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In This ISWP
~What Is the Threat?
~ CafiadianUnification
~ VietnamGroundWar
2“2.S&M UN!VERs~
ryx4,Jl 41ENTS April 7
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UNITED STATES ARMY COMMAND AND GENERAL
STAFF COLLE6E, FORT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS
COMMANDANTMajor General Michael S Davison
ASSISTANT COMMANDANT
Brigadier General Robert C Taber
The MilitaryReview is published by the United States ArmyCommandand Gemi
Staff College in close association with the United States ArmyWarCollege. It provikrl
forum for the expression of military thought on national and military strategy, rvItivJ
securityaffairs,and on doctrinewith emphasis at the divisionand higherIevalsof com~
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ilitary Review\Professional Journal of the US rmy
Canadi an Uni f i cat i on . . Wg Cdr J. Gel l rrer , Royal Canadi an Ai r Force, Ret
The Command?r and Civi lWi t ery Relat i ons . . LTC Irvin M . Kent , USA
The Cot f p D’ Et at . . . . . . . . . . . . . . C. E. S. Dudley
6mt ran Reserves and Replacement s . . . . . . . . Er i c Wal dman
Inchon The 6enerat ’ s Dec i si on . . . . . CPT H. Pat Toml inson, USA, Ret
Ho’s M ist ake . . . . . . . . . . . . MAJ Dave R. Palmer, USA
M ossow and t he Chinese M issi l e . . . . . . . . . , Fri t z Ermart h
What Is t he Threat ? . . . . . . . . COL Irving Heymont , USA, Ret
India’ s Al t ernat i ves . . . . . . . . . . Bri g R. D. Law, Indian Army
Il rmrnd Warf are in Viet nam . . . . . . . . . . Ant hony Harr igan
~wf dsh Army’s Rol e in Nat ionbrr i l di r rg . . . . . COL Cl i f t on C. Fox, USA
Operat ion M ol dau . . . . . . . . : . . . . . . . Anonymous
A New Look at t he M int i emen . . . . . . . MAI John R. Gal vin, USA
Waapons f or Int ernal Oef ens 1970. 80 . . . COL Alvin C. Isaacs, USA
Webi l i t y Wi t hout Wheel s, Wings, or Bl ades . . COL Char les M . Tyson, USA
~i y Not es . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4+
F
ry Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3
9
14
21
28
35
40
47
5B
80
88
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80
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10 8
: The VIEWS expressed in this ma ezirre ARE THE AUTHORS’ and not neoeseerily those of the
fkrny or the Oommsnd and Genera Steff College. ,
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Edftorin Chief
COLDonaldJ. Delaney
Associate Editor
COLJohn B. McKinney
ArmyWarCollege
AaafstantEditor
LTCA, LeroyCovey
FaatsrrasEditor
LTCCharlesA. Gatzka
ProductionEditor
Helen M. Hsll
Spanislr-AmarisanEdftw
MAJJuan Horta-Merly
BrazilianEditors
LTCPaulo A, F. WanaLTCWalterJ, Fauathri
PublicationOflicer
MAJNormanC. Murray
Art and Design
CharfesA. Moore
OonaldL. Thomas
MILITARY monthlyby the U.S. Arm Command StsflSollege Fort&PW3V-Publlshed #ndGemorslrmwerth,Kansasin EnIlsh,Spanish,andPortuUWO.$SIof fund!ror h+Inllngof this publlcEtiOObermspprowdby Has% o0varters,D@artmerrt the Army,28 May1X!&
SSOOIId.SiaSSestagc rdat ort hawmwrth, Kansas,svbscrkwonwree,S4.00IUScur~e~ ehag the UnitedStates,f%tedStatesmillrSIYIOtiOfnM*,dthesamimfrle$fiich sreme~d
n.krrerkenPostalUnkrrr Spain,$S.OR* yearIn 011ottwrcovntriwlsinglecopy*lncludlnaS0 aanfa.kidress WdtSOriptiOO IA.S. ArmyCommend StOtailto the OookDepartment, end rlermrelCollege,fort Leavenworth,ensesSS027.
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7
(Estractedfrom a speech by PresidentLyndonB.VIETNAM lohnwn,Washington, 19S7).C.,10January
We are in Vietnam because the United States of America and
our allies are committed by the SEATOTreaty to ‘act to meet the
commondanger of aggression in Southeast Asia.’
We are in Vietnam because an int ernat i onal agreement signedby the UnitedStates, North Vietnam and ot hers in 1962 is bei ng system
at i cal ly violat ed by t he Communists.
>
That v iolat ion threatens the independenceof al l t he smal l nat i ons
in Southeast Asia and t hreatens the peace of the ent i re region and,
perhaps, the wor ld.
We are there because t he peopl e of Sout h Viet nam have as much
r ight to remain non-Communist , i f that is what they choose, as North
Vietnam has to rererainCommunist.
We ar e t here because t he Congress has pledged by solemn vote
to tak e al l necessary measurest o prevent fur ther aggression.No bet ter
words could describe our present course than those once spoken bythe great Thomas Jefferson.
‘ I t is the melancholy law of human societ ies to be compel l ed
somet imes to choose a great evi l in order to ward of f a greater avi l . ’
We have chosen to f i ght a l imi t ed war in Vietnam in an at tempt
to prevent a l arger war-s war that ’ s almost cer tain to f ol low, I
bel i eve, i f the Communists succeeded in overrunning and t aki ng over
Sout h Vie t nam by aggressi onand by f o rc e . I bel i eve , and I am suppor t ed
by some author i ty , that i f they are not chec ked now the wor ld can ex
pect to pay a greater pr ice to check them later .
..
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!SERVICE IN CANADANIFICATION
Wing CommanderJohn Gellner, ReMalCamre%mAir Force, Retired
ILL C-243, the Canadian Forces
Reorganization Act, is now ba
fore Parliament. It will still have come
rough going both in committae and
onthe floor of the Houee, but, barring
such drastic developments as the fall
of the present government, it eeems
assured of final paseage, perhaps by
nest summer. Its basic provision, in
stilon 2 of the act, then will become
law: “The Canadian Forcee are theanneal forces of Her Majesty raieed
by Canada and coneist of one Service
called the Canad]an Armed Forces.”
Thie ia a revolutionary departure.
Air forcee ara treated es weapons
branchee of a eingle service in some
countries—for example, Switzerland
-but nowhere is this the case withthe naviw. Furthermore, nowhere elee
bee the fundamental reason for oneservice--the indivisibility of modern
Wer-been established and then made
the basis for a complete reorganiza
tion of the defense establishment.
Canada’s ie, of course, an experi
ment. It could turn out badly in its
Practical application. If thie happens,
Ml 1337
the Canadian armed forces will have
been eeriouely harmed for ycare to
come. If it turns out well, and there
is no reaeon why it should not, then
Canada will have set a precedent of
the utmost importance, aapacially to
the world’s middle and smell pewers.
These countriw are being forced, just
as Canada is, by the growing axpen
sivenesa of military power into the
greatest possible rationalization oftheir defenee organizations. The uni
fication of the servicee ia surely the
ultimate in such rationalization.
It must not be thought that Canada
embarked on large-scale experimenta
tion with her armed forces juet for
the sake of testing a new model or
ganization, even if it was one whicheooner or later had to be tested soma-where. Caneda went into it bacause
ahe had to and because she could af
ford to try. This dual motivetion—
neceeeity and opportunity-is moat
important for understanding, the Ca
nadian unification scheme.
The political climate in Canada page
the defense ‘budget at 1.5 IAlli;ii dol
3
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wE.~ l sf l cmom
)are at the approximate dollar value
of 1662. TMs WS8 the year the pres
ent Liberal Government came to
power. There ie a modest yearly in
crement of about two pement to tiecare of inflation, so that successive
Defense Eetimatee have been for ap
proximately 1.626, 1.560, and 1.672
billion doUara. However, it is still only
1.5 biSUon in real 1962 dollars, and,
perhe~ not even quite that. Of tide
cum, 18ss than 1.4 billion actually go
to the three servicee. The balance ie
for eundry extraneous expenditure
such ae mutual aid or peneione.
Volusltw Fwses
Canada bee all-volunteer forces. No
other method of recruitment ie pelit
ieally Peseible in tbie country in time
of peaca. Gmeequently, the per cnpite
coet of the services is high. Taking
ee a meaeure only the more or less
tied expenditures shown in the Op
erations and Maintenance Stilon of
the Defense Estiitee-wldch covers
neY. . . allowances. maintenance of build
ings and materiel, and eoete of cur
rent operation-it amounte to more
than 10,000 dollare a year per man.
The result is that operation and
maintemuwe hea been taking an over
growing, pmpetilonately much too
high ehare of the total money avail
abla to the three services. Correapend-
Wing Commander John Ge41w,Rou04 Canadian Air Force, Retired,
was born in T&te and educnted inAuEh+a, France, and CcecheeZueakia.He practiced tiW in (?zecho8kw0.kiOuntil 1989 when b came to the UnitedStite8. He ealiet8d {n the RCAF upontb outbreak of World War II, andemved until hi8 retirement in 19S8.Commander GeUner is Editor Of Cemmentatir, a political nq7m”ne, cen
tributea to other publioatimw, and hueIeetwwd in tit-e United Statee.
4
ingly, the account for modarnicetioa
-construction and aequieition of w
jor equipment-bee been pm
sively decreasing in actual dollare esd
ee a proportion of the entire budgttIn the 1966-66 Defenee EetimeX &@
lest before the present reerganimtkm
showed any effects, the tlguree wen
1.119 billion and 268 milUon dolleq
rea@lvely, and the ratio betwm
tixed coete and funds for moderniw
tion wee more than four to one.
HEWEspsaditurssA projection made in 1961 indicated
that, if the dafenae budget remained
dxed, expenditure for operations end
maintenance would be equal to the
tot,al allotment for defense by Fiscal
Year 196S-69 with notMng laft for
new equipment. Even with the pm
vieion of the already mentioned two
percent increment for infletioq *
rainy day could not be peetpened for
more then one or two years, and this
only if some new fixed expenditera
would not epeed ite coming.
A pay increase which was effectht
1 October 1966 did so, and adde to
the budget an extra 62.6 miUion dol.
lara yearly. Ae the VbM Chief of tt+Defense Staff, Ak’ Marshal F. R.
Sharp, acid in a speech in Lendou
Ontario: ‘TIrdeae eometMng wee dom
we would price ourselves out of exisb
ence.”
The question wee what could la
done about it. Tha Canadian Geverw
ment dld not want to fail on ita coo +mitmente to North Ameriean defen%
to the North Atlantic Treaty Orgaei
sation, to the United Nations, and to
amrdler but atiil important domeetic
tasks. The only eolution wee to fuldll
all cmnmitmente with fewer inct.elb
tiorw and men. Hencq the radk.al *
tioneliaation came into being wbiCbeervice unification makes pmeible.
MilitwyRwiw
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... _..
UNIFICATION:
The other motivation for service
unification was opportunity, or free
dom to experiment. It must be re
membered that Canada hoe for the
last 96 years been in the extraordinary position of not bating to worry
about her passive security. She was
in no serioue danger of having her
territory, coastal waters, or air space
invaded. In the Treaty of Washing
ton in 1871, Caneda acquired a per
manently undefended border to the
south.From then until 1945, her ocean
tkmkewere secured mainly by British
mapower.And the belt of arctic waste
land to the north wae practically im
penetrable in the then stete of mili
tary technology. ‘
InviolataArea
From 1945 onward, with the center
of gravity of international relatione
atdftcd to the United States-Sovietcompetition for world leedershlp, Can
ada has, militarily, been the strategic
forefieId of the United States. She
thus is an aree wh]ch the world’s
mightiest power hae to keep inviolate
in its own interest even if it were
not treatybound to do so. The Cana
dian military establishment has al.WSYSeerved, and stiil serves, onlytbe country’s active security which ie
to help further Canadian political pol
icies.
This has been done traditionally by
SCtii se second to a principal-Great
Britain until the end of the Second
World War, and the United Ststee
since 1945. ca~dian defense planning
was, therefore, a relatively simple
matter. With one eye on available re-
SOUreesand the other on what the
principalwae doing, Canada produced
Zddhions to the latter’s military
drengtb, and organized, trained, and
equipped to fit. in with her military
W@izetion.
Before Hiroebhna, tMe did not pre- “
sent particular problems, It wee WY ;
to keep in stip with the Brit~h con- \
cept of conventional warfare, and then J
to produce a number of battalion, :4squadrons, and flotiltze on tbe British 3
PSttSrII. This was done in a smell way ~
5 laal
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UNIFICATION
Canada tried to do so until 1963,
In fact, unable to finance the frequent
changea the United States decided, or
was forced, tomekq she always hob
bled more or lese far behind. In thespring of 1963, Paul T. HelIyer came
in with the new Liberal Administra
tion as Minister of National Defense,
He was convinced that the simple, sec
ond-principal relationship no longer
C.z.udi.. arm .%nt<nelIwo.
Generrd Jean V. Allsrd, Chief ef theDefense Staff, Canadian armed forces
served, that it wee wasteful for Canada, and was of limited usefulness tv
the United States.
Consequently, he formed a Canadian
defense pelicy which was based on Ca
nadian military thinking and attuned
to Canadian capabilities and require
ments, including, of course, that of
cooperating militarily with the UnitedStaten and the we&em coalition Ied
by the United States. He thue became
the architect of the thorough reergani
aation Of the Canadian military es
tablishment based on a new definition
of missions, on service integration,
and, ultimately, service unitlcntion.
This complete overhaul has been
possible becmine Canada is pawively
secure as long as the United States
is strong. The work now hdng done
should result, if all goes well, in
greet)y enhanced Canadian active SS
curity which should benefit this coun.
try and ite friends and allies.
Nsw PrimaryMlsalona
In determining what Canada’s prin.
cipal military mission should be, both
the general politico-military situation
in the world and the role Canada isplaying in it had to be considered,
The feet that Canada needs to he
seriously concerned only with her SC.
tive security was the obvious etsrthgpoint of all considerations. The prob
lem wae to determine what kind of
militiry pelicy would do Canada the
greatest goed politically in terms of
helping her to achieve her natural
aims of peace, prosperity, and devel
opment in freedom; of maintainingher alliances; and of buying influence
where this is needed.
Clearly, this would not be achieved
by concentrating on the deterrence of,
and the creation of a capability to en
gage in, unlikely conflicts, General
nuclear war, limited nuclear war-
these two anywhere in the world-ormajor conventional war in Europe are
all possibilities but, fortunately; w
mote ones. Canada is committed to
contribute militarily to warding OR
these remote threats, and does so hy
participating in the North American
Air Defense Command and NATO.
ObvioirsIy, a much more usefo~pract.icel, and politically more reward
ing task can be performed by Canadr
keeping flexible and mobile forcfs
ready for the deterrence, and if nerd
be the fighting, of lower mule armrd
eonflicta. Such confllcta could include
ineurgent ware, civil wars extended
by foreign intervention, and llmitd
conventional wars jn the old etyla
MllltwyRariR
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..
With no specific interests, Canada
would, ss a rule, act as restorer or
keeperof peece in such confScta where
diplomacy has failed.
Logically, then, it ie thie missionwhich has bean made the principal one
for the Canadian armed foreee. It
must not be understood ae encom
pzseing only the type of UN police
MIOUSin which Canada has engaged
in the pest, and is engaged now in the
Sinai Peninsula (United Nations
Emergency Force) and in Cyproe(United Nations Forces in Cyprus).
It is not, ss Mr. Hellyer put it, merely
a matter of “blue berets and billy
sticke: but of having a fighting force
capable of intervening in a great va
riety of situations.
OneWar,Ona ServiceLimited conventional confllcts are
fought with all the means for fight
ing them applied together toward a
single aim: victory within the politico.
miIitary limitations resulting in a
favorable peace. The question iswhether the eingle purpose of the in
divisible war can be achieved better
by eeveral armed services acting in
esordination, or by one eervice withcotomon doctrine, personnel and ma
teriel planning, training, and epirit.
There can be litfle doubt that, thee
reticelly, one service is beet. It isalso the obvious eohrtioh because the
historical reasons that did exist for
a division have either dieappeared, as
in the ease of the separation of sea
end land warfare, or have never been
valid, as ie the czee of the reparation
of air from sea and land warfare.
‘Rwe traditional divieions in the pact
beve resulted in intereervice competi
tion and wrangling which were detri
mental to the over-all cause in time
of peace, and in inefficiency and mis
takes in war.
M 1ss7
“ ;” “ “ jUNiFICATION
All count?iee in the Second World
War probably suffered diflicultiee be
cauee the cldefe of the three services
bad different backgrounds, and thus
different outlooks. Fortunately, thesame difficulties were experienced in
countries on either eide of the figh~
ing lines. The moral would seam tobe that coordination is fine, but it is
even better if there is no need to
coordinate.
Tradition
Why, then, has unification of theservices never been attempted in prec
tice except now in Canada? The prin
cipal reason is, undoubtedly, the re
luctance to tamper with an existiig
organization wh]ch has eerved, albeit
not perfectly, for a long time. Tradi
tion also stands in the way. This is
partkxdarly true in the navies where
sea warfare wae of neceseity often
conducted in isolation from land op
erations.
