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Travis Beecroft

History 642

Professor Livie

May 9, 2012

Marquis de Lafayette’s Fingerprints on the American Revolution

“North America—sorely oppressed, demanding justice in vain, her complaints rejected, her petitions unheeded, her murmurs disregarded—attracted his attention. She was beginning to feel the sacred pulse of liberty; she was stretching and unfolding her half-fledged wings, doubting her

powers, dreading her adversary, and wavering between submission and despair.”1

The American Revolution against Great Britain was an act of strong-willed

independence, fought by colonists eager to rid themselves of their mother country, with the

hopes of forming and stabilizing a country uniquely their own. This fight for independence

involved not only the American colonists and their British counterparts, but also included a

number of international personnel as well. Among the French that volunteered to aid the

American cause was Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roche Gilbert du Motier, otherwise known as the

Marquis de Lafayette, a French noble with ample affluence and an influential presence within the

French court. Lafayette was instrumental during the American success of the Revolution and

proved to be quite versatile in the ways he could help and promote of American independence

and idealism. Not only did he contribute to the military effort by fighting in America, he also

helped spread the American cause in France and throughout Europe; persuading the French to

supply the American revolutionists with the proper weapons, ammunition, equipment, and

clothing to equip the Americans for an effective full-scale revolution against the British crown.

Moreover, Lafayette increased troop morale, helped establish trade and peace agreements

1 Officer in the Late Army, A Complete History of the Marquis de Lafayette, Major-General in the American Army in the War of the Revolution (Columbus: J. &H. Miller Publishers, 1858), 14-15. The officer composed this biography of Lafayette just over fifteen years after Lafayette’s death. This is the most comprehensive biography of Marquis de Lafayette, and features his complete history as well as accounts of his tour of America in 1825 with his family after his work in the American Revolution.

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between the United States, France, and Spain, and promoted American international trade across

the world while aiding the establishment of the American identity.

The subject of Marquis de Lafayette has been written and discussed as early as 1850,

when the Officer of the Late Army published his biography of Lafayette. Charlemagne Tower

composed an account of Lafayette describing his campaigns and services to America in 1901.

Since then, many have composed biographies of Lafayette, such as Noel B. Gerson, Sabra

Holbrook, and Bayard Tuckerman, among others. Other historians like David Clary, Lloyd

Kramer, and Anne C. Loveland have focused strictly on Lafayette’s role within the Revolution.

The most distinguished historians in this subject, are Louis Gottschalk and Stanley J. Idzerda,

who have tirelessly painted the picture of Lafayette’s role in the American Revolution with their

respected works, relying heavily on primary source documents. While Gottschalk focuses

mostly on providing a narrative of Lafayette’s involvement in the revolution, Idzerda presents

five volumes of correspondence letters between Lafayette and his colleagues during his time

aiding the Americans. Each historian is (and was, as Gottschalk is now deceased) at the

forefront of research in regards to Lafayette, and all those that have followed use much of their

work as their sources. In consummating this paper, I will infuse primary and secondary source

material that comes from these and other historians, as they most accurately depict the motives

and actions of Lafayette in the most encompassing manner.

Born September 6, 1757 in the French province of Auvergne, in the Chateau de

Chavagnac, Lafayette was the son of Michel Louis Christophe Roch Gilbert Paulette du Motier,

and Marie Louise Jolie de La Riviére. 2 3 Being the son of French nobles, Lafayette had access to

2 Officer, 3.3 David Clary, Adopted Son: Washington, Lafayette, and the Friendship that Saved the Revolution (New York: Bantam Books, 2007), 7-8.

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the highest levels of education that money and prestige could buy, and by the time he was eight

he had already received an education at the College of Louis le Grand in Paris.4 Described as a

“noble looking man,” with the “expression of his countenance [being] strongly indicative of a

generous and gallant spirit, mingled with something of pride and conscious manliness,”

Lafayette was “formed by nature and education,” and by the time he was sixteen he had

“distinguished [himself] by his polished manners and attractive qualities [and] his free principles

were neither withered by the sunshine of royalty, nor weakened by flattery and temptation.”5

This education, his inherited income, and his “mildness and affability of his manners,” allowed

for him to become popular with many people within the French and American social and

political spheres.6 Within these spheres he will eventually prove to be quite an asset to the

American cause.

Lafayette’s personal ambition and thirst for adventure was fostered during his childhood.

In his personal memoires Lafayette recalls being eight years old and hearing of a hyena causing

alarm throughout his neighborhood. Upon catching this rumor Lafayette’s “heart pounded,” and

“the hope of meeting it made [his] walks exciting” as he searched for the misplaced exotic

animal.7 This adventurous and unwavering spirit was nothing new to the family, as his ancestors

were ranked among the first people in the province and were said to be characterized by their

“independent spirit, and [a] chivalric contempt of danger.”8 Naturally, Lafayette wanted to fight

for his country of France to defend them from their enemies, as it had been done for generations

in his family. This chivalrous loyalty he and his family showed for France allowed for his family

4 Officer, 3-4.5 Ibid, 6.6 Ibid, 4. This “mildness and affability,” along with royal influence, elevated him to a commissioned officer, which was a favor reserved for the most “illustrious scions of nobility.”7“Memoir of 1779,” Lafayette in the American Revolution Vol. 1, 6.8 Officer, 3.

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to be considered to be “the greatest in the French court,” and had a great deal of influence

throughout France.9 This would eventually facilitate opportunities for him to have sway in the

matters of international relations between France and the colonies of the America. After the

death of his parents at the age of thirteen and marrying the Countess Anastasie de Noailles at the

age of seventeen, Lafayette controlled an estate located mostly in Brittany and La Touraine, and

saw his annual income balloon from 25,000 livres to 120,000 livres, and at one point it was said

that he had an annual income of over 150,000 livres. 10 11 This reservoir of wealth, coupled with

the inherent dauntlessness that was given to him by his ancestors, Lafayette was eager to join the

American cause; to fight in the name of liberty and American independence from Britain, ideals

Lafayette heavily believed in.

