Glow: A Policy Analysis

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    Policy Assignment EDU 964

    Identify and analyse a specified current policy priority; examine

    the drivers for change which led to the development of this

    policy, the theories of leadership and management which are

    relevant to its implementation, and raise appropriate and

    critical issues relating to the impact or potential impact of the

    policy.

    Glow: A Policy Analysis

    One policy has been dominating the Scottish education environment since 2002.

    Having been initiated by the previous governing administration, Curriculum for

    Excellence (CfE) has been hailed as "one of the most ambitious programmes of

    educational change ever undertaken in Scotland" (Leaning and Teaching

    Scotland a 2007). The scope of the undertaking is extensive, since it attempts to

    effect change within a supposedly coherent model of curriculum designed to

    address the entire school age range from 3 18; unlike previous, more

    piecemeal reforms which targeted specific stages within this range (Standard

    Grade, 5-14 or Higher Still for example).

    According to Learning and Teaching Scotland, the lead organisation charged by

    the Scottish Government with the authoring, management and development of

    this policy, its origins seem to have come from the national debate on

    education, a nation-wide attempt in 2002 by the then Labour administration to

    seek the views of the public on what matters to them in terms of education in

    Scotland (Learning and Teaching Scotland b, 2009). The national debate gave

    rise to a set of key priorities (The Scottish Executiveb, 2003) which offered a

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    starting point for the new curriculum policy. The new curriculum policy appears

    to have a running mate, in the form of Glow; the national intranet for Scotlands

    education. Interestingly, there is an absence of reference to the use of

    technologies in education within these key priorities, in spite of the fact that

    much of the rhetoric around this parallel policy development, claims that CfE and

    GLOW are interconnected (Learning and Teaching Scotland c , 2010).This begs

    the question, is this a marriage made in heaven or are these two uneasy

    bedfellows? Fascinating though it would be to explore the dynamics and tensions

    of this relationship, it would require a separate paper entirely to do so. Given

    constraints of time and length, it is therefore only on GLOW, the technological

    strand of the CfE policy that I would like to focus for the purposes of this

    assignment.

    GLOW is the worlds first national intranet for education. It started life as the

    Scottish Schools Digital Network (SSDN) and its ambitions were impressive: it

    aimed to offer a broadband network which interconnects every school (including

    teachers, pupils and parents), education authority and appropriate national

    agency in Scotland. Its purpose is to offer complex models of educational

    collaboration, and a mechanism by which Scottish education can begin to

    transform itself to exploit the pedagogical riches the new information age has to

    offer (National Intranet Draft Specification paper, 2002). This is further

    elaborated in the following extract from the Draft Specification paper for the

    National Intranet & Interconnect for Scottish Schools (2002):

    The national intranetwill help to breakdown barriers to learning that exist and

    have always existed. Geographical barriers will be minimised by the ability to

    communicate in real time with people across the country and across the globe.

    Social barriers will belowered by the facility to bring young people together from

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    all walks of life. Pedagogical barriers will be eased by the immense capacity that

    the intranet will provide for sharing of practice, ideas and experience. And

    professional barriers can be further tackled by linking educational databases

    with those in other educational domains, such as healthcare, social work,

    childrens services and central government. (Glow; draft specification, 2002)

    Like Curriculum for Excellence, then, it is wide-ranging and ambitious in its

    scope. Considering the above, Glow could be construed as a product (it is a

    tangible, albeit virtual construct), but it is much more appropriate to interpret it

    as a process policy, since because of its very nature, it can only exist as a policy,

    or entity in its use and implementation and is organic in design; furthermore, as

    a policy construct relating to technology, it will be subject to almost constant

    change. Its designing principles, i.e. that it

    will serve teaching and learning primarily

    will offer universal access

    will be fully accessible

    will be platform independent

    will have open standards and be extensible

    will be safe and secure

    will require a single log on to all internal applications

    (SSDN Statement of Requirements) are consistent with a progressive ideology,

    social democratic values of equality of opportunity and a pluralistic approach to

    partnership (Trowler, 1998) in that several agencies were involved in its

    conception, and many, many more in its implementation. I will come back to this

    issue and further develop later , but as far as official policy goes, Glow and

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    Curriculum for Excellence are interconnected they are one and the same thing:

    Glow is not a separate development from CfE but a core element of support

    driving it forward (Learning and Teaching Scotland a, 2010). However, Glow

    does differ from CfE in many ways which will be explored in the course of this

    paper, starting with their respective origins. Unlike the new curriculum policy

    which borrowed structure and other elements from elsewhere, Glow does appear

    to be a unique innovation in educational terms.