In Canada, too, navy men are the
strongeet opponents of service unifi
cation. One rezzon for oppeeition is
typically Canadian. It steme from the
type of inferiority complex which Ca
nadians have in military affairs. Theydo not-doubt the fighting prowess of
their men, but they are dubious about
the qualifications of their leaders ae
military thinkers. This attitude ie, no
doubt, a throwback from the yeare
during which Canadian strategy was
made in I.andon and later in Waeh
ingten. It is shown in the questione
that are being asked: why do we have
to he the ftret to try? Are we really
capable of behg the first?
Service unification was set as the
ultimate goal in the “WMte Paper on
Defenee” of March 1964i mere are
no readings on the effeete of uni5ca
tion hacauee the servicee are not yet
unified-they cannot be until Parlia
7’
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.
.’ffNIFICAlfON
rnent approves. The preliminary work
of integration, of combhing paraSeI
functions while rnaintrdning the tri
aervice structure, is, however, far ad
vanced. Actually, it ie virtually com
pleted.
BN C-90, which became law on
1 Auguet 1964, mtablished a single
Chief of the Defense Staff to replace
the Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff
Committee and the Chiefs of Staff of
the three servicca. This wae followed
by the formation of a single Canadian
Forceq Headquarters, and six func
tional commands-mobile, maritime,
training, materiel, air transport, and
air defens%ncompaesing the activ
ities of all three eervicee which had
totaled 11 commands.
In 1966 the service skzlls were in
tegrated. There were formerly 346 in
the three services. Now, there are 98,of which 28 are unique to one service,
and 70, from cook to aircraft engine
mechanic, common’ to two, or to all
three. In these common skills, mem
bere of the thrco services are inter
changeable and are, in fact, already
being interchanged as the need arises.
Bill C-243, when it becomce law, willintroduce the outer signs of unity:
a common rank structur+the ranke
will be the present ones of the army
with some slight meditbzationa-and
a common off-duty uniform.
Service integration is still too new
to have produced any great number
of resulti measurable in dollars andcents eavcd, and even less of the more
ditlicult to measure rcaulbr in greater
general ettlciency and combat readi
nem. This will take tjme.
There are, however, already some
encouraging indication. Each of W
cervices looked after ite own strategk
communications, Iandlines, teletype f~
cilitiee, and relay and filter centers
This required S,S07 personnel. TbI
three orgardnations were Integratd
into a eingle Canadian Forcee Commu.
nioations System nearly two years ago
It is run by 2,9S0 personnel with t
payroll saving of close to one and ~
half million dollars a year. A simiim
amount is being saved by the eIimiru
tion of formerly duplicated and trip
licntcd faciIitiea, both owned catleased, and of some plants that bav{
become redundant.
The ma] benefits from having {
single communications system arc
however, yet to come. Plans are un
derway te automatize it f(rllj. Tbi
would not have been economical witl
three smaller organizations, but wilbe with a single large one. This wil
lead to a reduction by 600 in man
power alone, or altogether by 22 psr
cent compared with the original ea
tablishmenti. The system is also m
pccted to be vastly more et?lcient.
In a recent speech in Montreal, Que
bee, General Joan V. Allard, Chief othe Defense Staff, said that all in d
“there has been a saving of over 14
million dollars since integration br
garr.” This is welcome because i
mearm that a substantial aum has kea
freed for the procurement of rim
equipment. Material efdciency is o d
onet t
Canadixf the revolutionaryplan.’ Operational efficiency is tb
other, and the more important, 1
Canada paem both, she will undoubledly have many followtwa in the worl
who will want to go the same way.
.8
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ml 1967
-
Lieutenant Colonel Irvin M. KenG Um’ted Stote8 Armu
The views eworeesed in thie artislo are the aw
thor’e and are no; nsceeearily those of the Depart-
ment of the Army, Department of Defense, or the
J7S Army Command atzd General Staff College.—Editor.
1914 a hard-pressed French Army moved severalthousand men from one flank to another, counterat
tacked, and restored a desperate situation. There was
nothing particularly unueual in the maneuver except thatthe movsment wae made by means of the civilian taxicabfleat of the city of Paris.
In 1940 another hard-preeeed French Army was unable to control the flow of civilian refugees along its main
eupply and reinforcement routes and found itself defeatedwithout even a chaneo to commit a large portion of its
reserves to action..
In the eummer of 1944, as US armies ewept acrossFrance, a eerioue ehortage of fiv+gallon gasoline cans
threatened to wreak havoc with the logistic ayatcm oftour forces. Thousande of these cans had been jeWleoncdby our troope in their haete to pueh on with the pursuitof the fleeing German armies. These cane were scattered
alqng the tielde and roade of France. A large-scale andihighly eucceeeful paychologicel campaign was directedtoward the echool children and other young people ofFrance to find, collect, end turn the cane in to the rtser
eet US unit or installation. WhSe many cans ware never
recovered, the responec of the children of France waeextremely helpful, and the worst aspccte of the ebortage
were thus overcome. ”
9
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CML-MS.ITARYEI.ATIONS
In 1945 commanders of US military
forces found themselves exercising full
executive, legislative, and judicial au
thority over millions of conquered peo
ples on both sideti of the globe.In the 1960’a the eronmanders of
several major US Army unita found
themselves and their unita committed,within the continental United States,
to enforce the orders of the civilian
courts.
For the past several years, the
commanders of Bolivian Army unitsand their US advisors have found
themselves fully committed to the
movement of people from the Alti
plano to more fertSe lowland areas.
Thie action caused them to use the
medical, engineering, and transporta
tion facilities of their unite to im
prove the lot of segments of the civilian populace.
Today, commanders of posts, camps,
and stations both at home and abroad
find -themselves engaged in attempt
ing to influence surrounding commu-
nities to provide housing, education,
and recreational facilities for their
personnel and their dependenta with-Lientenmt Colonel Irvin M. Kent
is un”th the Awge Advocate Section,l WbJmWt8r8, US Army Air D8fS7WSGomnwnd, Ent Air Fercs Bass, Cole-rao SF”ngs, Colorado. He /sol& aB.A. degree from S@wuse Universityin New York and an LL.B. from Har-vard Law School, Cambridge, Ma.
cha+retts. Hie assignments inclti dutgwith tks Oflice of the Staff Judge Ad-vocate, US Artwg CommdcationsZone, Europe, and with the US ArmyCombat Devehrpnwnte Command, CivilAraire Agetwg, Fort Gorckm, Geor-gia. A frequent contributor to tlwMnrrAIw REVIEW,his meet recent ar-tidv, “Hard SkU/a and Drepowte/ ap-
peared in the Dscember 1966 ieeuc.
a..
out discrimination because of race 01
color.
In the Republic of Vietnam, td
South Vietnamese ArmY units and Uunits are frequently engaged in at
tions designed to protect the bermand safe storage of the rice crop frw
the ravages of the Viet Cong and tbei
“taxation:’
MajorActivities .*Each of these vignettes of miii,
history illustrates one or more of.
seven major activities which tog
make up a military commander%’terest in his civil-military relatior civil affairs as they are eelle&
the US Army. These are: ~
Provision of civilian suppwtand prevention of civilian intc
ence with tactkal and logistic o1
tions. “s
Providing or supportingfunctions of government for a ci “
4population.
Community relations of theitary forces. ‘,
Military civic action se ‘pati”
internal deve~opment operations. ‘
BfSitsry patilcipation in a
ulace and resources control proas part of internal defense operati
Military support of civil defe ,
Consolidation psychological owations.
Each of these seven acti&.ies coal{
be illustrated by additional example
However, the examples given are mfbcient to identify civil affairs for whs
they are-the commander’s relatiouchips with Ida civilian environmsdThis scope is so broad that. no one sub
ordinate organization or eingle std
section could hope to encompass aUathe operations that deal with or affa
civil-military reiationehips.
Obviously, procurement offices mw
continue to purchsee or requisitb
Mmly u
. Ai10
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civilians, assist in the preparation of
Plansand orders to implement that
@cy, and provide staff supervisionb oversee that implementation.
The field of logietics is almost
qually diverse in its manifestations,
butno commander would think of PUt
@3 himself in a position where hekid to @nvaaa all of Me general and
~wial stiff seetions and major sub
~:l%a,
geon, provoat marshal, and logistics
officer, as well as from ids major sub
ordinate unita. This is a difficult and
time-consuming procedure.
In some respeate, civil affairs isakin to intelligence. The acquisition
of information about the enemy ie the
business of many elemente of the
Army. The denial to the enemy of in
formation about our forces is the busi.
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CNIL-MlltTARYELATIONS
ness of every member of the Army.
Intelligence and counterintelligenceoperations are planned and supervised
by specialists, but only a small per
centage of the total effort ia performed by specialist personnel. Never
theless, the intelligence element of thecoordinating staff can provide imme
diate and detailed information to thecommander on the whole intelligenceand counterintelligence situation. The
civil affaire problem should be handled in a similar manner.
Experience hae taught us that, whenwe deny to a commander the profes
sional toole he needs for an essential
tack, we have not relieved hlm of anyresponsibility-we have eimply made
all of hie tasks more difficult, To make
matters worse, most commanders havehad little training in civil affairs.
Too often, we eaddle commanders
with the necessity of doing their own
G5 work—not merely the making ofpolicy, which cannot be delegated in
any case, but aleo of doing the detail
work. Many commanders are forced
to parcel out the civil affairs job to
many etaff elements, with the risk ofgaps and duplication.
Central ContaotPointThe civilian-official or private cit
ir.en-who hae businese with a military command must hunt on his own
for the right man to see. Frequently,
he winds up at the wrong place or
finale himself talking to someone whohae only a peripheral interest in the
matter. The (25, on the other hand,provides a central point that can serve
as an initial contact for the civilian.Command policy can be explained and
proper arrangements made to do busi
ness with the appropriate staff sec
tion or euhordinate command. This at
least encourages good will, even when
the request cannot be fully satiefied.
To actileve civil affairs objectives,
the military commander engages ioone or more of the seven civil affairs
activities wideh affect the relation.
shlpe between hle forces and the civil
authorities and people in any area inwhich those forces are present.
PriorityActivityThe priority of command civil af.
fairs effort goee to that major $ivilaffairs activity moat directly related
to the mieeion of the military com
mand. Normally, consolidation psychw
logical. operations will be in supportof the other eix activities and will also
be geared to provide maximum support to the priority activity. Thus, in
1944 the priority civil affairs activitywas obviouely the provision of civilian
eupport for our tactical and logistic
operations, and the consolidation pw’
chological operation directed towardthe children of France was mounted
in eupport of that priority effort.The priorities of command effort in
this field of interest will be affected
both by the command miesion and by
the level of command concerned. Forexample, in the course of a etability
operation, such as that in Lebanon or
in the Dominican Republic, the com
mander of the US forcee was primar
ily concerned with the provision ofsupport to the civil government.
Nevertheless, the commanders of sub
ordinate units, while supporting the
over-all effort, might have differeotcivil affairs priorities.
The commander of the logisticalcommand committed in such an open
tion would he primarily concerned, ii
sofar as hie interest in civil affabr
activitke wae involved, in the provksion of civilian eupport for and Wprevention of civil interference Witi
hia Iogiatic activities. In eupport 0~
the over-~11 command mission, the IQ4
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“ ;..
gietic commander might also partici
patein population and resources controland civic action activities, but thispwticipation would not change his
priority for civil affairs activities.
Priorities of command effort can
ideobe affected by a change in the-Isvelof conflict. Thus, a post, camp, or
station commander in the United
States normally accords priority of
his civil affairs effort to communityrelations.The outbreak of general war,
however, would mean an instantaneouschange in that priority to militarysupport of civil defense which couldwsii become the major activity of his
entire command.
8imilarly, the chief of a US MilitaryAssistance Advisory Group (MA
AG) in a country faced with a phase
i insurgency wouid be primariiy concsraedin the fieid of civil affairs with
smskmg host nation forcee in pianningand conducting miiitzry civic ac
tion. If the situation degenerated to@ase H, his emphasis shouid probabiy and properly shift to military
@Icipation in populace and resoureeacontrol.
If mattera became etill worse and
his host country were invoived in a
PhaseIII insurgency, his civil affairspriority would undoubtedly shift totheprevention of civilian interference
Withtactical counterguerrilia opera
tions. In each ease, the MAAG civil
Mr+irepriority of effort would match
thepriority of effort of the host countryforces.
Tbe allocation of resources to civiiaffairs activities muet also vary ac(wdfng to command mission and the
tharecteristics of the area, rather than~~lngohe size of the over-ali
Qiiftery force. Thus, Field Marshal
&raard L. Montgomery, wbiie com-
CIVIL-MILITARYE~TlONS
manding an entire army at the Battle
of Ei Alamein, needed only a emall
civil affaire staff to pian for civii af
fairs operations when he reached pop
ulation centers in Libya. On the otherhand, Lieutenant Generai Bruce
Palmer, Jr., with a force of 1SSSthan
two divisions in the Dominican Rc.
public, needed and, used the entirecivil affairs staff capability of the 18th
Airborne Corps and a fuil civil affairs
company to handle his. civii raffairs
probieme in part of one city.Civil affairs activities of any given
command may either be in support ofother command functions or may
themselves be the supported function.
Generally, the higher the ievel of conflict, the more likely civil affairs wilibe in the support role. In certain cases,
a command’s mission may require thatprimary attention be given to the civilaffaire function. There are four sets
of circumstances where this condition
will prevail:
Internal defeneedeveiopment as
sistance operations.
Stabiiity or other cold war opera
tion necessitating military support ofthe civil power outside of the continental United States.
Military support for the civil
power in the continental United
States as a result of domestic disturbances, disaster, or hostile attack.
Military government of occupied
territory after tbe conclusion of boa.tilities.
Taidng all of the published doe.
trine together, civil affairs adds UP to
being that branch of the military art
aimed at the intelligent handling of
our relations with civilians to best ea
sist the commander in the accomplish
ment of his mission.
13 MlSV
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From The Armu Quarterl Great Britain]
C. E. S. Dudley
RECENT years, the coup d’etatNhag come into its own as a meane
of seizing power from the legitimate
government of the state. It can no
longer be regarded as the prerogative
of Ruritanian revolutionaries. Since
World War 11, governments have
fallen in Czechotdovakia, Egypt, Syria,
Irsq, Turkey, Korea, and South Vietnam—to name but a few-as the result of successful coupe.
The Commonwealth bee not been
immune to this form of political ac
tivity either. Within the pact fewyears, the government of four newly
independent African territories havehad to face the threat ofs coup d’etat
launched from within. The failure of
all but one of these attempta (Zenzi
bar) wea due not only to prompt in
tervention by British troopc, but also
to the sheer ineptitude of the Ieadera
who, in each case, fMed to observe
the most elementary principles of nuch
an operation.
The COUPd’stat, like rebellion and
insurrection, is a method ofpower by illegal and violent meantUnlike the other two, however, it domnot require a large degree of pepuiu
eupport; on the contrary, it ie esemtially an operation for small, picked
elite. This does not mean that it wlU
not be used m part of the over.d
plan for bringing a mass uprieing &a succeeaful conclusion. In fact, *
Communis~ have utilized it in thb
manner eince the October Revolutkmof 1917 although they have attemptd
to dieguiae the fact.
The writinge of km Troteky me&the point clear that the coup and U@
mace uprising must be regarded aI
two separate undertaking althouti
they may be employed in conjunctiawjth one another. The dividing lb
between the two is semetimea a dM
one. Trotsky wae underetrmdably m
Iuctarrt to comment in preciue ~
on the retationabip between the *
apirecy and the Wmrrwtion. Aft8
all, he could hardly afford to MOW
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TSE COLIPD’ETAT
miciona that the October Revolu
a ro had ite root what heuse term “putschism or revolu
lnary a ven riem.”
Be that as it may, as a rule of~mb, it n e aseumed that, in an
am t“ n, t e massee are mobilisednef> e physical support of an at
npt to seize power, whereas their
Iein the COUPor “pure conspiracy”if they are allotted one at all—is
seive or for propaganda purposes
ly.A FactorsGeneral Franz Halder, in attempt-E to account for the failure of
e German ArmY conspiracy against
Iolf Hitler, declared that three mainndltions are “required for a succese-
I COUP:a clear and reeolute leeder
ip, the readiness of the masses toIlowthe idee of the revolution, ande right choice of time. Although one
ight quibble about General Halder’e
e of the word revolution (the COUPbut one of the weepone in the rev
kionary’s armory, it does not in it-If make a revolution), he appeare to
we pinpointed three vital factnre
hich muet he carefully consideredsing the planning stage of any coup.
The need for sound leadership is ob
OUS,There are, however, two dis
mt kinds of leadership required: thevr-sll politico-military leaderehi
Id the purely tactical leadership. 1
,nfueion is to be avoided, a clear d
Thie article waa digested fromthe original, pwbli.shed in THEARMY IABTEStLY ANO DEFENCEJOUBNALGreat Britain) October1968. Ccq@ghted @ 1966 bg THE$,,NSmmetLY AND DEPENCE
The a;ther ie presently serv-ing in the Saltan’8 armed fercee,
Mleeat.
vision of reepensibRity ie essential.
The first and most impertent of the
two will be concerned with over-efl
strategy and with providing the “tlex
ible orientation in changing conditions” stressed by Trotsky.