Although he lacked the confidence of his family and sought to be the master of himself,

The Marquis de Lafayette was so enamored by the conflict between the colonies and Britain and

what it represented that nothing could prevent him from crossing the Atlantic to offer his

services.12 “When I first learnt the subject of the quarrel,” Lafayette wrote in his Memoires, “my

heart espoused warmly the cause of liberty, and I thought of nothing but of adding also the aid of

my banner.13 Lafayette also stated that “my heart was enlisted and I thought only of joining the

colors.”14 In a December 1776 signed agreement with Silas Deane, an American merchant,

politician, and diplomat, that granted Lafayette an American military commission as a result of

9 Bayard Tuckerman, Life of General Lafayette with a Critical Estimate of his Character and Public Acts (New York: AMS Press, 1973), 2.10 Stanley J. Idzerda, Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776-1790 (New York: Cornell University Press, 1977), I, 13, hereon will be referred to as Lafayette in the American Revolution Vol. 1.11 “Biography of Gilbert Motier La Fayette, Major-General in the American Continental Army,” American Military Biography, 435. Hereon will be referred to as American Military Biography.12 Louis Gottschalk, Lafayette Joins the American Army (Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1937), 6.13 “First Voyage and First Campaign in America 1777-1778.” Lafayette, The Project Gutenberg EBook of Memoires, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette, accessed March 30, 2012, http://archive.org/stream/memoirscorrespon08376gut/7laft10.txt. From here on will be referenced as Memoires14 William Howard Adams, The Paris Years of Tomas Jefferson (Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1997), 12.

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his “high birth, his alliances, [and] the great dignities which his family holds at this court.”15

This agreement and his overall intentions about joining the American cause was kept a secret

even from his family and European spies but the only thing that prevented him from sailing

across the Atlantic, however, was a ship equipped for the journey. However, neither Silas Deane

nor Benjamin Franklin, both of whom were in Paris at the time on behalf of the American

colonies, could provide him with a vessel to America. Unsatisfied by this, Lafayette quickly

responded stating “if you cannot furnish me with a vessel, I will freight one of my own expense,

to convey your dispatches, and my person to the shores of America.”16 Eager to aid the

Americans, Lafayette set sail for America on his privately funded ship shortly thereafter, and

arrived in Charleston, South Carolina, April 19, 1777, vowing to conquer or parish in the name

of American independence. 17 18

The young French noble would not have undergone such an expedition if he did not

firmly believe in what the Americans were fighting for. In a letter from Lafayette to President

Henry Laurens dated September 23, 1778, Lafayette reflects on how he first felt upon hearing of

the American struggle for the first time, stating “The moment I heard of America, I loved her;

the moment I knew she was fighting for freedom, I burnt with a desire of bleeding for her; and

the moment I shall be able to serve her at any time, or in any part of the world, will be the

happiest one of my life.”19 The way he describes his love for the American colonies and their

fight for independence is as if he is describing the love of his life. It is as though nothing would

give him greater pleasure than joining the American cause and helping the rebellious and

15 Agreement with Silas Deane, December 7, 1776, Lafayette in the American Revolution Vol. 1. Silas Deane was also the first agent from America to France.16 Officer, 17-18.17 Memoires, “First Voyage and First Campaign in American 1777-1778.”18 American Military Biography, 440.19 Charlemagne Tower, The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution, Vol. 2 (New York: Da Capo Press, 1970), 7-8.

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revolutionary colonists create a “respectable and safe asylum of virtue, integrity, tolerance,

equality, and a peaceful liberty” that he saw being uniquely American, as he described in a letter

to his wife Adrienne.20 In another letter to his wife, Lafayette described the Americans as

“likable as my enthusiasm has led me to picture them” and that “a simplicity of manners, a desire

to please, a love of country and liberty, and an easy equality prevail everywhere here.”21

Moreover, he also wrote that “the richest man and the poorest are on the same level, and

although there are some immense fortunes in this country, I challenge anyone to discover the

slightest difference in their manners towards each other.22 This respect and admiration for the

American cause is what propelled Lafayette to aid them in their endeavor, and it is also what

provides him with the motivation it required to not only assist them, but to convince his French

peers and superiors to provide the Americans with the means to conduct a successful revolution.

Although France and the British had been long time enemies prior to the Revolution,

France was not particularly compelled to join the fight against the British at first, even though

much of the country had heard of the brewing conflict. 23 At the time it was believed that joining

the war between the American colonies and Britain “wholly on the ground of the habitual

rivalship between [France and Britain] was bad policy in itself, and more detrimental to France

than to England” because they were inferior in maritime war compared the British, and they

benefitted more from the peace between nations.24 One man who opposed French involvement

20 Lloyd S. Kramer, “America’s Lafayette and Lafayette’s America: A European and the American Revolution,” The William and Mary Quarterly 3.38.2 (April 1981):234, accessed August 3, 2012. Letter was written June 7, 1777. Immediately before this, he states that “The welfare of America is intimately connected with the happiness of all mankind.”21 Lafayette to Adrienne de Noailles de Lafayette, Lafayette in the American Revolution Vol. 1, 61.22 Ibid, 61. In this letter, Lafayette also wrote: “Everything here rather resembles the English fashion, but there is more simplicity, equality, cordiality, and courtesy here than in England” and that “American women are very pretty, totally unaffected, and maintain a charming neatness. Cleanliness prevails everywhere here[…] and every individual has an adequate amount of property (a considerable number of Negroes) and the same rights as the most powerful proprietor in the land.”23 Memoires, “First Voyage and First Campaign in American 1777-1778.”24 Officer, 10.