    CfE, on the other hand, makes no particular claim to be progressive, but rather

    transfomational (Learning and Teaching Scotland b 2009) in nature. Yet in

    many ways it represents a continuation of past practice. In Priestley, M &

    Humes, W, (2010) the authors argue that an ahistorical lack of reference in its

    latter developments to antecedents, and a similar atheoretical lack of reference

    to any model of curriculum design, potentially constrain the vision and

    aspirations of the earlier developments in the policy and reduces freedom and

    creativity of teachers. The authors compare its curricular areas to those in

    England in 1904 and 1988. The inclusion of RME, technology, Gaelic and the

    cross-curricular entitlements of health & wellbeing, literacy and numeracy, and

    the loss of housewifery/manual represent the only significant curricular

    changeover the course of a century ; six other traditional curricular areas retain

    their identity at the heart of learning, namely English, Maths, Science, Social

    Science, Modern Language, and Expressive Arts. The structure of the curriculum

    also appears to be characterised by curriculum homogeneity (Priestley, 2002)

    bearing a marked resemblence to similar curriculum frameworks in New Zealand,

    England and Wales which are similarly composed of sequential levels, divided

    into outcomes which are in turn subdivided into achievement objectives. While

    there is much more to be said in about curriculum development in the context of

    globalisation, and this will be considered later in this essay, this particular

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    example indicates a fairly conservative approach to policy borrowing since the

    trend seems to be operating within English speaking countries only. There

    seems to be a tendency within English speaking, colonial and former-colonial

    nation-states to seek reaffirmament from each other, possibly due to a linguistic

    insecurity, which may be operating as a barrier to looking for similar

    comparative information elswhere. This is purely speculative, and further

    research would be necessary to substantiate any definitive claims in this regard.

    It should be noted, however, that because of this, comparisons in the area of

    policy maybe consequently limited in their scope.

    Drivers for Change (and policy origins)

    The problem setting moment, (Trowler, 1998), the intial spark that started the

    Glow fire would therefore be the need to develop the necessary technological

    skills in the current generation of learners; an initiative which could be could be

    construed as a process of controlled empowerment. . Consistent with Trowler

    (1998) this need was identified and acted upon by Government, and involved a

    multi agency approach, including both educational and technological expertise.

    Glow has its origins in the National Grid for Learning Scotland (NGfL Scotland),

    which started in 1998 (SSDN Statement of Requirements). The National Grid for

    Learning was an initiative designed to ensure that the educational benefits of ICT

    are available to all sectors of education and beyond and was underpinned by the

    three components of infrastructure, training and content. (Scottish Executive a,

    2000). There is obvious divergence in the evolution of one single policy within

    two countries here: the NGfL in England having been closed down in 2006,

    seems to have evolved in a refractive way to become a separate collection of

    regional National Education Networks (NEN) (see fig 1) which do not appear to

    be interconnected. Glow apparently belongs to the NEN, but there are no obvious

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    signposts or indicators to it either on the National Glow site, or after log in. The

    NGfL Scotlands evolution into what is now GLOW seems to have taken a more

    innovative and coherent course in that unlike the fragmented National Education

    Network, it has provided a shared platform for participation from every local

    authority in the country.

    Fig 1(The National Education Network)

    Since the initial launch of the NGfL Scotland there has been a proliferation of

    technological devices appropriate to the classroom (clickers; netbooks; handheld

    devices such as Nintendo DS; interactive white boards [IWB], desktop computers

    to name but a few) and the simultaneous lowering costs of these instruments

    and more has lead to a general increase in available technological hardware

    which can be used in schools.Although the NGfL Scotland development was

    given a fairly short expansion time, (having being instigated by the Government

    in 1998), it was thought that it brought about a penetration of hardware in

    schools which sufficiently enhanced the baseline provision of ICT in Scotlands

    schools. (SSDN Statement of Requirements). A further injection of funding for

    ICT training for teachers form ther New Opportunities Fund (NOF), contributed to

    the perceived readiness within the educational establishment for moving on to

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    the next stage in technological advancement in schools. (SSDN Statement of

    Requirements) The initial developments in Glow date from 2002 , so the scope

    for development of the NGfL and its subsequent influence on the future policy

    such as Glow, although not insignificant, was limited in terms of time allowed.