Dedicationto CausaOne particular characteristic ap
peare to be almost the hallmark of
successful conspirators: complete ded
ication to their cause, if neeeeeary tothe exclusion of all elee. Hit~eri who
wae something of an expert at thietype of infighting, never tired ofprezchlng the virtuee of “fanaticiemy
and history eeeme to indicate that it
ie, indeed, the fanatice who make themost competent conspirators. Men like
Colonel Claue von Stauffenberg andGeneral Ludwig Beck, courageous
though they were, never etoed a chanceonce they had failed to kill Hitler, if
only because their accomplices were
all too human.
One other point is to be noted: thel~dere of a successful coup will usu
ally be members of the military or pelitieel hlerareby. It would be mieleed
ing to overemphasize thle, hut the fact
remains that the COUSId’etat is primarily a weapon for the use of thoee
close to the santa of power. When or
.ganiead outeide theee circles, it is
likely, at beet, to degenerate into civilwar and, at worst, to take the form of
a purely hxal attack on the govern
ment.
Sometimes, however, the dynamicwill come from a foreign power
which, whether the coup succeeds or
not, may then intervene to establish
a puppet regime. Tids technique was
suicesefully employed by the Cemmu
niste in eastern Europe and more re
cently, but less effectively, by Preei
dent Gamel Abdel Nasser in Yemen.
In such eases, the over-all pelitice
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THECOUPO’ETAT
military Ieaderehip is likely to be pro
vided by the power concerned although local leadere and the rank and
file mnst be found from within.
General Halder’e eecond condition
—the willingness of the massee to follow the idea of the revolution—is
more complex. Under certain condi
tions, it ie poesible, if the conspirators are ruthless enough, to force anew government on a predominantly
hostile population. Nevertheless, thereis a minimum degree of support with
out which no government can survive.Once thie eupport has been achieved,the reactione of the remainder of the
population are of far Iese importance.
“ Generals ’ Revolt ”On the other hand, the sympathy,
or at least the neutrality, of the armed
forces is essential. But in a world of
almost universal conscription, it ie often difficult to draw a line betweey the
soldier and the civilian. The dangere
of a false appreciation of this factorwere clearly demonstrated by the 1961
“Generale’ Revolt” in Algeria. Its leaders, knowing that they could rely on
certain elite paratroop and Foreign
Mgion units, hoped te carry the restof the army in Algeria with them.
When they failed to do so, the revoltcollapsed.
General Halder’e last condition—
timing-muet be considered with re
gard to the international, domeetic,and @&lcal eituatione. It is unlikely
that, at any given time, all conditionat home and abroad will favor the con
spirators. They will have to balance
a number of constantly changing con
ditions, one against the other, before
deciding on tbe moment to strike. On
the international plane, they muetgauge the reaction of foreign powers.
In the domestic epbere, the conepir
atore must consider the economic and
8
Dolitical situation, the state of publii~pinion, and the likely reactions offriendly and rival political groups,
The tactical situation-the least im.
portant of the thre+need be consid.ered only ineofar as it will have a direct bearing on the immediate out
come of the coup.
Like any other operation demand
ing rapid and violent action, the coup
us Am!
General Franz Halder outlined three COBditions for a rmccemful COUP:smmleadership, eupport of the masses, m
timing
d’etut can logically be divided inti
three phaees: planning and preparstion, execution, and consolidation.
During the preparation phaee, ti
conspirators muet build up their oxganicstion so that they are ready t
strike when prevailing conditions arfavorable. In the modern etnte, it is
diftlctdt for all but the most ecrupu’
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]ous and proficient conspirators to
swid detaetion. Their work is made
more dangerous by the fact that pey
chologicatiythey must be on the offehsive, collecting information, recruit
ing new members, and makhg con
tacts. At the same time, funde mustbe raised, eezrecy preserved, and dis
cipline maintained. ‘
Ixistim Condit ionsThe-size and scope of the organiza
tionwill depend on exieting conditionsnedon the political outlook of its lead-we. It mw operate only within the
fmmework of the armed forces orjome existent political party; it maybe a maes movement with its ownhadow administration existing paral-
Isl to the state’s; it may employ the
Sfth-column technique used by Hitler,attempting to penetrate the ranks ofthe services, police, administration,
szd trade unions; or it may be a combination of the three.
Whatever form it takes, the conspirators will not necessarily be con
cerned solely with technical prepara
tions for seizing power should the
opportunity arise. If they adopt thispsssive approach: the movement will
probably become moribund. They
should, therefore, seek to create the
opportunity. To do eo, they must developa plan designed to tnm existing
@itical, ezonomic, and psychological
conditions to their own advantage.
Strizt]y speaking, however, their activities in thie field would not consti
tute part of the preparation for the
wup, but would fall within the scope
of other “departments of revolution.
W Politice.”Oneof the most important problems
Whichthe Conspiratire will have to
&e is that of recruiting the forcetith which to carry out the execution
Phase.If unite of the armed forcee
&l 1s7
.. ......-
THECOUPtl’ETAT
can be won over, they will have a
readymade and disciplined instrumentat hand, but it will require careful and
cautioue planning to subvert officersand men, weed out tmreliablee, and
yet maintak absolute eaerezy. Evenwhen thie has been done, it must beremembered that officers who dabble
in higls treason can never be absolutelycertain that their orders will be
obeyed by their subordinates u til7they put them to the test,
On the other hand, the security riskinvolved in recruiting, training, and
equipping an independent forze suchas the Red Guard or the SA (Stwm-abtsihm~) is considerable. Whichever
method is adopted, some form of pro
tracted eubvereive campaign is neceseary.
Execut i on PhaseThe execution pbaee of the coup will
have two main objective: to para
lyze the existing government and to
take over the apparatus of central administration. If the conepiratore have
overwhelming numerical superiority,and if their organization is geared to
it, they may be able to carry out bothstages simultaneously. More generally, the operation will he divided into
two distinct parts.
‘ In considering thie phaee, it mustbe apprwiated that, in a totalitarian
state, the government is only a small
part of a political party which has a
life and an ideology of ite own. Thue,even if Colonel von Stauffenberg’s
bomb had killed Hitler outright, he
would still have had the Nazi Party,
the SS (Schstmtaffel), and the @+
stapo with which to contend.
Under such conditions, a civil war
may be the inevitable outcome”of the
coup, a factor which must he takeninto account during the planning and
preparation phaee, but which should
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THECOUPO’ETAT
not be allowed to distract attention
during the execution phaze. It ia most
important to neutralize the govern
ment and seize the machinery of state;
the prosecution of the civil war will
form a separate undertaking thereafter.
If the aim of the coup d’etat is to?<$j~~~~]:>~~~-<<~,~~<,. ::.. .;,..,..,)-.. .
The trappinga of pnwer should not
be mistaken for power itself. Poww
is an abetraet thing. It may lie %Mr
one man-en absolute monarch or dictator-end hie subordinates; with a
political party; or with the lwders ofthe mass organizations. But at anygiven moment, it lice in the hands of
. . . ...”... -“,.*.~y$$:,
seize power, it follows that its leaders
must first decide exactly who holds it.In the past, many COUPShave come to
grief because the conspirator errone
ously believed that, by erecting bar
ricades and seizing ministry offices,
they had gained control of the gov
ernment. All they were really doing
was causing the general public a cer
tain amount of inconvenience.
a lirrdted number of individuals, forat root power is the ability of a man,or group of men, to bend others to
their will.
Having decided who theee men are,the conepiratore must either arrestor
kill them. With limited forces at their
disposal, the conspirator will be unable to deal with all the smaller frh
so, in compiling their lists, they will
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have to decide who are the most im
portant. The essence ,of the coup is
surprise, and the arrests must, therefore, be carried out quicldy, quietly,
end,as far as possible, simultaneously.VitslPoints
The central offices of administrat
ion-and, therefore, those individu
als who hold power—are usually lo
cated in the capital, so it is in thecapital that a COUPs most likely to belaunched. The conspirators must decide in advance if there are anykey buildings or installations (vitalpoints) which they need to occupy.
Economy of effort ie eesential. If
armed opposition is expected, it may
be necessary to disperse some of their
troops tactically, but no useful pur-Nse is served by occupying the min
istry of war, for example, with an
infantry battalion if a single sentryat the gate will achieve the same result.
The vital points are those places
from which warning may be given
(certain communications centers) and
those of immediate importance for
prestige or propaganda purposes, suchos television and radio statione and
certain public buildings. Generallyspeaking, other key installations needsimply be isolated, The imposition of
a strict curfew, enforced by mobile
patrols, will serve the same purpose
as numerous scattered detachments of. troops and will release men for the
more important task of carrying out
arrests. A strong reserve can be keptto deal with any unforeseen emergen
cies.
Once the government has been neutralized, the conspirators can proceed
to the second etage and take over the
Machkiery of central administration.Initially, they would be well advised
b trust nobody and to retakr all power
~ Jrdl1*7
THECOUPD’ETAT
in their own hands, enforcing theirauthority through the medium of the
forces they have deployed for the
coup.
The cldef actions required are theproclamation of martial law and; anannouncement of the change in gov
ernment which may be accompanied
by a tilef declaration of their aims
and policy. This declaration may simply be designed to win popular sup
port, and the new regime may haveno intention of subsequently honoring
its promises.If the population is enthusiastic
about the coup, the curfew can belifted, a public holiday declared, and
the day given up to celebrations. On
the other hand, if people are hostile
or indifferent, they are best kept outof mischief by staying at work al
though for propagrmda purposes “pop
ular” demonstrations of approval canbe stage managed.
Aggressive PolicyThe new government cannot afford
to rest on its laurels after the coup,
but should adopt a vigorous and aggressive policy during the consolida
tion phase. It is at this tim+im
mediately after tbe coup, hut beforeit is firmly established-that it will
be most vulnerable to attackThe new government must extend
its authority to all parts of tbe coun
try as quickly as possible. To do this,it will have to insure that orders are
carried out promptly and effectively
and that any lapses by civil servantsor heal authorities are dealt with immediately and rigorously. Perhaps,
the most effective method of doing
this is by attaching political officers or
“commissioners,” armed with sweep
ing powers, to as many administrative
centers-at all leveb+aa practicable.
While strengthening its grip on the
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THECOUPO’EtAT
administration, the new regime will
have two other major tasks: to elimi
nate any remaining opposition and to
gain international recognition. The
second task is a matter for a few specialists in the foreign affairs depart
ment, BOthe main effort can be di
rected toward crushing any likely re
sistance.
Once again, it is primarily a ques
tion’ of detecting and arrenting theright men—those with the ability and
inclination to rally the opposition. The
problem of mesa insubordination—strikes, civil disobedience, and demon
atrationtiannot be dealt with at any
length here. But in the light of past
experience, it would seem that, if theregime is ellicient and ruthless, it may
well be able to forse the public to co
operate against Ha will,
In the international field, the newgovernment will regularize ita poei
tion by gaining the recognition of
other governments es quickly se pos
sible. If there is a danger of foreignintervention, an appwd for help to
one of the major powers may result
in military or diplomatic support, orat least cauee the intervening stetc
to hesitate until the moment for so
tion has papsed.When the country ha6 returned to
normal, the consphwtme will be able
to turn their full attention to the bud.
nees of government. But in one eem
the consolidation phase will last fa
es long os there is the pomibility tbd
the new regime may itself be attackedfrom withh. For today, when cm
ventional warfare has become toocostly in term of humnn life to hworth while, the coup has many ad
vantages, It is economical in terms 01
men and material; it preeente thcountry and the world with a fait w
cowcpli; and, when suitably dreese$ up
by propagandists, it can even be cm.
ered with a cloak of respectability.It is to be expected that the coII;
d’etuf, ae a means of overthrowkq
the legitimate government of the statewill be used even more frequently il
the future than it hss been h the FWX
ZI PCODE
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“’ - - ”
GERM NESERVES kNDREPL EMEN
.
v
Eric Waldman
NY meaningful evaluation of
the German military contribu
tion to the Weetern defenee alliancemust include an evaluation of the mil
itary reserve and replacement system.
In the Federal Republic of Germany,
most combat units are qnderetrength.
Therefore, ae aeonsituation ariaee, orintensified tensions,
ists are needed in
bsre to bring thetbe North Atlantic
se an emergency
even a period’ oftrained reserv
fairly large num
unita assigned toTreaty Organiza.
tion and those under the commandof the territorial defense to their au
thorized watilme strength. Reservists
are also needed to fill up mkf azti-
VStethe many mobilization unite and
to provide the personnel for the re
placement centers.
Ml 1987
IThe favorable reputation of the
German military system of the pest—both in terroe of efficiency and effec
tiveneee-was, in pa~ beeed on its
ability to buildup large fighting forceswithin a relatively short period of
time and to maintain Germany’s mil
itary strength, in spite of heevylosses, through an eilicient replace
ment system.
However, the political and social
climates of the past, marked by strongauthoritarian atiltudee among the
military and shared by large segmenteof the civilian population, are no
longer cbzraeteristic of contemporary
Germany. The democratic environment of the Federal Republic of Ger
many provides for an entirely dHer
ent background. In faz~ there wee
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REsEmsml MPUCEMENTS
strong oppeaitton by a large percent
age of the German population toward
rearmament and toward the creation
of the Bsmdeswehr, the armed forcen
of the Federal Republic.
Mtltttdc Ch~o
Within the laet few yenm, a definitechange in the attitude of the Gertnrm
civllhme haa been observed, This
change wae probably caused primtwily
by the recognition that n Qwnmn contribution toward Wentern mcurity
wae not only necemary, but also ae
sisted in irnprcwing the internationalpositjon of the Federal Republic.
Nevertheless, the Brmdeewehr iaetill ehort of profeeeional soldiers
and eohfiern serving Ionrer poriodn of
time thrm the 18 months required of
the drafteen. The better financial op
portunities within n booming economy,
the Ions of pre~tige suffered by themilitary, and the long m-id articulate
oppcmition to rearmament ntill inttu.ence tho youngor generation. After
completion of the compuhiory mi}itiryewice, meet of tho draftees-much
like their American countarparta—
tack intereet in u continuation of their
mllitmry career in the remrve orgarri
sation and congider any required reserve obligation an err rmnoying inter.
fwcutcc with their privrite Iivee.
The planners of the new Gerrrmn.—— .. —..- ——. .
&ic Wahfman ie Profrmor PO-
tiMeaJcience at tkc Univereitu ofCa@ary, Cdgarg, Alberta (lmodc.Born iu Austria. he rreerl os aetivm
duty with the US Armv from 19Mfa z$b$, and bi& the nmk of majorin the Rwn-w. He atbdatths Uni?wr$iw of Vienna, ond enbqwnttlpreceived hix Ph, D. ie PofWaal Srieae~ jrom GROPLMWmh{wpfmr tfriiwreity, Wmhin@m, ~. ~, iiix 8rtiC/Q,*@rsIux$ Home Lbfmc Troape,” ap.
/r red in thaS 1S68 uetw of the
hftS.STAEYit&V5KW.
miiitary reserve nyetem thus had ti
take into eorudderatlon not only h
needs of the military for trained mserviate, but abia the changed over4
circumetancee, the attitude of the m
serviste, and the persistent atthatof many Germane who eee in tb
Ihmde8welw, at beat, a necofumry @
Systems ltlfhrIt also ehould be noted that the@
man military reeerve eyatem i6 *
niderebly ditXerent from the resect
system ae practiced in the Unitq
Statee; therefore, a mare compartqqof the two sys~me is of minimaI val~
First of all, the Germans utilkm ~individual reserviata. Reserve units uthe Armed Forces or National GuasI
unite, forming tbe basis for the URrmerw system, me unknown to tk
Gcrnwm.
The only exceptions to the Gernwpractice are the reserve units of tkterritorial defenne etnrted in Apd
196d and reorgnnizad into the horsdefense troups in April 1966. But eve
those units, when brought to the II
tended strength of 60,000 men h1968, will affect 5 relntivo]y madgroup of German rwerviste.
At the end of 1966, there were wproximately 900,000 Ihm&ewehr rifierviem. By 1970 their number Ml
hava lncrexsed to around 1.8 millia
and then wIII remain nbout the mm
provided that no drastic changes I
the=air,e of the Rctive Bunrkumhr N
cur, Tbe new rrscewhta becomla
available aftar 1970 will replnce oldermervlsfa daatgnstad for desctivatioc
A carefully worked out regi$tratiorind aaeignment eyatem kavpe track u
all available reeervhk In additioi
the Gerrncmc are certainly aware tbc’
In order to kesp up the mllltary pri
tlclency of tha mcerviste for their ma
krnpkct mflltxy uoe. proper trai~
ilunwy *
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jag facilities must be provided. These
feciiitiee, however, are available only
tea very small numbeq of reservists.
EvsrY German male &izen between
the agea of 18 and 60 ie, under thepresent law, subject to military con
scritilon. Buamuefir reeervistet whOare the backbone of the German re
servesystem, qre only those men who
... . .... ‘“w
RESERVESNDREPtAiEMENIS
Reservist of the lower enlistedranks can be called back to active duty
until they have completed their 45th
year. In wartime, this period is ex
tended until the end of their 60thyear. The reserve obligations of noncommissioned officers and officers lasts”
until the completion of their 60th year.