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in the American Revolution was the French Minister of Finance Jacques Necker, believing “that

war ought never to be declared without positive necessity,” and that “no possible concurrence of

political results could counterbalance to France, the loss she would sustain of the advantages she

might derive from her capital wasted in the contest.”25 As much as he pleaded to King Louis

XVI to avoid conflict, after the American colonists achieved victory at Burgoyne in October

1777 the French “formally threw aside the veil which had but slightly covered their opinions and

proceedings in favor of America,” and the success of the colonists was received with

“unbounded exultation […] and universal enthusiasm reigned throughout all class of society” in

France.26 The idea that the oppressed colonists in America were rebelling against their sovereign

British counterparts was an attractive notion to many influential people in France, and from

many of the major European cities there “arose a spontaneous cry of sympathetic approval” for

the developing American cause.27

Lafayette’s direct influence on the American Revolution could be felt shortly after his

arrival on American soil for the first time. Not only was he lionized by the American colonists,

but by simply being there, “his presence in the Continental army lent an aura of legitimacy and

of European support to the American struggle.”28 Moreover, Lafayette being there sent a

message to the American people that “American mattered to important people and perhaps

reassured the American social elite that their republican revolution was also a conservative one

on behalf of sensible political ideas and social order.”29 The legitimacy he brought to the

American cause is what elevated him to the role of major-general as enacted by Congress on July

25 Ibid, 10.26 Ibid, 11.27 Tuckerman, 3.28 Kramer, 229.29 Ibid, 230.

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31, 1777, and allowed him to be within Washington’s military family.30 Shortly after this on

September 11, 1777 Lafayette experienced his first action on the battlefield, marching side by

side with George Washington on their way to Brandywine.31 Although he would experience

defeat in his revolutionary baptism, Lafayette was able to calm the lines and conduct an

organized stand after he had his leg wounded until other reinforcements arrived to maintain a

safe and effective retreat.32 More importantly, Lafayette and the American army were able to

block off the road towards Philadelphia, “and their little army was intact, keeping alive the

struggling nation’s hopes.”33 This happened again in Yorktown in 1781 as he was presented with

overwhelming odds with “less than a thousand Continentals, a little body of horseman […] and a

small force of inexperienced militia, many of whom were poorly armed and some not armed at

all.”34 Despite this, he was able to hold the lines and prevent a catastrophic blow and was

ultimately able to defeat Cornwallis on October 191 1781.35 His performance on the battle field

“showed him to be a fighting man of coolness and judgment,” as he was able to maintain calm in

front of his men, which inspired those that followed.36

His inclusion in the American force was welcomed by many colonial dignitaries as they

appreciated his patriotism and respected his ancestry. In a letter written April 5, 1777 addressed

to John Hancock, Silas Deane referred to Lafayette as a “young nobleman of the first rank family

and fortune, and who adds to this the most ardent zeal to distinguish himself in a cause which is

30 Officer, 22. The original preamble and resolution state: “Whereas, the Marquis de Lafayette, out of his great zeal to the cause of liberty, in which the United States are engaged, has left his family and connections, and at his own expense, come over to offer his service to the United States without pension or particular allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in our cause. Resolved, that his services be accepted; and that is consideration of his zeal, illustrious family, and connections, he had rank and commission of major-general, in the army of the United States.”31 Sabra Holbrook, Lafayette, Man in the Middle 1st ed. (New York: Atheneum, 1977), 22.32 Tuckerman, 45-46.33 Noel B. Gerson, Statue in Search of a Pedestal, a Biography of the Marquis de Lafayette (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1976), 34.34 Tower, 313.35 Ibid, 455. For more on the Virginia campaign against Cornwallis see 328-457.36 Tuckerman, 50.

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justly considered as the most noble and generous.”37 Moreover, a month later Deane wrote again

to Hancock stating that Lafayette’s family was of “first influence” in France and that they have

“been celebrated in the affairs of [France], as well in peace as war,” and that “his fortune puts

him above all pecuniary considerations, and he desires none, but wishes to rank with gentlemen

of the first character in the Army.”38 It was clear that prominent American colonists believed in

what he could offer, and they were more than willing to learn from him as much they could

because of the resolve he showed on the battlefield and the lineage and wealth he came from.

One of the first things about the American soldiers that Lafayette noticed when he arrived

to join them was their lack of military experience and uniformity. Upon reaching Washington’s

camp in Philadelphia in July 1776, Lafayette was greeted by “troops which marched past

numbered about eleven thousand men, poorly armed and worse clad. Their ragged clothes were

without any attempt at uniformity, and the men themselves were lacking the knowledge or the

ordinary principles of military tactics.”39 Lafayette, on the other hand, was described as

proficient military commander by the Officer in the Late Army who wrote that Lafayette was

“possessed of unshaken patriotism, integrity, and humanity, and of those cardinal virtues which

characterize real greatness of soul,” and that “he always discovered, both in design and

execution, those traits of genius, and that intuitive knowledge of tactics, which designate the

great man, and the successful warrior.”40 It was also said of him that “his courage was only

equaled by his humanity; and he gained universal praise for his benevolence and compassion, in

visiting and administering relief to the wounded soldiers.”41 Additionally “he possessed, in so

high a degree, the character of an accomplished and perfect soldier, as to gain the confidence of

37 Lafayette Joins the American Army, 17.38 Lafayette in the American Revolution Vol. 1, 33.39 Tuckerman, 42.40 Officer, 135.41 Ibid, 137.

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his superiors, the affection of his equals, and the respect and veneration of all who served under

him.”42 The Officer also stated that Lafayette was endeared to the officers and soldiers that he

had command over and that they “admired, loved, and revered him as their guide and support

when in peril, and their warmest friend” when they were presented with trouble.43 His

personality and courage is what appealed to the American soldiers. The fact that he would leave

the comforts of his home in France to fight for them as they seek their independence gave them

innumerable amounts of motivation, motivation they used to defeat the British, who were vastly

superior in their military skills than the American colonist were.

