
at
least the words
over the chalice.
23
Connolly thinks that this
cup
blessing is in a totally
different liturgical celebration.
He
says that the tactful visiting bishop,
who refuses to offerthe eucharistic prayer, should
at
least offer the bless
ingoverthe
cupat
the agape 24
Theparallel passage in postolicConstitutions II,7 can be helpful in un
derstanding the nature of this
cup
blessing. Books I-IV of postolic Consti-
tutions
are, for the most part, a reproduction of Didascalia with minor
changes reflecting liturgical evolution.
25
As a rule, then, when
postolic
Constitutions agreeswith
Didascalia
there hasbeen a continuationof the li
turgical tradition.Theydisagreewhen therehas been a liturgical change.
The parallel passage to
Didascalia
12
is as follows:
brance ... which is unique to Paul/Luke.
On
the whole, then, the narra
tive as it appears in Sharar does not come under the heavy influence
of
the Antiochene biblical narratives
as
mightbe expected.
Conclusions. There is widespread agreement among biblical scholars
that the institution narrative (Pl/Lk) has a liturgical setting
in
Antioch
prior to the writing of I Corinthians.
Our
analysis of the anaphora of
Sharar strongly indicates that the narrative was not originally
in
the eu
charistic prayer from
New
Testament times because i i t were
we would
expect to find the early textual tradition of the anaphora heavily influ
enced
by
that Antiochene tradition (Pl/Lk). But as we have seen above,
that is not the case. t is possible, then, that the original setting of the in
stitution narrative was outside the eucharistic prayer. A suggestion will
be
made
below. At a rather early date
under
influencesbeyond the Anti
ochene tradition a narrative was incorporated into the anaphora of Shar
ar,
but
not into the Addai
and
Mari, so that
at
one
and
the same time the
Syrian liturgy knew a eucharistic tradition which sometimes
did and
sometimes
did
notinclude the narrative
in
the eucharistic prayer. Indica
tions are that this condition remained
down
through Cyril
in
Jerusalem
8
and
Theodore in Antioch.
9
Liturgical Use
of
the
Narrative Another
Possibility
While several Church Fathers do appeal to the institution narrative
as
they discuss the eucharist, none of these early authors clearly place the
narrative within the eucharistic prayer. When Justin Martyr quotes the
words, this is my body ... thisis
my
blood ... 20 he isnot describing the
baptismal eucharist found
in
I pology 65
or
the Sunday celebration
elaborated in I pology
67 but
he is explaining the special character of
the elements received at communion.
I
pology 66
has any ritual con
text, it must
be
the communion rite,
and
not the eucharistic prayer. Simi
larly, the direct references to the narrative in Cyril s
Mystagogical
Cateche-
ses
IV and Theodore s Mystagogical
Catecheses
IV 1-14 also address the
nature ofthe elementsand the food ofcommunion.When Cyril
and
The
odore discuss the eucharistic prayer no reference is made to the narra
tive. Like Justin, their comments are independent of the anaphora. This
suggests that the earliest liturgical setting of the institution narrative
was
in o ~ t i o n with the communion rite
and
not the eucharistic prayer.
There Ssome further evidence that points in this direction.
Didascalia postolorum12
and
the parallel passage in postolic onstitu-
tions
II givewitness to a blessingwhich should be allowedonly to a visit
ingbishop. In
Didascalia
the blessingis over the cup,
and
in
postolicCon-
stitutions the blessing is over the people. What is this blessing over the
108 THE INSTITUTION NARRATIVE
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When the
bishop has
concluded the Eucharistic Prayer
in
this way, he bless-
es the
people
and wishes them peace; all present make the usual
response
with
heads bowed in
due reverence
When the prayer is completed and a ll a re in
tent on receiving Holy Communion, the Church herald proclaims Let us at-
tend ... The bishop announces What is holy for the holy. For our Lord s body
and
blood, which are
our
food, are indeed
holy and
immortal
and
full of
holiness, since
the Holy
Spirit
has
come down
upon them
. .. This i s why
the
bishop says: What is holy
for
the holy, and urges everyone to recall the
dignity ofwhat is laid on the altar ...
30
What was previously a blessing over the cup for communion has now
become a blessing of the people which Theodore describes as for peace.