RWIrcd professional eoldiere, irre
sctually saw eervice in tbe Btmdeswehr either aa draftees, ‘volunteers, or
se professional soldiers.
However, those German men whohsve eerved in the former German
miiitary forces, in the Federal BorderPelice, or in the unite of the Alert
Poiice organized by the individual
states are considered members of the
military reserve. Their eligibility andusability have to be verified by the
County hfilitary Replacement Olllce
with jurisdiction over their place of
residence.
w 19S7
‘spcctive of rank, can become reacti
vated until the end of their 65th year.kfembers of the German rsserve are
subdivided on the basis of their length
of military training and ages into
three groups:Reserve I is comprieed of for
mer draftees, volunteers, and profes
sional soldiers with at bmet nine
monthe of active eervice.
Reserve II is made up of former
draftees who had lees than nine
monthe of atilve service.
Reserve 111 contains reservists
23
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“‘RESERVESND REpMcEMEtiTs
who formerly belonged to Reserves Iand 11 after they have reached age 36.
A different way of dividing the
C&man reservists is based. on their
respective utilization after they are
ceiied back to active duty:Callup Group I includes all re
servieta who are assigned to 8ctiveBrwzdesreekr units or tm Mobilization
units.
. Callup Group II is for all reservists who, after calkrp, are to report
to Personnel Collecting Offices.Callup Group III includes all re
maining reservista who are not assigned to either of the two othergroups.
Since not all eligible young men are
utilized by the draft, the German military .reaerve aleo has a standby re
serve comprised of those draft-eligi
bles who were not called into the mil
itary eervice. The etandby reeerve isdivided into three groups. The firet
two are based on physical fitness cat
egories while the third is for all mem
bers of the first two groups after theyreach age 35.
Ueiservri*stemIn addition to 461,000 military per
sonnel, the Bwde.weiw aieo includes165,000 civil servantz. The objective
is to relieve military personnel during
peacetime from practically all admin
istrate, financial, and logietic func
tions. The adrnhietrative aspects of
the draf~lnckrding examinations andcallups, the supervision of the ever-
increasing number of reeervieta, and
the military replacement eystem-fallunder the jurisdiction of tbe civilian
Bundeswehr Administration.
Department V of the 06ice of Mil
itary Administration, krmivsr as theBurrdeswelw Replacement Ofdce, works
with the replacement oftica of the six
military d&ricte and 116 County
?24
Military Replacement Ofiicee coveringthe 5S0 political regione of the Fed.
eral Repubiic.
The Office of Military Administra.tion ie, in administrative matters, tbe
policymaking body whfle the CountyMilitary Replacement Offices admin.
ister the policy and remain in dkwtcontact with the reservist. They keep
the personnel records and aeeign raserviets on the baeis of mobilization
requirements. Reservists are required
to keep the county office informed ofchanges in residence.
Mobilization pkmning, allocation ofreserve manpower, and policies concerning training and welfare of w.
servists are the responsibility of the
military staff of the Ministry of De.
fense. The organization to carry out
the policies is headed by the Superintendent for Reserviete. His organi
zation extende throughout the FederalRepublic and is part of the structure
of the territorial defense with subor.dinate headquarters at military dis.
trict, region, and county levels.
OrganizationalCztagorissThe present 900,000 reservists are
grouped into six categories according
to the type of organization in whichthey wili be employed:
. Existing unite under NATO
Commands. Highest priority reeerv
iste will be ueed to fill existilng vacen
cies and bring the units to wartime
strength.Mobilization units. Theee may bs
part of NATO integrated forces or
of the territorial defense. Organiza
tional equipment for these units isetored end maintained in peacetime
by caretaker personnel.
Field replacement battalions.
These organizations provide for m.
placement of unit losses of all eerviced
and the territorial defense.
MI1611sRevier
IL ..-- .
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Personnel Collectinx Offices.
kt&t 160 such offices pr~vide fillersiv the replacement battalion as va@ciss occur.
Logistic beae organizz~lon. Inweetime, the military logietica orpnicztion ia small, but it expands
apidly in mobSization with the addi
ionof over 100,000 reserviete.Home defense troops. These are
witewhlch will be called UP in emer-FIWYo perform a va~iety of tesks in
herear areas and in civil defense.[timing eservists
The effectiveness of the Germanditary reserve syetemie greatly af
kctcdby the quality of the individual
vservist. His miiitary Dreparedneee
sthe product of hie military trainny. The Bundeswehr, therefore, is
itally interested in providhg milimytraining, as well ae training failities for the ever-growing number
jfreservists.
However, the organization of the
hperintendent for Reservists is amall establishment, and it is beyond
is capability to meet the objective of
@ding training facilities. In fact,
wlythoee reservist who voluntarily
ptilcipate in furthering their mili
bry competence can be assisted inheir endeavors. Only five to six per
snt of the reservists avail themselves
f this opportunity of improving their
mihtsryproficiency.In addition to voluntary participa
tionof the reservist in the militaryksining program, there are official
dlups which require the reserviststotake part in mobSization exercisee,
WU811yasting 13 days and in ae
dlcd alert exercises, with a duration
Ofup to three daye. So far, only
@er units, such ae battalion and
tides, have been able to carry outb axemiees beeauee the Btuuies-
RESERVESNDREPf.ACEMENTS
welw does not have the facilities to
accommodate larger formation.
Mandatory exercises for reservists
unite are theoretically-held every thr~yeare and alert exercisee at ehorter
intervals. Actual practice chows greatdiecrepanciee. While some reservists
are called up every year, either upon
their own request or aeked for by
name by the units to which they are
aseigned, others are not called up at
all.Individual reservists may also be
called up for mandatory miSitary
training. As a rule, these periode ofduty last four weeks with the army,
four to eix weeks with the air force,
and eix to eight weeke with the navy.
Self-Development
Since the mandatory training of reservists affecta only a relatively emall
part of the total number of reservists,
the voluntary part of the reservista’
training program is of great eignificancel On an individual and voluntary
basis, the reeervist has a number of
opportunities to improve his militeryproficiency. He may:
o Attend a Bundeswehr school.. Apply for active duty training
with a Bunde8wehr unit.
. Avail himself of the military
training provided in the group of re
servists which are set up either by the
Superintendent for Reservists or hy
the Association of the Brmde8wehr Re
servists, (Verband).The groupa organized by the Super
intendent for Reservists participatein baaic individual training. In addi
tion, there are emaller work groups
which provide more advanced training
for reserve officers and noncommis
sioned oilicers.
The groupe organized by the Verband have precisely the same purpoee
25
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RESERVESNDREPLACEMENTS
and are, therefore, of tremendous. ae
sistanee to the military reserve train
ing program because of the limita
tions of the small organization of the
Superintendent for Reeerviste. TheVerba?zd was founded by a few individuals in January 1960 as a private
organisation with the intention ofcreating and maintaining contact be
tween the Bwzdeswekr and its grow
ing number of r~erviste.
When the Federal Defense Ministry
serve organization of the Territorti
Defense Command of practically su
its odministrative functions to petit
the active military personnel to dev~
their time to training functions,About two-thirds of the reeervbik
who volunteer for training do so wkb
the Verband. These training meetings
of the local groups of the Vee%tmd
have the same official status as the
meetings of the groups organized bythe Superintendent for Reservists.
recognized the weaknesses of its own
training program for reservists, it
decided to utilize the pdential services of the Ver$ewzd. OSicial funds
have been made available to this or
ganisation in order to enable it to
improve ita organisational structure
and to increase ita etTiciency in han
dling the training of ita reservists.
The objeetive is to build up the
Verba?ed to euch an extent that itwill W capable of relieving the re
2s
Therefore, the participants are con
sidered for the durntion of the msst
ing in a legal sense es “soIdlers.”The German military reserve aye.
tern may appear to he perplexing and
confueing because of ita curious mix
ture of military, civilian, and even
private aspecta. There are at least
three major factors which contributed
to the emergence of thie arrangement:
. The prevalent notion is to keep
civilian personnel’ in charge of ad-
MliituYWeW
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ministrative matters of the military
Mablisbment because of the erroneousinterpretation. of the democratic con
mpt of civilian control. This concept
wee and still ie not generally under
stood to mean political and parlia�entary control, but is accepted toimply the control of the military by
civilims.There is a ehortage of qualified
�litary personnel for administrativetasks connected with the implementa
tion of an effective reserve program.Even an increaee in the draft quota,
unlikely for many reesone, would noteliminate this epeeitlc personnel short
ege of experienced officere and nontonneieeioned officere.
There has been an absence oflong-range plannin& for reserve mat
ters caused, in part, by aesigning the
buildup of the NATO-integrated
forces consistently the higheet priority. This encouraged improvisation
endthe willingness to look for outaiie
solutions. The arrangement with theVefband is a case in point.
ftESERVES
.
ANDREPLACEMEN
The key question is: Can this or
ganisational structure achieve the ohjetlivee of a military reserve system
and accomplish ita miesion during
peacWlme, during periods of increasedtensions, and under wartjme conditions ?
The answer might take the charac
ter of qualified optimism. This rela
tive omlmistic evaluation is based onobservations made during m~ny per
sonal visits; by numerous interviews
with key personnel of the Bwndeswehr,both military and civilian, and with
officiale of the Vet-band; and, finally,
upon the realization of the duty eoneciouanees nf the average German
citizen who, as soon as be receives an
official order, reports for duty.
But the efficiency of the organiza
tional structure, the intensiveness of
the training program, and the over-alleffectivanees will depend upon the pri
ority the reserve and replacement pro
gram receives from h]ghest authori
ties, And this ie primarily a political
and not a military decision.
COMMENTSI NVI TED
The Military Review welcomes your comments on any mate
rial published. An opposite viewpoint or a new line of thought
will aesist ue and may
are an authority on a
for our consideration?
haps we can aseist you
lead to publication of your ideas. If you
certain subject, why not write an article
If you have only an idea, query us; per-
in developing an acceptable article.
m 1267 21
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.
IHCHOH: DECISHE6ElIlERA1’SCaptain H. Pat Tomlinson, United States Armff,Refird
N 15 September 1950, as the gray shoreline adjn.
cent to the South Korean port city of Inchon be.came visible in the morning haze, the stillness was shahtered by eamplitting sounds and sheets of flame tbstbelched forth from the cruisers and dwjtroyers. A major
amphibious assault against the invadhg North KoreaoPeople’s Arnry (NKPA) was beginning. So deep bebindthe lines was the attack that only a few had confidence
in the feasiiAlity of the daring scheme. This opsratio~
was the brainchild solely of one of the most controversialmilitary leaders of modern times, General of the ArroyDouglas MacArthur, Commander in Chief, Far Esst
(CINCFE).
General ItfacArthur’s plan WSBbased ]arge]y on ter.rain. An evaluation of terrain would be necesssry be
cause Korcais eseentiaI1y apcnineula of mounmins. Tbe
east coaet coneiste of ranges running ita length withspur rangec deviating waatward acroes the peninsuh
These ranges are characterised by their ruggedness and
hllllbryR@
.&
26
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I IHCHO
SW ridiy; however, they are notnotably high. They definitely curtail
mobiIity for mecherria4d forces.
Therefore, motor movement was re
stricted to a few primitive roads,arsirdyin the lowlands along the weet
side of the peninsula. The same restrictions applied to railroads. Thus,
Korea’sprimary communications were
centered in the weet with the mainroods and rails converging on Seoul
fromthe south and following the western lowlands te the north.
AmphibiousendingThe general planned an amphlbioue
Ieadiug at Ind’on, a sescoaet town 25miles west of Seoul, to be followed bys lightning advance on the capital city
to cut the NKPA’s main communica
tion routes. Simultaneously, the flthUS Army in the south would mount
a counterattack northward, presenting%he NKPA with a two-front war.Inchon, the second largest port in
Korea, would he in United Nationshands.
Finally, the recapture of Seoulwould ba a psychological and political
blow of great significance. Gensral
MecArthur envisioned winning the
war with thie one bold stroke. Any
doubts that might have crept inte hh
mind were quick2y subdued by hls
overwhelming self-confidence.
Considering the tides that limitedan Inchon landing to one of four dates
—15 September, 11 October, or 2 or3 November—he chose 15 September
Captain H. Pat TomUnson, USAPMy, Retired, h with the Department of Hi8toW, Louieiaras Pol@echnic Ingtitute, at Rwtork. He aeq.vsdwith the US Navy during World War11,and w“th the US ArmsI in Korea.Heholds degvees from Louieiaua StiteUniversity, Baton Rouge, aml the ~rsivw’m”tyof Arkaneas, FayetteviUe.
ipil Ieel
ti>..>
becauee it would more quictdy re2ieve
the preeeure on his outnumbered
troops on the Puean perimeter andepare them a bitter winter campaign.
A longer wait would permit the enemy additional time to improve hie
defensee, An early liberation would
give the South Koreans an opportu.nity te harvest their Octobsr rice. Afrontal aseault from the perimeter
was dismiseed because, even if suc
cessful, the heavy casualties wouldoutweigh any advantages iq simplic
ity.In July the CINCFE transmitted
hie plan to the Pentagon, es12ing for
a twedvision amphibious landing at
Inchon.
Optimismversus PessimismThere was evidence of skepticism
among his own staff in Tokyo. They
thought that two dlvisione were insufficient and were worried over whatmight happen in Japan with the occupation forces removed. They agreed
with the Navy that the poor landingconditions at Inchon made the plan
too rieky. Further, reinforcements
could not be provided from Puean.
So enthusiastic was General Msc-Arthur, however, that, early in July,planning for Operation B2uehew-t8 to
put the let Cavalry Divieion aehore
at Inchon ae eorly as 20 July was ini
tiated. Thie endeavor wa% scuttledwhen the cavalry had to be committed
to Korea at an earlier date.At a meeting in Tokyo on 10 July,
Lieutenant General Lemuel C. Shepherd, Jr., Commander, Fleet Marine
Force, Pacific, told General MscAr
thur that the 1st Marine Division withneceseary air eupport could he ready
for a landing by 15 September. Thiswas a b]g order. The only poseihle
method of bringing the division to
full etrength was to call in tbe Re
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SI MON
serves. Sean many eiviIi6ne, who just
five years before had aaid “never
again,” were receiving clothing issue
at Camp Pendleton, California.
Opposition to General MecArtimr’s
plan wee not confined to ids own staff.The Navy Department praeantad a
sound case. l+ydrographicaily, Irwhon
was one of the bet desirable ports,
Flgnre 1.
Tide varied from 26 to 99 feet. The
approach to the objective wes restricted by a narrow channel with s
fivc+lmot current studded with natural
obstacles snd easily mined,The wet only offered limited facil
ities for handling esrge. Further, the
Marines would land in the middle of
a itywith an added obstacle of 12
foot eeawalie to ecde. The ameil ie
larrda of Wolmi and Sewolmi were lc
cated in commanding positione and
were Kqired to Inchon by causBwaYs.
Jo
h.. ..
As the bad co~ditione in tie 4trmrwl
precluded night aeeembly of tlur ft~the main ]amting force would have to
hit the beacime in the aftemoen day.light, alIowing ozdy about two houta
in which to eacure the city.ilpmtlorriXtrmrrSe’
By earIy Augusk Generai MeeAr.
thur had his unite-the lat MarimDivision cormnmxkd by Major Gee
eral Oliver P. SmMk apd the 7th Ie.fantry Division under !Major Generel
David G. Barr. The 6th Marine WK.
iment wouid be withdrawn from tbePusan perimeter, bringing the Mc
rinea to division strength. The twodivisions and support wouId form ~
IOth Corps, to be commarrded by M&jor General Edward M, Almond. Sear
Admiral James H. Doyle was Navyampidbzous commander, and Vice Ad.miral Arthur D. Struble was over-ail
commander of the invru?ion arnrsd&
Admiral StrubIe answered to Vim
Admiral C. Turner Joy, Commmdcr
Navrd Forcee, Far Eeet. The opera.tion was assigned the code name Chro.
mite.
The itnal debate on Operation L’h*
mite was heId ’28 August. The rne&
ing was attended by General J. ,Lcrr.ton Coltins, Chief of SW?, US AmAdmiral Forrest P. Sherman, Chid
of Naval Operations; General ShSP
herd; and Lieutenant Generai ]dwd
H. Edwards, US Air Forve; as well
se other Pentagon representatives andGeneral MacArthur’s own staff. GorP
eral Cdiins later said: ‘We went oatto discuae it with Genernl MacArthur.
We eugfreeted certain alternate pemibiijtiea and phcca. . . f’
The Navy had a group of eight em
phibioue experts repreaentlng everl
swialty. lkh wee allowed elSht mfrrutac to praaent hir cane. They spb
of navfgatfonat, hydrvgraphic, w
tmitq M’rleJ
. .. ,. ..”!. .. .. .... ..-..d~
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...
paphic, and other obstacles that made
the doubtful plan sbsm impossible.
Then General Collins voiced MS
doubts.He did not like removing theMarine regiment from Pusan, andwonderedif the loth Corps might bepiiued down ashore. He suggested
lbmsan as tbe place to land, and Admiral Sherman agreed.
General MacArthur conceded that
,., ... . . . ..... ......... ..
ae to tti itnpraeticabilities involved
wU4 tom-1~to ineure for me the ele
ment of eurpriee. For the enemy rwm
mander wi~ rsaetm that no tme wouldbe eo braeh as to muke such an at
tempt.