The lack of uniformity was most evident in the lack of proper clothing for the soldiers. In

Lafayette’s memoir, he wrote that the highest quality garments worn by the American soldiers

were hunting shirts, or “large jackets of gray linen commonly worn in Carolina,” nowhere near

the quality of a professional military uniform.44 Furthermore, American Quarter-Master-General

Nathanael Greene wrote in a letter to Deputy Quarter-Master Moore Furman “Our army is

without meat or bread; and have been for two or three days past. Poor fellows! They exhibit a

picture truly distressing. More than half naked, and above two-thirds starved.”45 Greene also

blamed the American legislature for the suffering of the military in that same letter to stating: “A

country, once overflowing with plenty, are now suffering an army, employed for the defense of

everything that is dear and valuable, to perish for want of food, […] while they suffer the great

barriers of political security to be thrown down, and the country over-run.”46 It had been stated

by the members of the Board of War to Congress that there had been a fear that “all the goods

42 Ibid, 138.43 Ibid, 137-138.44 Memoir of 1776, Lafayette in the American Revolution Vol. I. 91.45 Louis Gottschalk, Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution (Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1942), 57. Will hereon be cited as Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution.46 Ibid, 57.

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imported will get into the hands of private people and the army of course will either never

benefit by them, or if they do, it will be at an extravagant advance paid to private purchasers and

engrossers.”47 It was unreasonable for the Americans to expect to successful stage a rebellion

without the proper clothing and equipment to pull it off. If the American soldiers cannot trust the

boots they are marching for days and then fighting in to keep them upright and mobile, or if they

cannot rely on their coats or blankets to protect them from the winter month’s frigid temperatures

as they camp for days or weeks on end, how can their morale and will to fight be as great as it

needed to be? Say an American soldier on campaign for three to five months, with long periods

of marching and, what may seem even longer periods of fighting, it may safe to assume that he

might acquire a collection of holes in his jacket and/or his boots become severely over worn,

how can one expect to safely survive the winter? It was certainly not possible for an entire army

to live this way and fight effectively for something so important to them. Lafayette understood

this notion and stressed the importance of having blankets in the winter when he stated “without

them, the soldiers will fall ill, without them they will not enjoy the rest of their clothing and will

spoil their uniforms in three weeks, without them it will be necessary to take blankets off

citizens’ beds, as has been done until now.”48 It became a mission of his to procure the proper

items for the Americans in their revolutionary effort.

Additionally, Lafayette wrote in a letter to Benjamin Franklin that “clothing, camp-

equipage, and powder are the most essential,” followed by small arms and flints, and finally

howitzers and carriages,” which Lafayette had hoped the Americans could procure at a cheap

rate.49 Lafayette had been made aware that “home production was insufficient, and imports by

47 Claude A. Lopez, “Benjamin Franklin, Lafayette, and the ‘Lafayette,’” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 108.3 (June 22, 1964): 184, accessed February 23, 2012.48 Lopez, 189.49 Lafayette to Benjamin Franklin, February 12, 1782, in Stanley J. Idzerda, Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776-1790 (New York: Cornell University Press, 1983), V, 11, hereafter

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private enterprise were too expensive” for the Americans to produce these supplies themselves,

and he and Benjamin Franklin worked tirelessly in order to get these supplies from the French.50

A list was prepared to present to the King of France stating supplies the Americans needed from

them and clothing was the most crucial. This list called for “clothing for ninety eight thousand

and forty eight men of substantial cloth, of the same quality with the present uniform of the

French established army,” and also asked for coats, waistcoats, stocks, hats and breeches.51

Knowing that Lafayette was capable of using his influence in the French court to procure much

of these items on his own, Benjamin Franklin “entrusted him with the problem of getting arms

and ammunition” as well as clothing for the Continental army.52 It became a mission of

Lafayette to get the proper aid for his fellow Americans and he planned to return to France in

order to speak to all those that would help.53 He would set sail for France on January 11, 1779

on board the Alliance, and arrive in Brest in a little more than a month later in February, and

would then undertake the task of persuading the French to aid the American cause.54

Lafayette would take two return trips to France and each time he was greeted with

adoration after leaving his luxurious life for America at his own expense, to fight without

commission for countrymen that were not his. In fact, Lafayette “was the first person of

recognized distinction” to arrive in France after America had arisen and allied with France.55

The people of France saw Lafayette as the “connecting link between the two nations,” and that

citation will be Lafayette in the American Revolution Vol. 5.50 Lopez, 184.51 Ibid, 184. This list also called for each man to receive “two shirts, two pairs of socks, and two pairs of shoes with buckles.” The coats were desired not to be “sloped away so as to be incapable of covering the belly in cold or rainy weather,” 185.52 Ibid, 185.53 Lafayette to Henry Laurens, August 25, 1778, South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 9.2 (Apr., 1908, 59-66), 65. Lafayette states in the letter that “It is a lover of America who speaks to you with indignation against a parcel of his adopted countrymen. I hope such a thing would never be the case with the French nation I have the honor to belong to—but then I would speak plain to French men, as I do now to an American” 65.54 Memoires, “First Voyage and First Campaign in America 1777-1778.” 55 Tower, 53.