    The NGfL Scotland served as Glows policy trailblazer.

    Globalisation as a driver for change

    In contrast to their disparate beginnings, the policies of Glow and CfE have

    shared roots in globalisation: Curriculum for Excellence itself has many

    indicators which point towards increasing globalisation within the context of

    education as a driver for policy change. Levin, (in Priestley, 2002), identified six

    separate but interlinked themes common to school systems in many countries:

    1. The tendency for educational change to be framed in economic terms, for

    example to development of human resources

    2. Increasing criticism of education and training: described elsewhere as the

    discourses of derision (Ball, 1990)

    3. The tendency to demand improvements without a concurrent increase in

    resources

    4. The promotion of educational change through changes in governance

    5. A marketization of education

    6. An increased emphasis on standards, accountability and testing.

    These tendencies, as played out across different nation-states, support the

    globalised policy discourses of travelling policy as identified in Lingard and

    Ozga (2007) and they go beyond the level of nation to occupy the global

    education policy field ( Lingard, et al 2005 in Lingard and Ozga, 2007). They

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    support the common agendas across many nation states highlighted in

    Lingard, B & Ozga, J( 2007) such as the reshaping of educational purposes to

    develop human captial for the information age and for national economic

    competitiveness. While some, but not all of these tendencies can be

    identified within CfE (3 for example: the Scottish Government allocated extra

    CPD days in session 2009-10 to help facilitate policy implementation), it is fair

    to say that the educational purposes of CfE (successful learners; confident

    individuals; effective contributors and responsible citizens: Learning and

    Teaching Scotlanda 2009) are grounded firmly in the ideal of an economically

    viable, fit for purpose in an information age, educated individual, who, it is

    argued by Holligan and Humes (Glasgow Herald, 2009) will serve the

    interests of the business sector rather than any broader conception of the

    public good. This is an area where the linkage between the two policies

    becomes more transparent.

    Glow as a policy has an obvious and direct contribution to make to the

    development of the skills these young people will need as operators in the

    information age envisioned above, but one which is almost entirely

    dependent on the disposition and ability of teachers to mediate that policy to

    the young people for whom it is intended. It is on the issue of policy

    mediation, implementation and management I would now like to focus.

    Implementation of Glow

    As has been previously stated, Glow is a world-first: an innovative, process

    policy, which only comes into existence if teachers implement and enact upon

    it, and mediate it for their learners; unlike CfE which will exist in the tangible

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    form of the curricular area policy folders as distributed by Learning and

    Teaching Scotland (even if no enactment is made upon it!).

    Many factors have influenced the implementation of Glow, and it might now

    be timely to consider the practical scope and implications of it as a national,

    computerised linked up system before going on to analyse these in more

    detail. The projected numbers involved are impressive: all 32 local

    authorities; 3000 schools; 53 000 teachers; 800 000 learners; teacher

    education institutions and their students; other appropriate agencies such as

    the British Council, SQA; (SSDN statement of requirements) etc. In the future

    it is envisaged that parents will also be invited to join. Each individual as

    listed above is to be issued with their own log in and with then be linked in a

    nation-wide virtual community where work and information can be shared.

    Given the nature of this policy, its dimensions, the numbers involved, the

    geography of Scotland and the change it could potentially effect, it would be

    unrealistic to expect the implementation of Glow to be trouble- free.

    The processes of management and implementation of Glow were based on a

    top-down, cascade model, comparable to that described in Trowler (1998, ch

    4), although it could also be identified with Schons proliferation of centres

    model (Kelly, 2004) since local management and leadership at authority level

    in every area of Scotland was a key feature of the process. The policy career

    of Glow would follow a similar path to that based on Saunders (1986) and

    Reynolds and Saunders (1987) in Trowler (1998); moving from the national

    centre (having been contested and negotiated at LTS by initiators,

    stakeholders, Government officials, etc) to regional centres (the local

    authorities), to local centres ( schools), to the classroom. Implementation of

    the policy occurs differently at all these stages and is dependent on of

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    teachers and educational leaders as key agents of change involved at each

    one; how they engage with and enact upon it. LTS appointed a Glow team:

    leaders and practitioners who could operationalise Glow through leadership,

    training and support for local authorities. Leadership overtly sought to create

    and sustain commitment to Glow (Trowler, 1998) through an extensive

    programme of policy advocacy; local authorities were encouraged to sign

    up to Glow; each local authority appointed a number of Glow mentors, as

    lead- agents for the policy. Leadership therefore was devolved via the Glow

    mentors, who were offered training and support from the national GLOW

    team. A pluralistic approach was encouraged at this stage with regard to how

    the policy was enacted: local authorities decided how best to implement the

    policy in their schools, for example, some authorities identified a small

    number of pilot schools to lead implementation; some, (like the authority I

    work for) adopted a gradual, phase-in of schools, whereby log in details were

    issued to small numbers of schools at intervals until all staff could participate.