I
am
correct that the original blessing over the cup served the purpose
of identifying the nature of the elements, a change
in
that practice would
be possible if the elements were sufficiently identified at another place in
the eucharistic liturgy. As-we know from Apostolic Constitutions VIII, the
eucharistic prayer now has an institution narrative which offers very spe
cific identification of the elements as the body and blood ofChrist for for
giveness of sins and for covenant. The conclusion of
B
Spinks on sacri
fice in the East Syrian anaphora is also very suggestive. He sees a
ing, or memorial. This prayer, over the bread and the cup, is a commun
ion prayer. The theme of the prayeris the Passover of Christ to which the
communicant can identify by receiving the elements. As such it serves
the important function of identifying the eucharistic elements in much
the same way Justin did in I Apology 66 and Cyril and Theodore did in
the
Mystagogical
Catecheses The themes here are similar to portions of the
narrative that appear in Sharar, ...
my
blood of the new covenant which
is shed for many for forgiveness of sins; take and drink from it, all of
you,
and
it will be to you for pardon of debts and forgiveness of sins,
and for eternal life. Such a prayer would fit the category of a blessing
over the cup that is described in Didascalia 12 Even though there is no
textual evidence, a variation
on
this communion prayer could very well
have included the institution narrative. this is the case, the early Syrian
eucharistic tradition knew a communion blessing which at least con
tained themes from the Passover of Christ and possible the institution
narrative.
As indicated above, by the time of
Apostolic
Constitutions this blessing
ofthe cup became a blessing of the people. In the Mystagogical Catecheses
of Theodore there is specific mention of a blessing of the people after the
eucharistic prayer and before communion. The explanation of that bless
ing by Theodore contains themes similar to those found in the prayer of
Jude Thomas.
111MMANUEL
J
CUTRONE
blessing over the cup in Didascalia has become a blessing over the people
in
Apostolic
Constitutions
The context indicates that this blessing takes
place within the eucharistic celebration, and not at another liturgical
gathering. Even though the agape is still practiced at this time
27
there is
no indication in Apostolic Constitutions tha t the blessing refers to the
agape. In Book VIII there is further evidence that a visiting bishop was
assigned four eulogies at the eucharistic celebration.
28
Thus, it isnot unu
sual to have the presiding bishop share different prayers of the eucharis
tic liturgy with a visiting bishop, a condition already practiced at the
time of Didascalia This
l s s i n ~
originally of the cup and later of the
people, must have taken place dUring the eucharistic celebration, and not
during
the agape.
On
the strength of the paralle l passage in
Apostolic
Constitutions 11 Didascalia 12
can be interpreted as follows: the visiting
bishop is invited to pray the eucharistic prayer, but if he refuses to say
the eucharistic prayer, let him then at least say the blessing over the cup,
which is a blessing that takes place at another time, but still within the
eucharistic celebration. Is it possible to identify this blessing further?
There is evidence in the Syrian li turgical tradit ion of prayers
and
blessings which are directly related to the distribution of the elements.
First of all, the Acts ofJude Thomas gives a description of a blessing
at
the
table with the newly baptized.
And after they had been baptized and were come
up he brought bread
and the mingled cup; and spake a blessing over it and said: The holy
Body, which was crucified for our sake, we eat, and Thy life-giving Blood,
which was shed for our sake, we drink. Let thy Body be to us for life, and
thy Blood for the remission of sins. For the gall which thou drankestfor us,
let the bitterness of our enemy be taken away from us. And for thy drink
ing
vinegar for
our
sake, let
our
weakness be strengthened.
And
(for)
the
spit which thou didst receive for us, let us receive
thy
perfect life. And be
cause Thou didst receive the crown of thorns for us, let us receive from
thee the crown that withereth not. And because Thou wast wrapped in a
linen cloth for us, let us be girt with Thy mighty strength, which cannot be
overcome. And because Thou was buried in a
new
sepulchre for
our
mor
tality, let us too receive intercourse with thee
in
Heaven.
And
as
Thou
didst arise, let us be raised, and let us stand before Thee at
the
judgment of
truth. And he
brake the Eucharist,
gave
to Vizan and Tertia, and to Mana
shar
and Sifur
and
Mygdonia
a nd t o t he
wife and
daughter
of Sifur and
said: Let this Eucharist be to
you
for life and rest and joy and health, and
for the healing ofyour soul and ofyour bodies. and they said, Amen;,,29
110 THE INSTITUTION NARRATIVE
This prayer, which is a series of petitions, does not correspond to any
known structure of a eucharistic prayer. There is no blessing, thanksgiv-
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Notes
now
be understood as the first anaphora
in
the Syrian tradition to incor
porate the institution narrative into the eucharistic prayer. But for a long
time the Syr ian tradition was satisfied to leave the narrative as a com
munion statement. This explains a tradition known by Cyril of Jerusa
lem and Theodore of Mopsuestia who seem to be the last witnesses of
an
earlier form of the eucharistic prayer. By the fifth century the narra
tive migrates from the communion statement into the eucharistic prayer.