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the “striking circumstances of his first departure, as well as the reputation he had won in

America” allowed him to become a public idol in France, as people were inspired by his

selflessness, after he left for American glory and not his own.56 This overwhelming popularity

allowed Lafayette an audience with the French elite and his “ceaseless representations” on behalf

of the Americans before the King and his cabinet fostered the American cause in France.57 The

most important person for Lafayette to convince of anything was the King of France Louis XVI,

and he was successfully able to persuade him to “believe that the prosperity of the several states

of American was in direct proportion to the amount of freedom to be found there.”58 As a result,

Louis XVI “recognized the independence of the United States,” and “ordered the dispatch of a

powerful fleet to the New World, [and] ordered supplies, arms, and munitions sent to the

Americans, and offered direct military aid” to the Americans.59 This was allowed through the

Treaty of Alliance between the United States and France and its sister document, the Treaty of

Amity and Commerce, both of which were signed February 6, 1778 and allowed for a greater

line of communication with between France and the American colonies.60 61 This created an

56 Tuckerman, 10857 Tower, 55.58 Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution, 8.59 Gerson, 39.60 “Treaty of Alliance between the United States and France,” February 6, 1778, The Avalon Project: Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/fr1788-2.asp (accessed May 5, 2012). There are thirteen articles to this treaty, among them are; Article 1: If a war were to break out between France and Britain, the United States is obligated to help. Article 2: Alliance is to “maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and independence absolute and unlimited of the said United States.” Article 8: Neither France of the US “shall conclude either truce of peace with Great Britain, without formal consent of the other.” Article 9: “There shall be no claim of compensation on one side or the other” after the war. This document was signed in Paris by C.A. Gerard, Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee.61 “Treaty of Amity and Commerce between the United States and France,” February 6, 1778, The Avalon Project: Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/fr1788-1.asp (accessed May 5, 2012). Among the thirty-one articles are; Article 1: “There shall be a firm, inviolable and universal peace, and a true and sincere friendship” between France and the United States. Article 3: French merchants are obligated to pay what the American merchants charge. Article 4: American merchants are not obligated to pay in the ports in French controlled ports in Europe. Article 6: France is to protect American merchant ships near its ports. Article 10: US will not prevent the French from fishing on the banks of Newfoundland. Article 20: If any French of American ship were to be beached or wrecked “all friendly assistance and relief shall be given” and survivors will be returned to their countries. This document was signed in Paris by C.A. Gerard, Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee.

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international relationship between the two that jeopardized British interests in the colonies and

acted as “the signal for the commencement of hostilities” between the American colonies and

France and the British.62 This was an example of the French commitment to the American

colonies as they attempted to rebel against the British. It was thus that there was a friendly

alliance between the Americans and the French, help created by the Marquis de Lafayette.

While Lafayette was in France he was also able to secure arms and ammunition and

reinforcements for the Americans. Understanding that the Americans and the French were

fighting a common enemy, Lafayette was able to convince the French legislature to supply the

Americans with these items in two significant portions. First, in regards to arms and

ammunition, it was decided that France would provide the Americans with 15,000 muskets with

ample supplies of bullets and gunpowder to equip them with.63 Secondly, Lafayette asked that

France send 10,000-15,000 troops to America to fight with them, these troops being “the elite of

the French Army, hand-picked from existing units,” which would have been under the command

of Lafayette, both of which were agreed upon by Maurepas and Vergennes.64 Consequently, the

French government presented him with a ship, the Hermione, loaded with weapons and

ammunitions which were to be turned over to General Washington in America upon their

arrival.65 Moreover, Lafayette was also able to negotiate with French ministers a quarterly loan

amount of for the Americans beginning March 1782, and although it was a fairly small amount,

only about six million dollars, it also came with the agreement that the French ministry would

supply a “reinforcement of Rochambeau’s army” to join the Americans.66

62 Officer 12-1363 Gerson, 50.64 Ibid, 50. Ultimately the French Cabinet reduced the size of the corps provided to the Americans to about 4,000. It was also agreed upon that the French would provide a “fleet sufficiently powerful to break the British blockage of the American seaboard and keep open the lines of communication between the United States and France,” 51.65 Ibid, 51.66 Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution, 356.

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Although Lafayette was able to procure these items for the Americans, it still proved

difficult for him to get large amounts from money from the French. Even with his extreme

popularity in America and in France, money was still hard to come by and getting that from the

French required a lot of persuasive skills on behalf of Lafayette. It was said by Gottschalk that

“there were certain obstacles to be overcome, like the indifference of some ministers […] but the

disposition of the King’s government was friendly, and Monsieur de Vergennes could be

especially counted upon to air the allied cause.”67 Prior to receiving the quarterly loan of six

million dollars, Lafayette wrote in a letter to George Washington that “[I] find it very difficult,

next to impossibility to get money. On my arrival Mr. Franklin told me nothing could be

expected.”68 The challenge of getting money from the French also came in regards to getting the

supplies they were promised from the French to America. The original clothing and

reinforcements that Lafayette had worked so hard to get for the Americans had a tough time

reaching their shores. Whether it was one of his ships going missing or confusion about the

number of supplies to be shipped, there was always an obstacle for Lafayette to have to

overcome. 69 70 All the same, however, the shipments that were most desired by the Americans

made their way to American shores, and although they were a bit late, they aided the colonists

immensely.

67 Ibid, 8.68 Lafayette to George Washington, January 30, 1782, Lafayette in the American Revolution, Vol. 5, 9. The endnote written by Idzerda states that “During this same month, Franklin was writing to his American colleagues John Adams, John Jay, and Robert Morris about the limits of French aid and the need for the Americans to help themselves.” For more on this notion, see Smyth, Writings of Franklin, 8:357-58, 364-66, 373-74.69 Lopez, 191-192. One of the transport ships was recalled shortly after it left, Lafayette was unaware. A second ship was delayed due to tardiness of the supplies and confusion over the specifics. Jonathan Williams Jr., Benjamin Franklin’s grandnephew, offered his help in attaining much of the supplies from France but created confusion with his supply list. For example, he listed over 13,000 shirts, but only 975 breeches to go along with them. He also listed 3,300 overalls but only 2,022 hats. See Lopez, 194.70 Ibid, 194. The early shipments of supplies and clothing were not nearly enough to equip 10,000 men, and more shipments had to be made over periods of time.