He recalled Wolfe’e impossible victory at Quebec and assured the Joint
Chiefs that Inchon would ha another.
He argued that the combined effort.,’ . . . . ... ..r.
US WW
Extreme tides at Inchrm limited the dates appropriate for a landing
Kmsan would ha safer, but, at beat,it was a Sanking attack at worst, a
bloody affair that could fail. Ratherthanthat, he would commit his troopsto Lieutenant General Walton H.
Walker for a frontal assault but hewould not assume responsibility for
nucbati]on. He was confident the Navycouldovercome the ditliculties of tide
md terrain. Noting the objections
hem the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS),hctold them the:
,.. v- arguments you have made
r$nIml.:
would put 90 percent of the NKPAbetween a hammer and an anvil. He
ended his defense with an argumentthat reliccted his view of the globalstruggle in which the United States
was engaged.
If the war in Korea were lost, Europe would be jeopardised. The anti-
Communist front did not lie in Europe or Washington, but along the
Naktortg River in Korea. In Europe,
it was a war of worde+n =Ia, it was
a war with bullets. He warned that
M
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INCNON
millions of Asians were watching the
outcome of battle. “I can’ almost hear
the tickiing of the second hand of destiny . . . we must act or we will die.”
As his voice sank to a whisper, he
ended with, “We shall land at Inchonand I shall crush them.”
The historic conference concluded.
Pigure 2.
He did not ask nor did he receive the
approval of the Joint Chiefs present.The Navy still doubted the sound
ness of General MacArthur’s plans.
On 24 August, Admirals Sherman, Ar
thur IL Radford, JoY, and Doyle met
with Gen&al Shepherd and decided topropese the more favorable P’osung-
Myon area, south of Inchon, for thelanding point. General Shepherd ap
proached General MacArthur in a Iaetminute plea for reconsideration, but
the general would not alter hie plan.
A reluctant JCS approval was trane
mitted from Washington, but their ro.
luctance was confirmed when thsyagain queried the general on 7 Sep
tember. Their concern was based on
the fact that nearly all reserves would
be committed. On S September they mapprOved, hut only after obteiuing anendorsement over the President’s sig.nature. This geeture might well be in.
terpreted as written insurance in cosethe mission were dieaatrous. General
MacArthur labeled it “pessimism atits worst.” However, he was wellaware of the tremendous gamble,
nit ial Phase
With clocklike precision, the hammer fell, and the initial phase of @
eration Chmmite wae executed on 16September 1950. The Marines lande&and the 7th Divieion followed in their
wake. On 29 September, General MadArthur, in a dramatic ceremony,
turned Seoul back to South KoreanPresident Syngman Rhee.
General Walker launched the StbArmy’s offensive on 16 September,
Soon the hemmer and anvil met. 0026 September the UN forces made
contact. The North Koreans werebeaten, disorganized, and sufferadheavy Iosees. The formidable I’WP&
which had all but overrun the entirepeninsula, ceased to exist as an or
ganized force below the 38th Parallelby the end of September. The old sol
dier had scored another spectacularsuccess.
Viewing the Inchon operation in retrospect, military studenta and schol*
ars generally agree that LWromiteweea brilliant maneuver—tbat it was aspectacular success cannot be doubted
Even those who tried the hardei?t toconvince the general that other land.
ing points would be the wieer choicedreadily praiaed its outcome. General
Shepherd praised the operation wh~
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...
he said, “The Inehon landing was a
major amphibious operation, plannedin record time and exeeuted with sk]llandprecision.”
Only a man possessed of self-confi
denceto a degree beyond that of moatmen could have refused to alter oreempromise under such pressure. The
Navy’eskepticism was baeed on soundresearch by specialists in amphibious
“ ‘“-’%
INCHON
from the conception, he did not waverfrom his prediction of complete suc
cess. Luckily for General MaeArthur,
the two men who had confidence in
him were the two men who couldhave overruled hia deeision-PreeidentHarry S Truman and Secretary of
Defense Louis Johnson,
Considering that the argumentsagainst the general’s plan were sound,
US Arm ”
A landing force reaches the shere ef Wolmi Island in IrrchonHsrber
operations. The hydrographic obstacleswere real. The Marines were right
-the geographical features lent advantage to the defenders. The enemy
hadexcellent topographical commandof the landing area, and the seawallwasa difficult obstacle. Even hie own
staff had sound reasons for their
hesitancy.The Joint Chiefs were unable to
shake General Me&Arthur with their
doubte. He listened as come of theWet reputable and high-ranking professional soldiers literally tore his
@enapart for more than six weeke.He listened with interest. He consid
ered-even doubted at times-but,
m J*7
&
one might easily conclude that the en
tire affair was just plain luck Battleshave been decided by unforeseen circumstances that have been referred to
as “luck.” However, a brief look at thenine principles of war and an analysis
of their application to the Inchon operation leads to a different conclusion.
Objective. The ultimate military objective of the war was General MecArthur’e-to destroy the enemy and
his will to fight. His plan would ac
complish the ultimate objective bycutting the main north-couth, line ofcommunication, immediately securing
Inehon, presenting the enemy with a
two-front war, and psychologically
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INCHON
damaging the Communists by retak
ing the South Korean capital.
Off~”ue. Originally, the defense
was forced by the overwhelming ad
vance of the NKPA forces. UN-held
territory had shrunk to a 140-mile perimeter around Pusan. General Mac
Arthur’a conception of a two-front
war and double-offensive thrueta
would give bia forces the initiative.
Sintpticitfh The over-all planningand execution were accomplished with
out violating tbia principle. This was
most d]fficult due to the limited availability of resources for the operation.
UnitW of Command. TMla principlewee achieved and maintained. The
command structure from the ganeral
down ta the smallest efamente weesound enough to minimice confusion.
Muu.c.To ati]n the maximum avail
able combat power, he esked for thelat Marine Division. To attain a full
division, the 6th” Marines were taken
fmm Pusan. Careful planning, fmepower, tactics, and morale contributed
to the effectiveness of the principle of
mass.Economy of Force. There is no evi
dence that exceesive numbers of men”
or materiel were devoted to unnecee
eery secondary efforts during tpe op
eration.
Manezawr. Operation Chrom te was
a classic example of maneuver being
used to alter the relative combat powerof the enemy. Envelopment, severance
of communication lines, and confront
ing the enemy with a two-front warwere planned and executed in such a
manner se to place the NKPA forces
at 8 costly dieadvantage.
Surprise. General MacArthur based
much of MISplanning on the element
of surprise. Thla wee evident at the
conference on 2S August when he in
formed ,t.lw skepthxd repreeentativee
of the varioua services that their er.
gumente es to the impracticability 01his plan tended to insure its succw
since the enemy would reason in thtsame way.
Secws+tV, the last principle, is a+aential to the application of the otim
principles. So much depended on theelement of surprise that a major sf.fort at securing positive intelligema
for planning was initiated. Ageebworked in the lending area, aerial pho.
tograpbs were taken by the hundr~
and tidse and hydrogreph]c condMoreof the narrow approach through thechannel were studied. Lieutenant Eu.
gene F. Clark US Navy, eetabiishafrapport with the natives, rowed .s
dinghy to Inchon Harbor to confirm
tbe height of the asawall and bottomconditions of the herbor, and repeircd
tbe harbor Iighthouae, turning thebeacon on to guide the invasion fledthrough the narrow channel. Decep
tion measuree, such as bombardmentand decoy invasions, were planned to
enhance security of the invasion tiest
Strategically, the most dangeroessituation involved in the operation
was the commitment of nearly alf of
the available reserves, even those inthe continental United Statea. Thegeneral was confident that notbint?
would go wrong. NotM]ng did go
wrong,
The succees of the Ope+ tion wasbased on ids self-confid~n$ e, ability,
and qualitilee of leederahlp, And on the
abiiitiee and leedersh]p of the huwdrede of individueie wbo were iu
volved in the over-all planning and ex
eention of the mansuver.
Inchon has to be recorded as oosof the great battles of military his
tory, and General MecArthur’a breve
decision earned him a place amoru
tbe great captains of the past.
34 MIIHNYssk
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Major Dave S. Palmer, Um”tedStates Arm#
OMETIItfE during the summer of 1964, President Ho Chi-minh—probablywith the advice of Defense Minister Vo Nguyen Giap and other top ad
visers in Hanoi-decided to commit North Vietnamese troops to the war in thesouth.
The fateful results of that decision bacame evident in the fall and earlywinter when surprised United Statee and South Vietnamese intelligence officersdk!xoveredthe presence of North Vietnamese regular army units in South Vie&ncm. At first, only individuals and small uhits were detected, but soon regi
ments were confirmed and entire divisions were suspected.The saquel has been well reported. US combat troops were dispatched to ,.
~unteract the Communist threat on the ground while an air Offeneive was si-,
mnltaneously mountad against military ta~geta in the north. A knockout blow bythe Communists wss stalled by the weight of US arms. General Giap’s hope tomeke196s the “year of victory” was frustrated.
Less well racorded-in fact unknown to us-are the reasons for the Communist decision. Why dld the North Vletnamcee choose, in the late smmner of1964, to add units of their town army to the struggle in South Vietnam? The
answer ie available to but a select few in Hanoi. Pending the unlikely event oftheNorth Vietnamcee Government’s laying bare ita inner eccrets, we are obligedtoconjecture. Such cemjceture reveals thrae. pleuaible raeeons.
The one moat commonly accepted is that the position of the Viet Cong (VC)wasso strong, while the situation of the Americana and South Vietnamese hadco deteriorated, that the northern leaders wsre impelled to bslievc that the im
P@IISf fresh troops would essurs a rapid tictory. Backers of this line are augmented by the ysers of gloomy reporting coming out of Viatnam-rapnrtingwhich appfied euch metaphors as morass, nightmare, and ~uagmire. Moreover,
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Ha
this argument tlte neatly into the pat
tarrr of the claesic three-phase insurgency war; the introduction of North
Vietnamese regulars can eeeily be in
terpreted as the technique by whichGeneral Giap planned to enter phaseIII.
Some thoughtful observere have offered a eeeond motivation. They eug
gest that the power of the Viet Conghad become eo strong that Hanoi
feared an eclipse of ite own influence.
According to this contention, the VCleaders, enjoying heretofore unequaledstrength, were ehowing reluctance toplay a wholly fmb8ervient role to thenorth. To counteract that trend and
to reassert ita complete dominance,
Hanoi intervened. However, Mriguing ae it ie, thie idea Iackn any factual
foundation. It rcste on supposition,
not imbetarrce.Key Assumption
Theee two reatrorw bhare a key us-
i+umption: They preeume the Viet
Gong were riding a victorious tide.The third Wi38ibie raaeon for HO’Sdecision eprings from the hypothesla
that the Communists wore being the
war in 1964. If the man in the northbelieved they were no longer winningthe fight in the nouth, the only inter
pretation one can give to their decision to intervene directly Is that they
were willing to gamble on a quick
Major Dave R. Palmer is with theDapartrnent of Afilifmv Art and I%.
Oineem”ng, US Militarp Aradcmv. Hehdfe a Maeier’s degree in MilitaryHietory /rem Duke Usivur&itV, Durham, North Carolina, and attendedthe US Armv Command and GeneralS af CofIqm in lLW. Ne ha irmwerfw tkhe Berlin Command$n (Wmanv,* for three wor with the Id Ae-.mored Riviuifm, and k 3884 woe in
Wehtawr whtm ha man advkor toa Vie#nam*&e armor unit.
n
victory rather than follow their owo
text by slipphrg back into a lower
level of inteneity. BY thi8 logic, tta
invaeion of South Vietnam bynortk
ern regulars is seen ae a de8peratemove to rectify a losing cauee, notwthe coup de Qroce following avictorl.
oue guerrilla war. Thie third reason b
as plaueible-indeed, perhaps morr
plausibl%than the other two.
FourriroupktgsThe eihmtion in 1964 muet be con.
eidered from the perspective of Hanoi.Apart from their own po~kion, Pm+
ident Ho and General Giap had to
evaluate four groupings of people:the Viet Cong, outside countriee, the
go~ernment and army of South Vi8bnam, and, not least, the people of
South Vietnam. The rolee of nll fournro Interrelated, but, for clarity’ssake, each cm be examined se$wrntel y.
Although they had experienced tbounding resurgence in the wokodthe coup which toppled Preeident NW
dinh-Diem in the outumn of 1963, the
Viet Cong were in trouble in mid.1964. Tho most telling evidence lie!
in the increaeinrr numbers of ethnicNorth Vietnames~ found in leadership
pmitimm. After the French wor iuIndochina, thoumndeof nntivenou~
ernem traveled to the north for interi
sive trtdning and indoctrinrition. Wtercd back into the south over W!
yearn, theee men became dedicati
tough foes. They pmmamed an int!mnto knowlcdjro of the country eidti
Relatives-even kin not nympnthttk
with ttre Cemmunints-were shm~at hand to harbor and nupply th=
lf death crone, burhd would be In*
land of thdr fmccdom. Fkrnlly. *warn ttghting In an nma which, rJW
vlctary, tbsy hopad to rula.Tham wmw man to be r=k~
Mlltta’fnmtn
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N
‘ith, although attrition cut themdown. Death, disease, and desetilon
badmore than decimated their ranks
by 1964. It had heen 10 yeare since
they had initiated the long etruggle.Toreplace them, the Communist lead-ere in Hanoi were reluctantly forced
to resort to native northernei~menwhose speech is often poorly under
stoodby the southern peaeant.
lhe Oldand the NewCompare these new leaders to the
old. They are operating in a strangecountry. Their relatives are distant
by weeks or rnonthe. Graves for thoeewho fall are unmarked plote in a remote jungle hundreds of miles from
their home village or town. And,
should victory crown their efforte,they will probably return to the north
rather than reap the spoils in thesouth. However motivated and dedi
cated they might be, they could not
be as effective as their predeeeseors.By the summer of 1964, something ofthe magnitude of 40 to 60 percent of
all cadre in the south were men bornand raieed in the north.
Nor was that the only indicatorwhich caused concern in Hanoi. Terrorism, the final arbiter of the insur
gent, wae beginning tn have adverse
feedback. After 10 yeare and tens of
thousands of terrorist executions,hardly a family in atl of the south
had been left untouched by this Com
munist tactic,
The great reservoir of resentmentstarted to well over in 1964 when the
Viet Cong launched a policy of more
or less indiscriminate killings bybombing buees, market places, hotels,andbars. It was in 1964, too, that the
Viet Cong were compelled to raise the
already onerous texe~ and to imprese
unwilling reeruite into their ranks.All in ,all, Hanoi could not view with
April967
optimism the future of its arm in th
south.With respect tu “third countries:
the outlook was most dismal b th
rnlera in the north. True enough,, thAmericans had made mistakes and ba
appeared to waver in their resoluteness, but by mid-1964 they were mor
experienced and appeared to be eve
more in earnest. A new and dynamigeneral wae in command, a famou
war leader had been appointed as am
bassador, and the major civilian agenties—US Operations Mission anUS Information Servic~bad fresh
beeees.Furthermore, the advisory progra
was being enlarged to place US offcers at the district level, the grass-
roots, and to inject even more advisors into the combat units. Althoughit dld not seem probable to Hanoi tha
the United States would commit com
bat troops, it wee, nonetheless, appar
ent that the Americans were willingto spend more money and to provid
more expertise.
Tangible AssistanceTo make matters worse, the United
States was not alone. Many of thnon-Communist countries of Asia werlining up on the side of South V]e
, nam. Korea, Australia, New ZealandThailand, and the Philippines weramong those giving tangible assist
ance. Besides, the movement waspreading and other nations ahowe
signs of support while the quantityof aid tendered waa increasing. Clear
ly, the commitment of third countrieswas not an encouraging fact.
On the surface, it would seem tha
Ho should have been pleased with th
shaky government in Saigon. Thshock of President Diem’s ouster an
death had no more than been absorbeby tbe nation before General Nguyen
3
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no
Khanh took the reins of power. He,
in turn, wee beset by potential coup
makere, In the eummer of 1964, the
outlook for stability wee not good,However, that was at the top level,
At the all-important lower reacheaof the governmental hierarehy—provincee, districts, viliagee, police, and
civil servants-a greeter and growing
meeeure of stability existed.Following the purges connected
with the coup against Diem, in whichall echelons of the administration had
been severely ehakek the governmentwee restructured to insure that themen serving in subordinate positionswere loyal to the Saigon Government,
not to an individual. Hence, a change
of personalities at the top would haveminimum impact on the actual operation of government. Further, the men
in Hanoi had no choice but to assumethat the passage of time would
strengthen rather than weaken theSouth Vietnamese Government.
AmIyof South VietnamDetlnitely discouraging, when
gauged in Hanoi, was the constantly
improving army of South Vietnam.
Even though thousands of soldiers deserted yearly, the peasant youth werealeo defecting from conscripted serv
ice with the Vjet Cong. Sjgrriflcantly,
South Vietnamese oSicers did not desert, but VC cadre frequently did so.More and better equipment, effective
training, the experience of years of
combat against the Communist insurgents, and a deepening hatred of theViet Cong were some of the factors
making the South Vietnamese Army
a more potential force. Thst it would
continue to improve was tbe sole pre
diction General Giap could mske.