    Equally, a blanket distribution of log ins to all staff from the outset could have

    been adopted as a method of implementation, but there is no available

    information to confirm this method of roll out may indeed have been

    deployed. Conversely, of course, there were some authorities who contested

    the policy rigorously at this stage through resistance to the sign-up invitation,

    slowing down the process of implementation, however all 32 authorities are

    now signed up.

    The policy refraction on the development pathway of Glow was therefore

    complex, supporting the idea of it being an evolutionary, organic policy

    process. Perhaps as has been stated previously, the greatest degree of

    influence on the implementation process is arguably classroom teachers, as

    they hold the capacity to operationalise the policy values (Bell & Stevenson,

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    2006) in its intended environment, and it is in the classroom where teachers,

    with varying levels of enthusiasm, skill and interest, attempt to mediate the

    policy that perhaps this policy has been contested to the greatest extent.

    Interestingly, Glow seems to conform well to what Merton, in Brain et al,

    (2006) suggest is the means by which teachers may mediate a policy and a

    form of practice by which it may be achieved. In this analogy, CfE would

    represent the goals of the policy the purposes that apply to all involved. In

    this regard, the partnership between Glow and CfE might be construed as

    working well: one providing the vehicle for delivery of the other. There is also

    consistency however with his assertion that even when the goals are

    accepted, there is wide variation in the willingness to use the means, as

    illustrated by reluctance at authority or individual level to engage.

    Reid, (Brain, K; Reid,I; Boyes, L C, 2006) based a typology of stances adopted

    by teachers in relation to policy implementation on ideas developed by

    Merton, and it would be useful to consider these adaptive stances in relation

    to Glow. They are:

    Conformist; (accepting of both goals and implementation).

    Ritualist; (rejects goals and accepts implementation).

    Innovative; ( accepting of goals and rejectsand substitues implementation).

    Transformative; (rejects and substitues both goals and implementation).

    Retreatist; (rejects both goals and implementation)

    (Kennedy, A. Adapted from Brain et al. (2006); Reid (1978); and Merton (1957) ,

    2010)

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    Although there is great encouragement to integrate Glow into learning and

    teaching experiences, teachers in their classrooms are free to accept or reject it

    depending on many factors: their access to hardware; their capacity and

    enthusiasm to use ICT, and perhaps most importantly, their evaluation of its

    usefulness to their practice. As well as teacher disposition, there are other structural

    and cultural characteristics which will influence a teachers motivation to use ICT.

    Tondeur et al (2009) in Wallace, 2010, identified that educational change was a

    complex process that is influenced by a number of factors including:

    A teachers individual beliefs concerning the purpose of ICT

    A teachers skills and knowledge of ICT

    The vision of the school management concerning ICT

    Resources made available to support ICT use.

    Recent research (Wallace, 2010) suggests that many teachers have adopted the

    retreatist stance with regard to Glow. Wallace (2010) identifies a correlation

    between contructivist teacher beliefs and use of technology for teaching and

    learning purposes. This suggests a related improved engagement with the policy

    on the part of constructivist-minded teachers. However, as far as policy

    implementation at whole school level goes, she claims the majority of teachers

    do not feel that their school has a clear sense of direction for how GLOW could

    be used to enhance student learning, and states that at present uncertainty

    exists amongst all teachers as to its purpose. There is also the danger that some

    teachers (and leaders) may engage with the policy for administrative purposes

    only: tracking and monitoring learner progress, for example, subscribing to a

    more managerialist agenda of accountability, and many may not engage at all.

    Of course many teachers have successfully engaged with Glow and are using it

    to enhance teaching and learning in their settings (Learning and Teaching

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    Scotland d, 2009), but there is a question to be answered in how to activate the

    non-technologically conversant teacher voice, if most of the focus for discussion

    of Glow is on-line. There is a danger of those who do engage enthusiastically with

    the policy being over-represented in discussions around it, on account of their

    attitude to, and comptence with ICT. If social media provide the fora for the

    debate, those who do not use these tools can become excluded from it. Conlon,

    (2008) suggests this creates an echo-chamber effect, resonating only the

    positive experiences of adopters among themselves.