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To Lafayette, France was the “only true friend on which America should count in

Europe,” and under this assumption the Marquis de Lafayette did everything he could to help

negotiate trade agreements between America and France during his return trips home from the

American campaign.71 Lafayette recognized the impact he had on American trade in a letter

dated March 19, 1783 in which he states “I am convinced of two truths that my duty as a citizen

requires me to suggest to you. The first is that it is up to us to obtain almost all the American

trade. The second is that, because of the restrictions we place on trade, we are in imminent

danger of losing most of it.”72 Lafayette was well aware of the amount of influence he could

have in the French court, given his ancestral heritage, and his loyalty to the crown of France, and

he began by urging Congress to work hard to promote trade between the two nations since they

both could profit from it in the end.73 Seeming as though merely pushing the subject was not

enough, he worked extensively with Thomas Jefferson in 1781 in negotiating trade agreements

between the two countries that would allow the Americans to reduce their debt to France by

exporting their tobacco and whale oil in exchange.74 This was beneficial to the Americans

because they could alleviate some of their foreign debt to their new allies, and in doing so, they

could export two of their most readily available products to France as payment, thereby

promoting European-American trade.

Additionally, Lafayette worked with American merchants and French officials such as

Minister de Colonne and Monsieur de Vergennes to ensure safe and profitable international

trade, after it was made clear by the Americans they no longer wanted to depend so heavily upon

British trade.75 He did this by listening to the complaints of the American merchants as they

71 Lafayette to Robert R. Livingston, March 30, 1782, Lafayette in the American Revolution, Vol. 5, 21.72 Lafayette to Jean-Franςois Joly de Fleury, March 19, 1783, Lafayette in the American Revolution, Vol. 5, 111.73 Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution, 404.74 Holbrook, 65.75 Woody Holton, Forced Founders (North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 78.

Beecroft, 17

arrived in France and relayed them to French officials who addressed the problem. Lafayette

worried that restricting trade between France and America would cause the American merchants

to take their vessels to Britain for trade, once again. “Two tobacco ships,” Lafayette writes,

“were chased out of Lorient, and that immediately set course for England because of their

difficulties.”76 In response to this act, Lafayette made sure that there would no longer be any

problems for American merchants upon arriving in France, as he consulted with Colonne and

Vergennes to provide them with free ports along the French coast.77 Lafayette understood what

could be gained by establishing and maintaining safe trade between France the newly forming

United States. Not only would it be profitable for both nations, but by having the French

endorsement on the international stage, the Americans could establish themselves as an

independent nation amongst other independent nations. This would allow for respect within

international political spheres, and it would enable the growth of American prosperity via trade

with their new allies and peers. Dr. Samuel Cooper, aware of Lafayette’s role in negotiating an

agreement between the two nations, stated that his “whole conduct, both public and private,

appears to me to have been most happily adapted to serve the great purpose of the alliance, and

cement the two nations.”78 More than aware of this understanding, Lafayette made valiant

efforts in ensuring that the United States was able to safely and productively trade

internationally, and that it started with an American tie to France.

76 Lafayette to Jean-Franςois Joly de Fleury, March 19, 1783, Lafayette in the American Revolution Vol. 5, 111. Lafayette then states, “I am unhappy to think that in repulsing American trade instead of attracting it, we serve the English much better than they can serve themselves,” and that “a greater constraint on the markets would have a bad effect on American merchants.”77 Officer, 148-151. These pages contain correspondence between Lafayette, Vergennes, Colonne, and Morris as they work together to ensure free ports to American merchants. Colonne writes in a letter dated January 9, 1784 that the L’Orient and Bayonne ports, along with those at Dunkirk and Marseilles will be made available to the Americans so they may “send their vessels to those ports [and] not meet with any kind of difficulty.”78 Anne C. Loveland, Emblem of Liberty (Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1971), 13. Samuel Cooper was a Boston Congregational Minister. For more on Cooper see http://www.belcherfoundation.org/cooper_biographies.htm.

Beecroft, 18

Lafayette also realized that America needed a source of money in order for the emerging

nation to properly support itself through the rest of the Revolution, and to be a successful,

independent nation in the future. Lafayette himself stated that “we have nothing to fear except

her inability to carry on, and even then she would never consent to avoiding the obligations of

alliance or of gratitude.”79 Lafayette realized that the strength of the United States needed to be

built not only by American hands, but through European pockets, so he worked with Americans

John Jay, Thomas Jefferson, and Benjamin Franklin to secure funds for the war effort. The

United States, tired and dreary from years of war against the superior British, simply could not

afford to put an end to the revolution without the means to carry on until the last shot had been

fired. The United States had already used most of, if not all of its money and resources to stage

the rebellion in the first place, and because they were so stricken for money, Lafayette feared that

the “impossibility of paying their debts will put American merchants in the hands of the British.

One does not abandon a workman whose bill one cannot pay off, and if a chance on this subject

is not added, the trade relationship that we want will suffer considerably.”80 The money the

Americans would receive from wealthy and powerful European nations not only allowed them to

continue the revolution with enough force to finally defeat the British, but it would also allow the

Americans to stand on a sturdy economic foundation for them to thrive as a new nation.

Eager to put the war to an end and to allow the American economy to create its own

foundation, Lafayette also made a number of appeals to Spain for its involvement in peace

negotiations. Lafayette, having already stressed the importance of an American trade alliance

with France, also understood the positive effects that would come from an American peace treaty

with Spain. Lafayette wrote to Robert Livingston stressing the importance of an American

79 Lafayette in the Close of the American Revolution, 382.80 Lafayette to the Comte de Vergennes, July 21, 1783, Lafayette in the American Revolution, 145.