The leet group ti whom the Com
munieta could hopefully look wee the
populac~the bulwark of previous
“m
succeesea, the “sea” which had alwa~
provided sustenance ta tbe guerril~Unhappily, even the previously d~
pendable peeeant revealed disturbingindications of turning against tlw
Viet Cong. Years of tmrorism, Uconstant burden of taxation to sup
port the guerrillrm, and an increaeintfrequency of kidnappings of youngmen for service in insurgent unite
were not likely to raise the Commu.
niete’ popularity among the messes,Then, too, the army of South Vietnam
was gradually coming to realize tbetits task wae a hopeless one without
the help, or at leaet the neutrality, ofthe people. VC harshness, contrastedwith the improving understanding of
Saigon, was paying dividends for thegovernment.
View frem North
Large numbere of refugees fromCommunist-dominated regione begau
to etream into safe area8 in 1964.Voting with their feet, these pcneante were emphatically rejecting the
Viet Cong. rn that year also, a pm
viouel y rare phenomenon wae occurring more and more often; the people
began voluntarily supplying intelligence of VC actions and locations.
This movement of the people away
from the Communist cause could wellhave heen the bittereet pill Ho had
to swallow.
Ae the pendulum swinge, the Re
public of South Vietnam was no longerat the bottom, Neither wae it at the
top, but the movement up had begun
—the low point had been pemed, To
those in Hanoi, the omens were clear:
The Wet Cong were losing effectivenew, outside natiorm were rallying to
the Saigon regime, the South Visb
rwmeae were developing daily, and the
popubkion in the beleegored south
was tending to rehift from the guer.
Mllltq MvlR
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Ho
dilee.This is not to say that the war
w over-far from it. But the trends
wereunmistakably against the Comrneninta.Somehow, Hanoi felt, the
pendulummuet be reversed.The Communist eolution was the
Msion h retrieve its fading chancesbywending regular troops southward.
A major victory-such es capturing
i province capital, destroying a large
S&b Vietnamese force, or slicingthdr southern neighbor in half—might create panic in Saigon, con
ntwnationin. Weeldnaton, and victoryinthe south.
Memorise of Dien Bien Phu still
loomed large. A smashing success
could precipitate eollapee in Saigon
and bring a total victory. At the veryleast, it would reveree the unpromis
ing tide of eventa.Meet ware are started because some
one miscalculate. Hanoi did not ex
pwt the commitment of US combatforces as the response to its own open
aggraeeion. when US Marines wadedashore at Da Nang and US bombers
took the fight north of the 17th Parallel, a new war began-e war which
rages yet. The old war, the one inwhich Americans were only advieore,
was won in 1964.
.
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MOSCOWNDTHECHINESEISSI
Fritz Ermarth
Subsequent to the wbticrztion of
this article in East Europe, Cotrz
munist China exploded her fzfth nuclear device.—Editor.
HE announcement that Com
munist China had successfully
tested a miesile carrying a nuclearwarhead laet October must have been
received in Moscow with feelings similar to those expressed in Washington
—apprehension as to the future ofChinese military power, plus resigna
tion to a development which neither
Washington nor Moscow is in a position to avert.
Unlese China falls prey to cripplingcivil strife or to miiitary intervention
by her enemies,. nothing can prevent
her from becoming, in time, a full-fledged nuclear power. Further, noth
ing can prevent China from using
this might to influence, for good orill, the international environment of
which she is a part.
W)ll this new step in Chin~’s nuclear program push Moscow closer to
the West ? Not very abruptly. China’smissile teat dose not represent the
kind of quantum jump which would
upeet the Soviets’ short-term assessment of the international aituatiou
even though Moscow may have beencaught unawares on the timing of tbe
test. Yet one can hardly doubt that
it will lend impetue to long-range S@
viet thlnk]ng on how to sdjust to
China’s growing nuclear stature.
The Soviet leaders have been cml
tious in their public treatment Of
Chinese nuclear weapons developmenta. In fact, except for terse an.
MllifsryRreie
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mnccnmnt% they have been silent
sincethe C~Inese exploded their first
nuclear device in October 1964.
Formerly, in the’ period of Sino-Sovietideological polemics before andcf@ the test ban, treaty, Moscowaccused China of jntilng light of
the awesome implications of modernweaponsand even ~f advocating nu
clesr war as a means for promotingrevolution. Peking replied that the
Sovietcbad fetishized the atom to the
Nint where their will to engage incombatwith imperialism had becomeporalyzed.
Nikita S. Khrushchev’s successors
probablycontinue to feel that the Chiucse are naive and irresponsible innuclear matters although they have
wrelYnoticed that, as Chinese nuclear
developmentproceeds, one hears lessand 1sss from Peking about the nu.cleerbomb being a paper tiger.
ACompronrise.In June 1965 the Soviets implied
thst, by working out a compromiseinvolvingpragmatic political and eco
nomiccooperation, specifically against
tbe United States in Vietnam, theUSSRand China could take the firststeptoward an ultimate, more broadly
bssed reconciliation. But as the Chioeee nuclear program proceeded and
Cbiia’s hoetility did not abate, theSovietamust certainly h&ve concluded
-if they had not hefor~tbat a hostile nuclear China was the probable
contingencyagainst whkh plans mustbe formulated.
This articls waa digeeted fromthe ov giccd, published in EMTEmCOPE,December 1966. CoWc ghted @) 1966 bg Free Europe,Inc., New York.
Mr. Ermarth ie an andget of
fhviet aflaire for l?adw Free EWrope ;?sZfvwich, West Gevvmwqr.
THECHINESEMISSIL
In workihg out their plans, Soviet
intelligence experts’ must begin with
some assessment of where the Chhesenuclear weapons program stands andwhere it is going. The question ie
whether they are in a better position
to judge thie than the United States.
Soviet Intel l igenceOne would assume that they are in
a better position to judge. Soviet radar
coverage of the Chkwse missil,e rangenear Lop Nor should have revealed
many specific detills of the Cldnesetest-its range; whether a ballistic oraerodynamic projectile was used; andwhether, perhaps, an air-breathkg
miesile for poseible deployment on
submarines may have been tested. Soviet intelligence is presumably in aposition to judge the extent to which
China’s missile program is dependentupen rocket technology left over from
the days of Sine-Soviet cooperation in
this field.
Intelligence on Chinese weapons
development ie more critical for the
Soviets than for the United States.The point is that the USSR must make
a reasonably precise and accurate assessment of that program considerably
sooner than must the United Statee.This is because China will be in a
technological position to threaten Soviet territory sooner than that of the
United Statee. While a nuclear threatto the USSR is certainly not the onlyconsideration of Soviet kmdere (andprobably not even the most likely), it
is surely the most apocalyptic and,
therefore, psychologically tbe meetpreesing.
By 1980, fifteen years after her
*first nuclear teat, it is hardly con
ceivable that China will @ve pro
gressed as far ae the Soviets didbetween 1950 and 1965. Secretary of
Defense Robert S. McNamara’s pro
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TSE MIINW MfWLE
jection hmpliee rather vaguely that
the Chinese wiIl try to foIIow, at their
own pace, the weapons developmentvector previomdy followed by Moecow.
If se, in lti years, they would be producing both medium-range and inter
continental delivery capacities, but inlittle more than token numbers in
heth catcgoriee.Assuming, as is likely, that China
threat of attack from a Soviet-TJnite
states alliance or an attack hy ei%superpower independently. If so, tfiejehouId concentrate on deveiopbtg
mix of midrang~ intermediate magtand intercontinental haHietic mhwli
(or, in the short run, subnmrim]delivery systems. Although these da
Iivery eystems wotdd be sndl in nurt
bcrs, they would be aesured of de
Holding books contcinlng quotatlene of ChatrmattMae Tee-tung, Chtneee in Pekbcelebrate the news of the guided-missile, n~clear weapon test
bae not yet progre.wed so far thatalternatives are foreclosed, this may
not be the direction sbe takes. Other
possibilities are open, and it is jmportant for the Soviete to be clear as
to which course China adopts.
China’e choice depends on how sheviews her foreign policy intereetn over
the next decade, One might sketcbethree alternative echemes:
In the comhtg decade, the Chi
nese could regard their nuclear powerprincip dly cc a deterrent against the
etroying a small number of one o
both of the superpowers’ vital urbwcenter8.
Thi$ stance would not support uamrrwsive foreign policy involginfmjlitary confrontation with either tb
UnMsd States or the Soviet Union C&
eide Chhmae territory. It would, bowever, be consistent with China’s @
tiow. approach, tbua far, and @
consistent with her declared f~r oft
US rkt.sck. Parndoxicnlly, ouch s wture of minimum deterrence ml~
Mlltny*
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irddbit China because she could notrisk any couree of action that might
provokeone of the other powers to a
preemptivestrike against her.If the Cbhese regard their ma
jor foreign pcdicy tack in the next
dscade as not merely territorial de
fense but, rather, as the expuleion ofthe United States from the westernPeciSc region or key pofi]ons of it,
shemust choose a different and more
costlynuclear poeture. To her deterrmt force directed at the United
Stetea ebe would have to add suffideot medium-range nuclear power to
e@ieve local superiority in at leastanueareas on her esetern and southern periphery.
In such a situation, China could
crcdtblythreaten to introduce tacticalnoclear weapons into a clash over,
my, Taiwan while, at the came time,
k@mg to deter a US nuclear attack
oe her territory. The United States
@ght then be persuaded to withdraw.
Obviously,the risks involved in euch
~~vmture would be enormous. Thk
d@?er array might not be up to theskein of a direct Sine-American con
fimtation, but ita psychopolitieal in
fluence on China’e Asian neighbors
wouldbe considerable.
. Finally, if the present rulers of
Chinasee their future foreign policy
ss aimed primarily at gaining ter
ritoryin Soviet Asia, they must eeek8 Meximalist posture. This would
rsquireboth conventional and nuclearau riority in the border regions and
8 sufficiently powerful weond-strike
Sbetegic force tn deter a Soviet nu-Clserattick under dire provocation.
Surveying these theoretical alter-
IIStiw, one can readily see tbt the~ is a distinct and attractive pas-,eitdlity for China, that the second
THECtSSE2EMt221LE.
would be extremely ditlicult to achieve
in the 10 to 20-year period being
considered, and that the thhd is out
of the question. Only the first alter.native, the posture of minimum deter
rence, is consistent with the highlydefensive attitude with’ which China
now views tbe two superpowers.Therefore, the Chinese leadere will
probably strive to ach%ve a reliable
minimum deterrent against both the
United States and the Soviet Union,plus a marginal component of a me
dium-range strike capability designedmainly for psychological impact on’
China’s neighbors to the south and
eaet.
Inter im UsterrentChina may, indeed, succeed in de
veloping a primitive nuclear deterrentin the next two or three years, and
this would go far toward alleviatingher present intense ~nse of inseeu.
rity. The “several” midrange ballisticmissile launchers which Secretary
McNamara predicts for this periodwould be sufficient to hold one or twomajor Soviet cities in Aeia hostage
against a nuclear attack. They mighteven make limited” conventional aggression by the USSR appear risky
—in the event, for example, that
Moscow might like to take advantage
of domestic etrife in China.In the ehort run, China will likely
attempt to develop an interim deter
rent against the United States beeedupon aerodynamic missiles, surfacelaunched from the G class submarine
she is rumored to be building. WhSe
this system can be efficiently countered
by existing US defenses, the prospectof even one nuclear strike on a west
coast city, is probably regarded by
China as a significant beginning forher deterrent posture.
In the next decade or so, the Soviets
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THECHINESEMISSILE
need expect no direct threat from
China. In the more distant future,
however, the Chinese may he able to
develop sufficient nuclear power to sup
port an expansionist foreign policyagainet the United States in the west
ern Pacific. Thie would raise theprospect of dangerous crieea in Asia
into which the Soviete might fearbeing drawn. It is questionable
whether the expulsion of US power
from the rim of southern Asia is regarded by the Soviets es being in
their long-run interest. In any caee,
this ie not a development towardwhich current planning must be
geared.
Corrsequarrcmor MoscowAll thie leade to tbe conclusion that
Chinese nuclear development over the
next decade or two will aim at building minimum deterrence and that
such a posture will not drasticallythreaten Soviet interests. Thie doesnot mean, however, that Moscow
ehould make no countermove.
Certain adjuetmenta of force depositions will certainly be made in
the next few years. First, Moscow
muet guard againet the outeide pese”i
bility that China might attempt to
exploit her naecent nuclear power in
come irrational feehion. The likelihood
of this is probably not much greeter
in the case of China than with othernatione; her leadere, while unre
strained in language, have been fairly
cautious in practice. But the rick isalways there, At the came time, Moecow must conelder that the Chinese
might seek to step up their troubki
making on the SinO-Soviet border
while sheltering behind their deterrent power.
Thus, the USSR must tirst impress
upon China that any irrational uee ofnuclear weapons would be ivuicidal and
then deploy her own strategic weapm
to back up this warning. And ths
USSR must also deploy eutlicient gen.
eral purpoee forces, conventional and
nuclear, along the border to controlincidents in their initial stagee. Thhdeployment ie already rumored to laproceeding.
InternationalEffectsThe growth of Chinese nuclear
power, even if deployed only for deter.
rent purpoeee, will have important
international political effects to whisbthe Sovieta must adjuet, The wtremely enthusiastic responee whistChinese nuclear teata have elicitedfrom North Vietnam dose not augot
well for Soviet influence in Hanoi.
Among China’s other Aeian neigh
hors, the eflecte will probably be ve$
oue. Some will eee their security inetronger ties with the United Sta :1
others will etrive to improverelations with China; and come+
ckding India, may louk for Soguaranteea against China. One ,%
predict juet how the Ieadere ofnations will view China in co
years. The USSR’e net influence inregion may well decline, but ~thisnot inevitable.
In the immediate future, Chinew
nuclear developments are likely to
complicate the search for worksbkand enduring aseurancee against no.clear proliferation. Until now, tbe %
vieta have acted, in part, out of $
serioue desire for a nonproliferati~treaty, but, at the came time, d4have sought to use tbe negotiation tO
block changes in the nuclear polkv d
the North Atiantic Treaty Orgerb
tion. Negotiation have centered ~most exckaeively on the desire of
United Statee to preserve a roes@
of freedom for joint nuclear soar@ment schemes within NATO and fw
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. .....
tbeultimate oDtion of a Euronean nu.clear force when political preconditioueare achieved.
The Soviet objective has been tocompressttila freedom se much se pos
eiblewithout committing Moscow tomy preciss definition of what is ac.eeptableand what is not acceptable.
The psychological impact of Chinese
‘ ““’”‘“‘“’’’-””’--
TNECHINESEMISSILE
fit) while failing to alleviate the insecurities of the nonnuclear powers.
The nuclear powere will, in eho.rt, be
getting something for nothing. So far,thie dissatisfaction has been expressed
in the insistence that a nonprolifera
tion treaty involve some formal dieermsment commitments on the pert ofthe nuclear powers. If the negotiations
based on aerodynamic mieeileej surface launched from G class enbmarines
nuclear developments ,seeme to beleadingthe nonnuclear nations to in
cwsee their demands.These nations are increasingly re
sentful of the fact that the treaty
-which will deprive them of the righttedevelopor possess their own nuclearwespone-ie being forged along lines
which ignore their own security in
breate. They obviously fear that theekt of the treaty will be to formalise
he monopoly of the exieting nuclear
mere (who will remain free to dewIoptheir own weapons as they see
M 1*7
drag out much longer, other demands
may be raised.It is conceivable that important
candidates for the nuclear club may
refuse to sign the agreement unless
offered binding guarantees of theirsecurity by the nuclear powers. The
proepect that these complication willmultiply with the passage of time may
impel the Soviet Union to an earlier
and more liberal compromise on herdifferences with tbe United States.
But even if the two major powersrush to sign a nonproliferation agree
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THECHINESEMISSILE
ment “before it’s too late,” the prgblem remains how b remove the pree
sures on nonnuclear powere to eccurenuclear weapons. A nonproliferation
treaty can only be a first step. Nothingunderscores th~s fact es impressivelyas Chirm’e nuclear achievements.
In other respects, Soviet policy toward the W@ is not likely to be muchaffected, China ie simply not strongenough. While striving to reduee the
military and peliticel 8olid8rity of the
Atlantic community, the Soviets have
aimed at formalizing the division ofGermany and preserving the solidarityof the Warsaw Pact countries.
The Soviets have also struggled inrecent months, with rather lees euccees, to coordinate the policies of the
Warsaw Peet countries toward western Europe. WM]e Soviet tnctiee wi]]
surely react to changing eituatione in
the West and ebrewhere, Chinese nuclear developments are not likely toalter the breed contours of Soviet
policy for a geed many years.
Conceivably, these developments
may induce the Soviets to shift someof their forces from eastern Europe.There are good economic reaeene for
thinning out these forces, and, from a
militav view, the forward disposi
tions of the peat are no longer sopressing. The principal obataele to
this, at present, is tbe Vietnam war.MOSCOWas etiked a greet deal on
maintaining solidarity with Vietmm
especially for political r-em witththe international Communist mon
ment.