Only the Anaphora of Addai and Mari remains as a vest ige of an an
cient tradition.
1.
William F. Macomber, ''The Oldest Known Text
of
the Anaphora of the
Apostles Addai and Mari,
Orientalia Christiana
Periodica 32 (1 6) 335-371.
2.
For the bibliography on Addai and Mari prior to 1966, confer my article,
' 'The Anaphora of the Apostles: Implications ofthe Mar Esa 'ya Text, Theological
Studies 34 1973 624642;
and
for a good presentation of the present issues see,
Brian
D.
Spinks,
Addai
and
Mari the
Anaphora
of
the Apostles:
A Text for Students
GroveLiturgical Study
24
(Bramcote Notts, 1980).
3.
William Macomber, ''The Maronite
and
Chaldean Versions
of
the Anaph
ora
ofthe
Apostles, Orientalia
Christiana
Periodica 37 1971 55-84; ''The Ancient
Form of
the
Anaphora of the Apostles, East of Byzantium:
Syria and
Armenia
in
the Formative Period (Dumbarton Oaks Symposium, 1980) (Washington D.e,
1982) 73-88.
4. Herman Wegman, Genealogie hypothetiques de la priere eucharis
tiques, Questions liturgiques 61 1980 263-278.
5. Mazza concludes, Non abbiamo elementi per dire che la liturgia com
mentata
da
Teodoro avesse il racconto dell'istituzione, inteso come racconto
dell'ultima cena che comporta le parole stesse del Signore. Enrico Mazza, La
Struttura dell'anafora nelle Catechesi
di
Teodoro
di
Mopsuestia, Presiedere
alIa
Caritti: Studi
in
onore di S E
Mons
Giberto Baroni
E. Mazza e D. Gianotti, eds. (Ge
nova, 1988) 66-93. I have argued that Cyril's Mystagogical Catecheses demonstrate
the same conditionexisted inJerusalem toward the end ofthe fourth century. RJ.
Cutrone, Cyril's Mystagogical Catecheses and the Evolution of the Jerusalem
Anaphora, Orientalia
Christiana
Periodica 44 1978 52-64.
6. J.-P. Audet, LiteraryForms and Contents of the Normal eucharistia in the
First Century, Studia Evangelica 1957 643-662.
7. The list of scholars isvery long. includes: Botte, Bouyer, Ledogar, Ligier,
Talley, Cuming, Wegman, Spinks, Giraudo, Mazza, just to mention a few.
8. Two of the more significant articles of Talleyon this subject are: From Be
rakah to Eucharistia: A Reopening Question, Worship 50
1976
115-137; The
LiteraryStructure of the Eucharistic Prayer, Worship 58 1984 404-420.
9. Enrico Mazza,
The
Eucharistic
Prayers
of
the
Roman
Rite trans., Matthew
J.
O'Connell (New York,
1986 22-29.
10. In 1973 L. Ligier suggested that it might be possible to begin with the
113MMANUEL
J.
CUTRONE
Summary
112 THE INSTITUTION NARRATIVE
connection between offering and the recital of the words of institution in
both the anaphora of Nestorius and that of Theodore of Mopsuestia.
31
could be that themotivation for the introduction of the narrative into the
eucharistic prayer is related to greater attention to the themes of offering
and sacrifice. A cup statement similar to that found in Jude Thomas
or
one that contained an institution narrative would be redundant. Rather
than
eliminate the blessing altogether, since it is not normal liturgical ev
olution to simplify, the blessing takes on a new function which still
stands in relation to communion the people, not the elements are
blessed.
From the sources it is possible to establish the following.
1
The insti
tution narrative has a liturgical setting in the Syrian tradition from the
very earliest times. 2 The first instance of the institution narrative in a
Syrian anaphora (Sharar) does not demonstrate heavy influence from the
Paul/Luke
narrative.
3
At
an
early time there was an important bless
ing over the cup which took place dUring the eucharistic liturgy. 4 The
Syrian tradition also knew a communion blessing over the elements
which has strong themes of the passion of Christ.
5
By the
end
of the
fourth century the communion blessing changed to a blessing over the
people. 6 The Mystagogical Catecheses of Cyril of Jerusalem and Theo
dore of Mopsuestia make direct reference to the insti tution narrative
only when they discuss the elements and/or communion.