Beecroft, 19

alliance France and Spain saying that “the more so as she became a natural ally to France, a

natural enemy to Britain,” and that although the Spaniards will become “very jealous of the

increase of American wealth and power, […] it is good policy for us [Americans] to be upon

friendly terms with them.”81 The letter also shows Lafayette’s worry of Spanish jealousy

towards the United States and their potential prosperity, or perhaps their intimidation as a result

the powerfully emerging American sovereignty threatening the Floridian satellite they

desperately wanted. Regardless, Lafayette stressed that it was important for the Spanish to put

those worries aside and to work with the Americans and the French towards a treaty that would

benefit each of them. Lafayette knew Spain was a powerful force in itself, but he was also aware

that an alliance against Britain would benefit each ally. For the Americans, they could detach

themselves from their dependence upon British imports and have a reliable trade agreement with

France and Spain. For the French, nothing would serve them better than playing an active role in

the demise of the English, an empire long their adversary. And for the Spanish they could

receive the Floridian satellite from Britain.82

In order for Lafayette to get his influence relayed to the Spanish court he wrote a series of

correspondence letters between he and an old friend William Carmichael, who was then acting as

the chargé d’affaires at Madrid, in which Lafayette attempts to persuade Carmichael to convince

the Spanish King and Queen to sign a peace treaty with the Americans and the French.83

Lafayette was well aware of the possibility that the letters sent to Carmichael would be

intercepted and read by the Spanish government, so in these letters he used wording that was

intended for Spanish eyes only. In one of these letters, Lafayette tried to convince Spain they

should sign a treaty with the emerging United States on the preconceived notion that they were 81 Lafayette to Robert R. Livingston, February 5, 1783, Lafayette in the American Revolution, 87.82 Tower, 99.83 Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution, 396

Beecroft, 20

seen as equals, and that there was to be mutual respect between the two nations. Lafayette

wrote: “Congress, I hope, & thro’ them, the whole nation, do not intend their dignity to be trifled

with & for my part, I have no inclination to betray the confidence of the American people. I

expect we are going to have peace & I expect Spain is going to act by you with propriety” and if

there were any hesitation on behalf of the Spaniards, “France may stand a mediator & thro’ that

generous & common friend, we may come to the wished for connection with the Court of

Spain.”84 So successful was the pestering of Lafayette on the issue of peace between the three

nations that eventually Spain acquiesced and joined the allies against Britain, and from then it

was a matter of time before the British were forced to surrender.

In order to further push the idea of surrender towards Britain, French and Spanish

soldiers were assembled to sail to America to fight alongside the Americans. Lafayette, who had

been appointed adjunct general to count d’Estaing, commander of the French fleet in Spain, was

one of the eight thousand French and Spanish soldiers who were being sent to America.85 When

word reached Lafayette that the British had surrendered via the Treaty of Paris in 1783 he could

not hold back his excitement as he wrote a series of letters he wrote to American dignitaries

informing them of the peace treaty that had been signed.86 In a letter to George Washington

dated February 5, 1783, Lafayette writes “but with my dear general I rejoice at the blessings of a

peace where our noble ends have been secured.”87 Not only had Lafayette helped establish a

trade agreement for the Americans and France, but he had also worked on a peace treaty between

84 Ibid, 397.85 Officer, 146.86 “Treaty of Paris,” September 30, 1783, The Avalon Project: Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/paris.asp (accessed May 5, 2012). This treaty recognized sovereignty of the United States, for article see website.87 Lafayette to George Washington, February 5, 1783, Lafayette in the American Revolution, 91. Lafayette also wrote to the President of Congress as well as Robert Livingston to relay the news about the peace between nations. Lafayette to the President of Congress, 84-85, Lafayette to Robert Livingston, 86-90.

Beecroft, 21

the two and Spain, which came shortly after the United States was able to negotiate a Treaty of

Amity and Commerce with the United Netherlands.88 Consequently, Lafayette and the United

States and ensured the potential for growth for the emerging independent Americans from

abroad.

The extent of Lafayette’s generosity and influence did not end for the Americans after

they had gained independence at the expense of Britain. Lafayette was eager to make sure the

rights and freedoms the Americans had just won for themselves would not diminish after the

Revolution. Consequently, in the years after the Treaty of Paris in 1783 Lafayette worked with

American dignitaries to ensure that their independence remained recognized and that their

international trade market did not flounder in any way. He understood the impact a struggling

United States would have internationally, especially after French involvement, and knew that

France might lose some credibility if their involvement resulted in the failure of the United

States to sustain itself. Lafayette was aware that increased foreign trade was vital for American

success, and when asked by British-born American merchant and financier Robert Morris for

help in promoting American trade internationally, specifically with India, Lafayette was more

than eager to help. Lafayette realized that the free trading ports in French colonies around the

southern tip of Africa were a perfect stopping point for American merchants on their way to

India. To this notion, Morris wrote “I shall proceed to request your exertions for establishing a

free port at the Isle of France of Bourbon […] I confess that it appears to me to be the probable

means of establishing, at that port, the most extensive and useful commerce with India that has

88 “Treaty of Amity and Commerce between the United Netherlands and the United States of America,” October 8, 1782, The Library of Congress: A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=008/llsl008.db&recNum=45 (accessed May 5, 2012), 32. Treaty was ratified January 22, 1783.

Beecroft, 22

ever yet existed.”89 After leaving from the coast of France, the American merchants could travel

around the dangerous Cape of Good Hope and stop at either one of the French satellites shortly

after reading Madagascar. Being able to trade with India would be monumental for the

Americans. Not only could they import goods from the Middle East and Asia, but they would be

assured a convenient place to make port and replenish their supplies under the protection of

France. This would allow for Americans to establish connections across the world, a giant step

for an emerging independent nation.