The Soviets must be careful not tigive substance to Chinese eecusatiou
that they are facilitating the dissn
gagement of the, Unitad States froaEurope. Despite considerable dictweion of troep withdrawals in Europ
and the United States, Soviet prop
aganda has been aignitlcantly noocommittal on this issue in rwed
montbe.whet effect will Chinese nucleu
developments have on SinO-Soviet rektions in the near future? Mowm
doee not ecem optimistic. The Sovid
press noted that ‘the Chinese miss~
teat had bean “’used for the furthawhipping up of anti-Soviet hysterb’
in China, suggesting that the W
would play into the hands of tkradicals. As a symbol of China’8 PO
tential power, the nuclear missile w]offset the failures of Peking’s rem
diplomacy,
In the more distant future, a wture of nuclear deterrence may gk
Chiua’s leaders a sense of securltIwhich, in turn, could promo~ @itia
moderation and pragmatism. If tb
aPP@rane@of a nuclear China on tkworld scene has many perilous im
placations, tbie one optimistic noteicertainly worth 8ounding,
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Celonelrving Eermon& United Stotse Armg Itetired
MAJOR problem in long-range military studiae and cost effaetiveness
analyses is a proper delinaetion of, the thraat. The problem etcms fromU@encefilntiee of the future the diversity in areas where US forms must
k prepared to operate,’ and the divereity in @cntial enemies. Disregerd oftheseproblems could lead to fomee prepared to fight the wrong kind of war atthewrong time and place, and with eerioue vulnerabllitiee. General Edwardbddeck’e defeat by the Indiane in Pennsylvania in 1765 was, in part, a reaukofthe fai]um of Britieh force plannera to anticipate PrOPCrlythe r~uiremen~
ofcolonial frontier warfare.Planning the composition of military forces ie based on the exiatin~ or
Mential military threat to the axecution of national policy. In the psriod followingthe CNil War, US Army forces were dwignad primarily to secure the
W@sternrontier end to maintiln seacoast defenses. Following the Spanish-AuwricanWa;. the stramrth and comnoeition of the US military forcee’changedmkeeping wit’h the new-national w~cy beeed on a assured Western frontier ‘andmaintenance of overeeae possessions.
M 1 81 41
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THREAT
The major source of information on
the threat is usually a threat study.
This is a formulation and analysis of
the expected or real situation fromwhich to derive the combhation of
enemy capabltities that can be usedto counter a propesed US military capability. Other source materials in
clude target arrays, foreign technol
ogy. and long-range forecasts. A target array is a representation of any
enemy force in a specific situation that
usually includes a scenario, a portrayal
of dispositions, and a target analysis.
A foreign technology forecast describee anticipated foreign scientificadvances of military interest.
Any intelligence estimat~threat
studies are typee of such estimates
+f future enemy activities is a set
of conclusions projected into the fu
ture. The projection is based on the
enemy’s previous behavior in comparable situations, his expected behavior
baeed on indkations, and estimates of
what he is physically capable of do
ing. These conclusions are founded oninformation that is either incomplete
or uncertain or both.
Even if the intelligence informa
tion available at a given time was complete and accurate, there is still no cer-
Colonel Irving Hegmmzt . US ArmzIRetired ie a veteran of World War IIand Korea. While en active dutv healeo served with the North AtlanticTreatg Organicatiom Advanced Weap-erw Branch US Army Europe andwae amigned to the faerdtg of the US
Army Command and General StaffCoUege for fear yeare. The author of“Inraeli Defenee Forcee” which ap-peared in the FebruaW 1967 izene ofthe MILITARYRSWSSW,Cobnrel Hey-
ment is preeently with the ReeearohAnalgeis Corporation McLsnp Vir.giniu.
4s
.
Wlnty that the enemy will not chse~
his mind. We have pursued the d~velopment of major weapons and or.
ganizstion systems with much fanfm
only to cancel them for valid reaso~
The transition from the triangular di.vieion to the Reorganization of Cm.bat Infantry Divieion (ROCID) to ths
Reorganization Objective Army Dirn.sion teok place in lees than a decmh
Considering the publicity on the mu.ite of the ROCID division, it would
have been difficult for enemy intelh.gence agencies to conclude that ii
would be dkwarded in a few years.
Tentstive Conclusions
In preparing an intelligence esti.
mate, the estimator creates oue 01
more hypotheses to explain the avsil.able information. The hypotheses e~
tentative conclusions on the eigsitl.
cance of the information. By weigh
ing the known information for pertinency and validity, and by testinj
with new information, the estimatmfinally selecte one hypethesie, perhz~
modified, as the beet explanation oall the available information. Thie ~
pothesis rests on assumption tldcover many aspects including accu~
of information and validity of prevf
ous judgments on enemy behaviorSuch assumptions are neceesary, bn’they are not always the only logicsones that can be made. A change irthe basic aseumptione would probabl~
lead to different hypotheses and dit
ferent conclueione.
Threat source materiale are ofts
misused because of failure to rccos
nize that they do not coneider the impact on the enemy of the epcc~
friendly capability that ie under etudY.Thie misuse often rezulte in dieregadof enemy countermeasures or counter
moves. For example, standard tar’t@
arraye for a potential mechanked sc-
Mllltellnmw
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my for the 1966-70 timeframe cannot
smsider all possible friendly developnsats or enemy responaea during thatpcried.This does not imply that stand-
ml target arraya are uselees, but,nther, that their limitations must bemderstood.
One method sometimes mistakenly
wed in formulating a threat studyh known as ‘inhror image.” This
mctlmdis based on the implied as
sumption that “if we dan do it-so
CSnour opponent.” With this techniqoe,a technology forecast of friend
ly developments is modified slightly,@upledwith come assumptions on the
Ioliticel context, and presented as the
CO@nyhreat. Such a procedure incor
wSy assumes that the United Statesmd the enemy have the same objeetirw, resources, and economic and po
~tk?alreet,~inti. For example, cur-
Mot US objectives call for greaterIOobilityor ground forces, and exten-
M 1s7
THREAT
sive use is being made of helicopters.
It does not necessarily follow that apotential enemy can or will do the
same. His obj~lves might be satis
fied by his current capabilities orgreater use of existing or improved
armored personnel carriers.
Tbe major variablea in the threatare time, the enemy forces, the locale
of potential conflicts, the type of war
fare, the politieel context, and devel
opmenta in technology. Each variable
influences tbe nature of the total enemy threat and the other variables
witbin the total threat. A variation inthe political context may change the
composition and strength of the po
tential enemy or only change theweapon systems available to the en
emy. There is further variakdlity with
in the enemy factor because of the
::g:~:;:ly countermeaiuree or
T]me influences the validity of all
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threat source materials. Estimatee for
the near timeframe ard usually more
valid then those for later periode because, witbin certain Iimita, the en
emy’s capability tn depart from present patteme is restricted by time. It
takes time to develop systems to the
peint of operational readineee, to develop new doctrine and tactice, and to
retrain and reorganize forces. For thelater periods, time is lees restricting
and additional options become avail
able beeauee of new technological de
velopments. It is dficult enough topredict what our antitank weapons
will be 15 years hence, much less pre
dict with cetilnty what a eeeretiveenemy will then have. It is usually im
passible to prepar~with confidence
—threat studiee, target arrays, or en
emy tachncdogical forecasts beyond
about 10 years except to indicate broadtrends.
The threat study
the same timeframe
useful lifespan of
study. Judging the
used must cover
as the expected
the system under
effectiveness of a
new kind of division by use of a
threat model based on a Korean eit
uation enemy and tactics of 1950-63may lead to false conchrsione.
CharrgeaIIIThreat
Another pitfall is to assume that
the enemy threat will remain constant
during the time period under study.The thrent may change because of the
introduction of new enemy capabili
ties or cbengee in the over-all strategic concept. The useful lifespan of
the 120-millimeter antiaircraft gunwee cut ehort by the introduction of
jet aircraft. It is ditllcnlt to foresee all
changes in the enemy threat and their
timing, but the Poaelbj l i t y Of suchcbengee ee they affect the 8yatem un
der study, muot be considered.Enemy forcee may vary signithwmtly
depending on the political context ot
the time period under etudy. In igiven time period, one potential eo.
emy may be equipped with highly&
veloped air defenee mieeilee and w.teneive ground and air mobility mean
In the came time period, there rru}
also be other potential enamies whoare equipped only with simple weepim
syeteme. All significant enemy form
must be considered in judging theffectiveness of alternatives unlw
there are obvioue reasons to the cm.
trary. Nothing ie gained by meeeur.ing the .etRctiveneee of a Proposal
eystem for defense againet low-flYIoIsupersonic aircraft in an environmmt
where the enemy forcee do not ban
modern weapons available.
CommonErrorConsideration should not be ~
stricted to only one enemy unless heystem is intended to be emplo@ ;againet only that type of enerny.~common error when employing ~ ‘ ione kind of enemy in an effeetiv :model, ie to generalise to other
mice. One study on new artillery :munition, for inetance, consid ;
only an enemy mechanized force. .proposed ammunition may be
effective than current atilllery a~
nition against such a force, but ~
against other kinds of forces. Th$
effectiveness of a proposed capebilib
against all possible aignitleently M.
ferent enemy forces should be a .
amined. With such information avakable, better decieione can be made 00
allocating reeourwes to counter e@potentiet enemy or, perhaps, to invw
tigate new altemativee.Examination of effectiveness is alto
degraded by uee of a target arN
that doee not depict all logical
of the enemy. In the ammurdtbetudy, the effectiveneen eeenarlo ws
MultaryM @ 1
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1“THREAT
‘
IIA on a target array expected to
exi~ if the enemy motorized forcewcs frOmn in place four houra afteran attack started. Such a test is in
omckrsive. MSitary forces dispoee
tlmneclves differently in the defense,offense,retrograde, and other opera
tions. Judgment must determine the
differentenemy wetures that aignifi
tiee, but not all, ueurdly leads to false
measurement of effectiveness.The enemy must be credited with
some degree of abSity to react to new
friendly capabilities. Guerrilla forcesfeeed with a new airmobile capability
should not he expected to continue to
employ the same taetice used against
a roadbeund enemy. The introduction
TheMauler air defense eystem, even before bsbtg canceled, wae behind in its e;imeteddevelopment schedule
rmtly influence the over-all effecthw
nesaof the eyatem being examined.
AU the perthent elements of theentire enemy force muet be included
h considering enemy operations. An
ersmination of enemy attack eapabU
itks,should not be limited to one class
of weapone such as surface-to-eurface
b. Close air support, if available
tothe enemy, must also be considered.Treating only some enemy eapabili
Wl 1*7 ‘
of a tank main wecpon with greatly
increased accuracy or lethality can be
expected to result in some change in
the enemy’s tactics.The significant feasible enemy coun
termeasures and countermoves must
be developed for each epeeific etudy
beeauee each new capability opens new
possibilities for countermee$urea and
countenrtovee. Tbcxe must be developed to supplement target arraye and
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THREAT
threat studies that are prepared with.out consideration of the system under
study. The countermeasures and coun-
termoves should be formulated by spe
cialists in intelligence of the potential
enemy and in friendly and foreigntechnology, economics, and the type
of military operations involved. The
formulation of countermeasures andcountermoves ia a form of cost effec
tiveness analysis from the enemy
point of view.
WarGames
War games and simulation areoften useful for gaining insight into
the nature and limits of pessible en
emy countermoves and countermeae.
ures. Such games should be repeatedwith varying scenarioa by personnel
knowledgeable of the potential enemy’s
past and current developments. The
scenarios should consider appropriatevariations in political conte~t, Iecale,
and in enemy strength and composi
tion. The emphasis should be on the
play of the friendly alternative in or
der to uncover vulnerabilities to feas
ible countermeasures or countermovesrather than on compliance with rules
of the war game. The enemy should
not be assumed to be beund to his
current strategy and tactics, yet be
ehould not be permitted unlimitedfreedom to react. Cogniaence must be
taken of his possible technical, budg
etary, leadtime, bureaucratic, and
other constraints.
In a long-range development pre
grem, it ia possible to keep eecret thedetdls of efficiency, operational capa
bilities, performance characteristics,and level of procurement. However, it
IrJ not ueiually possible to hide the
existence and purpose of the systam.
This is particularly true if tbe pro
posed eyatem ia o large magnitude.
For exsmple, the broad outlines o
. ..... ...
the Nike X program have been well
publicized. The test of the air assault
concept that led to the formation of
an airmobjle division waa also well
publicized. In peacetime, it is almret
impoaaible to duplicate the security ofa Project Manhattan.
(lualitativaUncertaintyAlthough the enemy must be cred.
ited with some knowledge of the pro.
posed capability, he cannot foremhis opposition’s every move. Nations
do not have perfect information of
their petential enemy, and they do notalways either react or react appro.
priately to the information they do
possess. History is full of exampleeof nations that faiied to take advnn
tage of available information becauwof inetiltutional processes, incredulity,
and human failurea. Although this
qualitative uncertainty cannobbe reduced to a probability figure, it should
not be disregarded.
It is equally as dangerous to over.
estimate the enemy’s capabilities av
it ia to underestimate them becaueo
overestimates do not necessarily lead
to insurance and eafety. The enemycan hardly meet all of tbe competing
demands for resources. It is unreel
ietic to asaume that he will use a dis
proportionate ehare to counter one
threat at the expense of neglecting
other threats and ericritlcing other
significant capabilities. In studyingthe air defense of one smcitlc lecnkt
it is wrong to aeeume t~at all of the
enemy air defensee will be used thereThe enemy cannot be certnhr of our
decieione or which capability we will
exerciee and to whst degree. Overw.
timatlng enemy capabilities Ieada to
pricing of important policy objecttvce
out of the market Rnd to strategf
o desperation.
A cost e$fediveneas analyals ehmdd,
Mltfuy8*
.
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.
where appropriate, examine the impsstof different significant leealee on
he alternative under study. The in
6uenceof the am= on military opera
tions and effectiveness of militaryforcesis well known. Such an examinationhelps in judging whether the
recourcee required are applicable toroostlocalee or only to one. or more
of the greateet importance or likeli.
hoodof use.
Ins of WarfareVariablaThe advent of etrategic and tactical
umlcar weapons has profoundly affectedthe utility of eystams and doc
trines. For example, the Honest John
is significantly more effective in nu
clearthan in nonnuclear warfare. Cer
tsin logistics policies on stoekage levelandstorage policiee also vary in effectiveness depending on whether the
coniiict is expected to he nonnuclearornuclear. Although the broad effecte
of nuclear weapons are known, the
preeise effects are yet undetermined.
The consideration of this variable iecomplicated by the possibility that a
nonnuclear war may develop at come
undetermined point into an undeter
minedlevel of use of nuclear weapone.
The distinction between nuclear andnonnuclear warfare ie eo profound in
its miiitery implication that it must
betreated as a variable when the en
emyhas nuclear weapone or allies whocouldmake them available.
The political context variable influ
encesand interacte with almoet all the
other variables in the total threat.Straight Sine projection of exieting
piitical aliiances and power blocs arehelpful, but should not be the exclu
sive basis for determining the polit
icalcontext. The influence of the most
and least favorable political contexts
meet aiao be examined. The Iifeapan
of political alliances is highly uncer
lpil 1ss7
THREdT
~. Between 1957 and 1962 serioue
rlfto uecurred both within the North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the
Soviet bloc. Chha no longer receives
military aid from the Soviet Union.The unanimity of NATO has dieeipated to the point where France now
deniee baee righte to the other mem
bers of NATO.
The political context directly influ+
ences logistic services and overflight
rights provided or denied by ot~er na
tione. The availability of base righte
influences force composition and eventhe composition of Iogietic unite. T-heavailability of overtlight authority
may aleo influence the deeign of army
aircraft, particularly in terms of
ferrying capabilities. If the availability of these rights or services is as
eumed, then the study muet examine
the degree of dependence on euch asenmptiona in terms of required re.eources.
Indirect Influanoas
Changes in the political context canalso have important indirect intlu
ence. An internal defense opera~lon
can be transformed into a different
conflict by a change in tbe politicalcontext. Such a change could alter the
enemy capab]litiee, the locale of the
operation, and even tbe kind of war‘fare. Tbe insurgents are usually ini
tially weak in air defense weapone.
In etudying equipment for use in coun
terinsurgency operations that exploit
this weakness in air defense, examin
ing only the current air defenee capabiiitiee of the ineurgente is inade.
quate. The political context muet also
be examined to determine if any rea
sonable changes could result in the
ineurgente reeeiving inereesed air de
fense ca~abilities. The purpose ie not
to predict whether the ineurgenta will
or will not receive air defense weap
es
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THREAT
ens, but, rather, to determine the pos
sible results if they did receive them.
Similarly, the study of any new capa
bility must consider what significant
changes in the peliticel context, ifany, will alter the effectiveness of the
we~llity under study.
TechnologicalDevelopmentsVariability in both friendly and en
emy technological developments poses
great uncertainties in planning for
the future.
The forecasting of trends in science and technology and their influ.ence on military affairs cannot be reduced to a scientific method. Progress
in science ie not like the growth ofpopulation or the development of backward economies where trende are well
recognized and reliable predictions are
possible. Progress in scientific knowl
edge cannot be foretold since a breakthrough may or may not occur at any
moment. When a breakthrough doesoccur, it usually opens new fiekie both
in further scientific ideas and in technological application. Nevertheless, it
is possible to analyze scientific devel
opments and to evaluate their possible
military implications if one is awareof the limitations imposed on such
considerations.