    Impact of Glow

    There is as yet, little research on the impact of Glow in schools, although there

    are encouraging signs that this may improve with the emerging research by

    Wallace (2010) and other emerging technology-pedagogy focussed research

    projects like for example Edonis (Noble, 2008). In addition, Richards, (2008)

    carried out a small classroom-based anaylsis of pupil performance in standard

    grade biology using Glow and found that attainment improved with regular use

    of Glow. Richards does however qualify her findings against the scale of the

    finances of the project and the paucity of research into the impact of ICT

    generally.

    Further to this, more recently in her blog, Richards compares the policy to the

    Emperors New Clothes (Richards, 2010), claiming responses to her opinion

    piece in the Times Educational Supplement Scotland, (TESS) substantiate her

    hypothesis that in spite of the positive gains she found in her own classroom,

    there is little use of GLOW to enhance learning and teaching in any meaningful

    sustained way. She also raises criticisms of Glows reliability and functionality;

    both of which are crucial to its implementation. A further criticism she makes

    which has also been sporadically exercising the media, is the issue of

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    accountability in justifying the considerable amount of public funds involved, and

    this issue is also explored in Conlon (2008).

    A further criticism Conlon (2008) makes is that the discourse surrounding Glow is

    focused exclusively on the benefits to be derived from it; it has been one-sided in

    nature and fails to take account of the opportunity costs involved. This one-

    sidedness he attributes to the fact that the stakes have been raised so high

    around Glow that talk of risks and threats become unmentionable. He claims the

    missing voice in the discourse is that of the teacher, a view substantiated in

    Richards (2010) and he sees Glow as a strongly managerialist policy. His

    interpretation of it focuses mainly on its administrative functions which he sees

    as harnessing data, for the purposes of accountability and standardisation across

    schools. In this way, Glow could be seen as a policy by numbers (Lingard and

    Ozga, 2007), the data stored and gathered on it constituting a new form of

    technology of governance. However this view fails in any way to take into

    account other pedagogical aspects of Glow, notably its potential for collaboration

    and such as the collaborative learning opportunities it offers. Glow encourages

    multiple versions of collaboration; at one to one or class to class level, and the

    potential learning opportunities within this one aspect are significant. Conlons

    view of collaboration in the classroom appears to be limited to groups of pupils

    either clustered round computer terminals, or paradoxically, working individually.

    The more expanded view of learning being planned and executed collaboratively

    off line, then shared in Glow with a wider audience is missing in this

    interpretation.

    Of course, it is difficult to anticipate adjustments in policy which may have

    impact on future development, particularly when technology is core to the policy

    itself, on account of its rapidly changing nature. It is fair to say however, that

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    since leadership change at the end of 2009 there has been a more consultative

    ethos to Glow, as characterised by surveys and invitations to participate in

    ongoing debates such #Glowbetter (Glow National site 2010), giving teacher

    voice a chance to be heard. Crowdsourcing, the practice of inviting mass

    participation in debate via web 2.0 tools such as twitter or facebook has been

    identified as a favoured modus operandi of Andrew Brown (Glasgow Herald,

    2010) the new head of Glow, which will, if carried through have an impact on the

    consultative evolution of the policy.

    Future impact of Glow will be difficult to predict, but its potential, if the discourse

    around it is to be believed, is significant. Research on technology in learning

    more generally suggests that it does provide small, but significant increases in

    learning when implemented with fidelity and accompanied by appropriate

    pedagogical shifts (Lemke, Coughlin, & Reifneider, 2009), reinforcing the notion

    of a sense of purpose being key to Glows success, as identified by Wallace,

    (2010).

    In conclusion, one fact however remains undeniably central to this policy; in

    spite of the not inconsiderable amount of funding and extensive degree of policy

    advocacy that has occurred around Glow, its impact will be minimal without the

    willingness of teachers to engage with it.

    A very simple, clear and incisive observation was made of Glow recently by a

    colleague in my personal learning network on twitter:" Glow is only as good as

    you want to make it" #glowbetter #glowstories mclaughlin_aj (Friday 16th April

    via twitter).The same could be said of any attempt to analyse, understand and

    implement any policy initiative in our current times.

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