In light ofthe above, and because of the strong evidence that the Syri
an
tradition
did
know a eucharistic prayer without
an
institution narra
tive (Addai and Mari, and the witness of Cyril of Jerusalem and Theo
dore of Mopsuestia), I suggest the possibi li ty of the following: the
blessmg over the elements before communion originally contained the
institution narrative. This prayer served the function of specifying the
nature of the elements
and of communion. Toward the end of the fourth
century the narrative migrates from the communion blessing into the eu
charistic prayer, possibly to further highlight the sacrificial character of
eucharistic worship. The blessing before communion is redefined as a
blessing of the people.
. While the evidence to
support
the above suggestion is rather tenuous,
It does help clarify several nagging problems in the Syrian eucharistic
tradition. First, it explains how the narrative could have been in the Syri
an
liturgical tradition from the very beginning and not part of the eu
charistic prayer. Second, it offers a further explanation of the absence of
the narrative from the anaphora of Addai and Mari. Third, Sharar
can
5/19/2018 Cutrone, The Liturgical Setting of the Institution Narrative in the East Syrian Tradition
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114 THE INSTITUTION NARRATIVE
narrative as it appears in the anaphora and attempt to trace its function back to
the
New
Testament. But Ligier admitted that such
an
approach
has
serious limi
tations. Louis Ligier, The Origins of
the
Eucharistic Prayer: From
the
Last
Sup-
per
to
the
Eucharist,
Studia Liturgica
9 (1973) 161-185.
11. Xavier Leon-Dufour Sharing the Eucharistic Bread: The Witness of the New
Testament
(New York, 1986) 82-101.
12. Bouley,
From Freedom to
Formula 73
13. Roger Beckwith, Daily and Weekly
Worship: Jewish
to Christian
Alcuin
Grow
Liturgical Study 1 (Bramcote Notts, 1987) 32.
14. Bouley,
From Freedom to
Formula 74
15
Smy. 7
16. Bryan D. Spinks, The Original Form of the Anaphora of the Apostles: A
Suggestion in Light
of
Maronite Sharar, Ephemerides
Liturgicae
91
(1977) 146-161.
17. R eD Jasper and G.J. Cuming, Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed
third edition, revised and enlarged (NewYork, 1987)
48.
18. Cutrone, Cyril's Mystagogical Catecheses and the Evolution
of
the Jerusa-
lem Anaphora, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 44 (1978) 52-64.
19. Mazza, La Struttura ... di Mopsuestia.
20.
Apology 66
21. EX. Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum (Paderborn, 1905) 168.
22.
Sebastian Brock and Michael Vasey, The Liturgical Portions of the Didascalia
Grove Liturgical
Study
29
(Bramcote Notts, 1982) 16.
23. Episcopus peregrinus ergo, sinon eucharistiam totam celebrabat, saltem
calicem consecrare debeat. F.X. Funk, Didascalia et
Constitutiones Apostolorum
(Paderborn, 1905) 168-169, nt.
24. R. Hugh Connolly, Didascalia Apostolorum: The Syriac Version Translated and
Accompanied by the Verona Latin
Fragments
(Oxford)
liiL
25.
See David
A.
Fiensy, Prayers
Alleged to
be
Jewish: An Examination of
the
Con-
stitutiones Apostolorum Brown Judaic Studies
65
(Chico, CA, 1985) 20-21.
26. AC
11,7,58.
Ante Nicene
Fathers
vol. 7, 422. Also found
in
Funk, Didascalia et
Constitutiones Apostolorum 168
27. Roger Beckwith, Daily and Weekly
Worship: Jewish
to Christian Alcuin
Grow Liturgical
Study
1 (Bramcote Notts, 1987) 35-36.
28. Those eulogies which remain
at the
mysteries, let
the
deacons distribute
them among the clergy, ... to a bishop, four parts; to a presbyter, three parts; to a
deacon,
two
parts; and to the rest of
the
sub-deacons, or readers, or singers,
or
dea-
conesses, one part. For this is good
and
acceptable in the sight of God that every
one
be
honored according to his dignity; VIII, 31.
Ante Nicene
Fathers vol. 7, 494.
29.
No. 158.
s ofJude
Thomas
A.
Klijn, ed. (Leiden, 1 2) 149-50.
30. V, 22. From Edward Yarnold,
The
Awe Inspiring Rites of Initiation: Baptismal
Homilies of the Fourth Century (London, 1971) 251.
31. Bryan D. Spinks, Eucharistic Offering in
the
East Syrian Anaphoras,
Orientalia Christiana Periodica 50 1984 362-365.