Perhaps the most important influence Lafayette had on the Americans during the

revolution was his ability to have a positive influence on the American military, and respected

the fact that this was a war for American independence, and in order for it to be successful, the

colonies had to unify within themselves so they could have a stronger force against their

opposition. After his arrival he made it known he wanted “to learn, and not to teach” after

Washington said he was embarrassed at the state of the Continental Army.90 Lafayette even

refers to the American soldiers as his “masters” in a letter to Washington.91 However, after

spending nearly two years with the American army, Lafayette could not help but speak up about

the lack of unity within the army to Washington stating “for God’s sake prevent theyr loudly

disputing together. Nothing hurts so much the interests and reputation of America as to hear of

theyr intestine quarrels.”92 Lafayette understood how it would look internationally if the

89 Robert Morris to Lafayette, May 19, 1784, Lafayette in the American Revolution, 218-219. The Isle of France is now Mauritius and Bourbon is now Réunion. These two islands are off the east coast of Madagascar.90 Memoires, “First Voyage and First Campaign in America 1777-1778.”91 Lafayette to George Washington, October 7, 1779 in Stanley J Idzerda, Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776-1790 (New York: Cornell University Press, 1979), II, 324, In this letter, Lafayette mentions an American newspaper that assumes Lafayette will try and “teach military discipline through the American Army,” but instead refers to them as his masters and that is there to learn from them.92 Louis Gottschalk, The Letters of Lafayette to Washington (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1944), 75. These disputes came after many officers became upset “with the promise of half-pay for life, [and] had petitioned Congress for immediate payment of a lump sum or partial payment of back wages and retirement after the way on full pay for a fixed number of years,” see Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution, 405.

Beecroft, 23

Americans were fighting amongst themselves and at the same time fighting the British. He did

not want the international community to look down upon the Americans as feeble and

insignificant because they could not unite themselves for the common good of the people.

Lafayette’s relationship with Washington allowed him to be blunt with Washington when

something needed to be addressed. He understood what the unification of the Union would mean

to the war effort, and was not afraid to tell General Washington what needed to be done. In this

way, Lafayette had stepped up and gave a stern critique to Washington when others might have

been afraid to. In listening to his new comrade’s plea, it showed the level of trust between the

two, a trust that lead to a successful American Revolution.

As was the case during the Revolution, Lafayette was praised everywhere he went after

its conclusion. Not only was he loved in France, but he was loved in America for the same

reasons. The love that the Americans gave him was of great impact on his conscience. He had

fiercely and tirelessly fought in the name of American independence to ensure a better life for the

colonists, and the Americans who served under him had the upmost respect for Lafayette, as in

many of their eyes, he was one of them, an American. In Pennsylvania for example, Lafayette

received an address from the Committee of Officers of the Late Pennsylvania line which stated:

“We very sensibly feel all the warmth and affection arising from the intercourse of the field, […], we can never forget […] you generously stepped forth, the advocate of our rights—the noble example you gave by early bleeding in our infant cause, impresses us with an exalted idea of your patriotism [and] and endears you to us as a soldier; and while we mingle with the class of citizens, we can never forget the influence your conduct had in leading us to the liberty and independence we now enjoy.”93

The amount of respect the American soldiers had for Lafayette was clear, and the admiration he

felt for them was unparalleled as well. In a letter to Congress Lafayette wrote “that

93 Address of the Committee of Officers of the Late Pennsylvania Line to Lafayette, signed Arthur St. Clair, Anthony Wayne, and William Irvine, August 9, 1784, Lafayette in the American Revolution, 234.

Beecroft, 24

unexpressable satisfaction, which the good will of my countrymen towards me affords to my

heart, I am indebted for to theyr ardent love for American, for the cause of freedom and its

defenders theyr new allies, and to the idea they entertain that I had the happiness to serve the

United States.”94 This mutual admiration and respect between Lafayette and the American

soldiers inspired the United States. If the Americans had not been receptive to Lafayette, or if

Lafayette had tried to use his French military training and to diminish the role of the Americans

in the fight for their independence, the positive result the came from the revolution may not have

taken place. Moreover, without his “inestimable services” for the Americans, “it is difficult […]

to imagine how America could have achieved its independence,” and Lafayette’s assimilation

into the Continental Army was paramount for the American success.95

By the time of Lafayette’s service to America was complete, he had honorably served in

the American army, used his French influence and connections to secure clothing, weapons,

ammunition, and reinforcements for the Americans, and played a pivotal role in establishing and

maintaining safe international trade for American merchants. Not only was he honored by the

Committee of the Officers of the Late Pennsylvania Line, but also by the Massachusetts State

Assembly as well as the Boston merchants after he participated in the successful defeat the

British in Yorktown.96 Congress even praised Lafayette’s loyalty and service to America in a

letter to King Louis XVI stating Lafayette “has ably promoted the interests of both countries, and

acquired glory by strenuous and successful endeavors to advance our mutual honor, prosperity,

and confidence,” and that Americans “think highly of his talents, and are convinced of his

94 Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution, 26.95 Tower, 55.96 Lafayette in the American Revolution, xliv. Lafayette was also honored by the Rhode Island chapter of the Cincinnati, was awarded an honorary degree from Harvard University, and had his male heirs approved for citizenship by the Maryland House of Delegates.

Beecroft, 25

disposition to perpetuate the amity and good understanding” between France and America.97

Additionally, over one hundred and fifty years after his death on May 20, 1834, Lafayette was

posthumously granted honorary citizenship by Congress in the United States because he

“voluntarily put forth his own money and risked his life for the freedom of Americans,”

demonstrated “bravery that forever endeared him to the American soldiers,” and for his help

securing French aid to the United States, making him “forever a symbol of freedom.”98 Each of

these accolades, although prestigious and honorable, would not have given him as much

satisfaction as having the love and respect of his soldiers—his American brothers. In closing,

the impact Lafayette had on the war was monumental, and without him, the American

Revolution may not have been successful, and America may not be as powerful as it is today. To

Lafayette we owe our greatest level of appreciation, and to Lafayette we owe our sovereign

identity.

97 Congress to Louis XVI, December 11, 1784, Lafayette in the American Revolution, 282.98 The House of Representatives, Joint Resolution 13 Conferring Honorary Citizenship of the United States on Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, also known as the Marquis de Lafayette, 107th Cong., 1st sess., December 18, 2001. An amendment was made to this resolution, correcting the name of Lafayette as well as adding the term “posthumously.” For amendment, see The House of Representatives, Joint Resolution 13 Amendments, 107th Cong., 2nd sess., July 22, 2002.

Beecroft, 26

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