The uncertainties regarding enemy
technological deveiopmente can be
readily appreciated by comparing them
with the uncertainties of our own future technological development where
full information is available. For example, the Skvboit missile had been
under development for many years be
fore it was abandoned because of tech
nical difficulties and changed opera
tional needs. Furthermore, estimates
on the operational availability of new
systems have been more in the nature
of gueaEee. The lfaulw air defensesystem, even before bahg canceled,
was well teehind the estimated devel.
opment schedule.Enemy technological developments,
despite the uncertainties involved, are
an integral part of the threat. The UO.certainties about which development
he ia pursuing, operational availsbil.
ity, dnd the probability of his msk.ing unanticipated technological bresk.
throughs cannot be dismissed because
there is a lack of firm information,Treating these uncertainties is dti.
cult, but failure to do so can lead b
poor decisions. During World War I,
the Allied failure to anticipate theGerman development of peison gas andthe German failure to anticipate the
development of the tank led to near
disasters.
SorrrseMater ia lsThe first step in handling the threat
factor in a study is to secure thrcst
source materials that cover tbe same
time period as the subject under studyand tbe anticipated service life of the
development proposed. However, it
usuelly is not possible to obtain threat
source materials that cover the timeperiod of concern and specifically con-
eider the implications of the proposedcapabilities under study.
The next step is to modify and am.plify the threat source materials b
meet the neede of the particular sub
ject being examined. This is best accomplished by personnel qualified in
intelligence, friendly and foreign tech
nology, economics, international relations, and the type of military opers.
tions involved.
Uncertainties in regard to any onevariable that eignitleently influences
the alternatives are best reduced toquantitative considerations. This can
be accomplished by studying the ef.
fectivenees and cost of the alterrwtives under a range of different but
MllltsryleItw4
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THRWT
reasonablerangee in the v~riable. Dif
ferences in cost and effectiveness re
sulting from such examinations muetbs,presented. In etfect, th]e requiree
doingthe study more than once. The
extent to which this can be done depends on the available time and resmrcee. Where time and resources are
limited, the variability ehould be
treated qualitatively by pointing outtkedependence of the conclusions, recomraendatilone,and other areas of the
studyon changes in the variable.
It ie often feasible to reduce thevolume of these combined uncertain
ties tn a manageable number and
range by carrying three threat esti
matesthrough the etudy: “optimistic”and “pessimistic” estimatee that
bracketthe range of uncertainty, and
a “best estimate” that has the hlgheetconfidence of likelihood of occurring.
Tkeaeterme are not rigoroue, and sub
jective judgment is required. Using
these three estimates aeeists in de
termining the sensitivity of the effeetiveneas of any indNidual alternative
to the assumptions about the threat
variables.
In dealing with the “pessimistic”
eetimate, it should not be assumed that
the enemy will always react to cauee
ue the most harm. What is worst forus is not necessarily the best for theenemy. For example, the enemy’s
maesing of his air defenaee ip one
area may be the worst action from
our viewpoint. However, it ia not neeeeearily the best for the enemy be
cause of the vulnerability that ensueein other vital areas. The enemy use
of low airburst nuclear weapons incertah terrain may bring both hie
and our forces to a standstill.Failure to consider properly the
threat factor leads to faulty prepara
tions. Victories of tomorrow can only
come from today’s proper vieion.
Sendi nyourCHANGEOFADDRESSTo assure uninterrupted delivery of your Military Review, be sure to
submit promptly both your old and new address, including Zip cod+four
weske in advance, if Pesgible. Addrese to hfilitarg Review Subscription
Service, Book Department, U. S. Army Command and General Staff Col
lege, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 66027.
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~e’~lkv~ From The Owl (India)
‘ E~NATi ~... . .
“3Brigadier R. D. Law,
Indian Armu
UCLEAR detonations by Com
munist China and the proepeci
~ of mainland China becoming a nu
cIear power have posed a number of
~ problems for India. Theee problems
have a direct bearing on her domeeticand foreign policy. Most important is
the queetion of whether India should
attempt to develop and produce nu
clear weapene.
When eutllciently developed, China’s
nuclear “capability will Wee a serious
threat to India’s eecurity, and, unlem
tbe Indian armed forcoe are provided1nuclear eupport, their morsle will1
suffer a serioue eetback. To expect the
armed forces to resiet Chinese attacke
which are supperted by nuclear weay
one would be a useleee sacrifice.
If India is to defend hereelf againet
Chineee aggraeeirm, or if ehe ia toD
have any hope of recovering Ioat tar.ritoriea, her forcee muet have nuclfwr
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1 support, be it with her own weapons
or those obtaine~ elsewhere.
In modern war, the morale of the
armed forces is essentially a part of
national morale. If cities and indus
trial complexee are subject to Chinese
nuclear attacks, maintenance of na
tional morale will be an impossible
task unless India has the meane to
retaliate, thus providing a deterrent
to the use of these weapons by an
aggreesor.
me eterrentIndia ie at a considerable disad
vantage compared to China. From
Tibetan bases, China can etrike at
msny of India’a major cities and
muchof her industrial potential with
out employing highly eopbisticated
delivery. means, On the other hand,
Indiacannot retaliate against Chinese
cities or industry without highly so
phisticated delivery syeteme. The only
military targets within easy reach are
those in Tibet and Sinkiang, and
Chinawould not be unduly concerned
eheutattacks on these targeta. There
fore, if India develops nuclear weap
ons, the cost will be high.
The annual cost for an effective nuclear deterrent is of a magnitude
clearly beyond India’s means unless
she stops development and increasee
tasation. This would certainly lead to
a collapse of her economy and cause
widespread discontent-e eituation
vddchwould be to China)a liking.
India has pledged herself to peaceful uses of nuclear energy and has
This article wae digeeted fromthe mfgirml published in THE
Owh (Indin) Volume XXI 1965
66 under the title “Emergenceef China as a Nuclear Power.”Co-p@ghted @ 1965-66 by THE
OWL.
l s
INDIA ;
been one of the most enthusiastic sup
porter of disarmament. This stand ie
widely appreciated by the civilized
world and, along with her policy of
nonalignment, has helped to ease
world teneione. As a result, India has
attained a position in international
affairs out of all proportion to her
material strength.
A reversal of these policies is bound
to tarnish India’s image in the civi
lized world. She would cease to be a
stabilizing influence in internationa~diaputee. Thh would be a disservice
to the cause of peace. However, theee
considerations are secondary when
the conntry’s sovereignty is at stake.
Proiiferstionof WeaperrsIf India attempts ti develop nuclear
weapone, other nations may consider
themselves threatenad by India and
follow euit. Thie may well start a
chain reaction and reeult in some ir
responsible nations possessing nuclear
weapons which would considerably
increase the chancee of the outbreak
of nuclear wars either accidentally or
intentionally. The development of nu
clear weapons by India will, therefore,
have far-reaching effects.India’s efforts to promote world
peace and her sacrifices for thie cause
have been appraeiated in most quar
tere. Consequently, she reseives sub
stantial aid from practically all the
developed countries of the world, ir
respective of their ideologies. India
will continue to require euch aid for
many years. If India were to take the
step which would lead to nuclear pro
liferation, she would loee the sympa
thy she enjoys. In fact, in order to
discourage India from producing nu
cksar weapons, external aid may well
be refueed or etopped altogether by
many nations.
The attainment of a nuclear capa
57
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bbility will certakrly bolster India’s
preetige among Afro-Asian countries
and produce a corresponding setback
to China’a stature. It will retard the
sprekd of Chinese influence and would
be a major contribution toward the
cotrtainmant of Communist China.
Since ignoring the Chinese nuclear
T
Requesting a nuclear shield un.
der the auspices of the United Ns.
tions.
Entering into collaboration with
a country or countries, similarly
threatened, to share the cost of devel.opment and production.
Intensification of nuclear re
search in India so the V!me gap lx-
s.. -“ ,:’ ‘J, f
D P@t w nt 01 S*
A UN nuclear shield is not a mtlicfent guarmtee for India berarreeII Security Coundlmember rmuldexerciee his veto at s critfcsl time
since d&elopment and production ofnuclear weapons and their aaeociated
delivery meant would severely tax
India’s economy, four alternatives
sre oporr:
An underetarrding with one or
more friendly nuclear powers to pre-
vide nuckrar protection to India in the
event of a Chhtwe nuclear attack.
tween a decision to produce nucleuweapone and actual production cm k
reduced b the minimum.
The United Stste6 hee made a geo
eral etatement that her aasietance @
be available to any country threnteod
by a nuclenr attack, India could od
possibly rely on 8 general dtclaratiti
of this nature, for thie is not a 6@
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‘~
INDIAeient gaarantee that nucleer protec
tion will be provided at the critical
time. A more concrete arrangement
is neeezsary. possibly in the form of
n treaty. Countries which could provide this protection are the United
Stetea or the Soviet Union.
India could enter into an agreement
witheither one, both of them individ
ealIy, or with the two collectively.
Suchan agreement would not be contrary to India’s policy of nonalign
ment but it will not be entirely freefrom drawbacks.
First, the ability of a country to be
ableto provide the required support
will depend upon the international
@nation prevailing at the time. For
uu.tance, if India had an agreement
with the United States, ehe may not
te able”te offer assistance if, as a
consequence, she is threatened withretaliation by the Soviet Union. It is
ertramely unlikely that India would
~w any control of nuckmr weapons
Iied by another nation.
, ‘riderthe UN Charter, any member
taned by aggression can ask the
Nations for aseietonce. If
.: tened with a Chinese nuclear at-India could follow tbia course;
I ever, there are serious disadvan
. All decisions of the United Na
are eubjeet to a majority vote.
P@has been India’s experience that
thevoting in the United Nations is
tot always on the basis of a case’s
omits. Not to be ruled out is the pos
!ibtity that a member might exercisehisveto in the Security Council at a
witksl time.
The only country likely to be threat
@by China and which ie sufficiently
Ukvmcedto collaborate with India in
tke development and production of
00c1earweapons is Japan. The strong
feelingin that country against nuc]ear
weapone ie well known. Therefore, it
is unlikely if any Japanese Gover
nment would be in a poeition to col
laborate on su h a proje t in the face
of such strong public opinion. Further, the .Japaneee Government has
declared that it would accept the
positioning of US nuclear weapons if
Japan is threatened. Under thsse cir
cumstances, it is doubtful if Japan’
would be prepared to divert re
sources for the development of nn
clesr weapens.
In addition to any other arrange
ment that India may make, it would
be a logical course to @.ep up nuclear
reeearch so that, if the need arises,
India coul&start production of nuclear
weapons with minimum delay. This
would be a useful standby arrange
ment in the event other arrangemeute
fail to materialize.In a few years, the Chineee nuclear
capability will pose a very live threat
to India, and she has to devise ways
and means of countering it. Develop
ment of nuclear weapons is clearly
beyond India’s reeourcee, and euch a
step would have serious repercueeions
on her economy.Nuclear protection under the aus
pices of the United Natione will not
be sufficiently reliable, for one cannot
afford to stake a country’s security on
the whims and fancies of voters or
those who have the power of veto. An
agreement with the United Stetee, or
the Soviet Union, or both for nuclear
protection would have dieadvantages,but it is the beet under the circum
stances. In addition, efforts should be
made to step up nuclear reeearch to
an extent that the timelag between
the decision to produce nuclear ,weep
ons and actual production ie reduced
to the minimum, This would be a use
ful standby.
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LTHOUGH the United States is
in South V]etnam to aseist that
country in maintaining its independence, the southeast Asian conflict also
is serving ae a laboratory in wldch a
new type of war is being tested. Tbedetails of the test have profound significance to free societies confrontedwith the menace of an illusive, guer
rittaenemy backed up by regular unite
iadltrating across a border.
NowTools of War
Wllitary commentators have mademuch of the new tools of war whichengineers have produced to aid United
States and Republic of Vietnam forcesin dealing with the Viet Gong and
~NorthVietnamese regular units. The
$rnostimportant of these toole is the‘ elicopter. In the course of the Viet
struggle, the helicopter has un
‘rgone a remarkable evolution fromunarmed aerial transport for a
i,uad of soldiers to a true combat air
+.de mounting an elaborate array
, . weapons, including rockets, guided
I siles, grenades, and automatic can
‘n.
‘[Somewhat overlooked in the public
d professional attention devoted to~e new weaponry is the revolution in
ttlefield tactics. Important as aree new machines and weapons, the
~ YS in which foot soldiers are em-
LL. Ttle L MO mm mtesyAnmu New .y Fat. . ..
Anthony Harc%gan is A880C&7teEditor of The News and Courier,
Charleston, South Carolina, and amember of th8 Institwte for Strategic&udie8 {London). He is US cornc-
mt fov the Canadian MNitaryJOUrneland the auther of the recentlypubltihed book, A Guide to the War
in Vietnam. Hia article, “Armies andkmcr Leadec’8hip~ was the MILITAXY7@licw Awavd Article for the Jan-
c%l 1967 iseue.
IJcil1s7
6ROUN0WARFARE
ployed have even greater eigniticance.
In the final analyeie, troops on theground decide whether a country ie
won or lost.
The US soldier on the ground inVletnsm can count on extraordinary
support. Maesive firepower is available to back up deep penetrations ofenemy territory. Excellent communi
cations make possible complicated, pre
cieely timed operations. In criticalsituations, troops on the ground can
summon aerial and artillery eupport.Availability of fixed-wing and rotarycraft have made instant logistics al
most a reality. Most important of all,
there ie the unprecedented mobility of
ground unite and their “weapons.It is routine for a divieion com
mander to have a battalion picked up
by helicopter and carried to a clear
ing deep in a jungle. It aleo is routine to fly artillery over rice paddies
and ,_jungle into positions miles from
any road or atop high ridges.
ImportantAdvancesThe heli-lifting of atilllery, even at
night, represents one of the most im
portant advances in ground warfare
in centuries, Major General MosheDayan, former Israeli Chief of Staff
who observed the ground confllct in
Vietnam, has deecribed this heli-lift
ing as “the American anewer to theproblem of movement in the jnngle:
mobility that is not dependent on
roads, ground vehicles or airtielde.”
Neither mobility nor massive fire
power, however, offer a complete answer to the problem of the elusive
guerrilla unit. The Vlet Gong andthe North Vietnamese are superbly
adapted to the environment in which
they are fighting. AS through the
emnmer of 1966, for example, the
North Vietnamese regulars infiltrated
into wilderness areas of South Viet
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6ROUHDWARFARE
nam. Using tunnels and jungle tracks,they built up supply and ammunitiondepots ineide the “demilitarized zone.
The battles US ground troops fought
in the mud and among the rocks in
the summer and early fall teetilled tothe legpower of the enemy.
These qualitiee on the pert of the
Communist units have led to frustration for US ground forcee on many
occaeions. Nothing is more depressing
than a sweep that nets nothing. TheVlet Cong and the North Vietnamese
are ekllled at utilizing the hours ofdarkneee, the early morning monsoon
raine, and the fog to withdraw fromthe US attackers. Thle, after all, is
their basic etrategy. For them, victory
often simply meansstroyed,
tlid&and.Srmk
Ground warfare,stances, frequentlyand-eeek. Reaction
avoiding being de-
in these circumis a game of hide-time is no longer
a major problem for US forces now
that helicopters are available in great
numbers. But locating the enemy—
pinpointing his formationz-ie a different etory. Helicopters loudly an
nounce themselves as they approach
a landing zone. Often, they are theeignal for the enemy to brak up into
small units and move into tbe jungle
by different routes se they strike out
for a new rendezvous. It is thie eitua
tion that has rreceeeitated sopbieticated tactica for etealtby entry onto
the battlefield,
In time, leee noisy helicopter maybe produced which will allow a greater
meeeure of surprise in heliberne ae
smdts. For the present, US combat
forcee have to rely on unconventional “
taetice. This ia not to say that eide-
Iooking radar and infrared devicee in
reconnaineznce aircraft are not useful.
They are able to detect river croeeinge
at night and lrxate the cites of recent
enemy campllree.The meet valuable date, however,
cornea from the soldier who epets tk
enemy with his own eyes. Thus, in.creasing uee ie M]ng made of long.range reconnaiaeance patrols. Thwelemente have been introduced at th
battalion ae well as the brigade level,
Cuetomary procedure is for thm
patrols to be heli-lifted into enemyareas for reconnaissance miesione ot
eeveral daya’ duration. Their mieaion
ie not to engage the enemy, but tolocate him. As in all patroI activitiwresults are mixed, Sometimes no u@
ful information is turned up. On othw
oeeasione, the patrols are epotted byetrong enemy forces, and it is neeea.
sary for the reconnaissance group to
disengage. Finally, there are the aW
ceseful operations when the enemy $pinpointed and a powerful US re+
tion force arrives on time to aeeatl
plieh its miesion.
FollowupProcedureA followup procedure is an o&
growth of the long-range patrol S+W
tern. Under thkr procedure, a
tion force of company size ie locati
fairly close to the reconnaissance wtrol. Once the reconnaissance petrol
hae acquired a target, the accompezy
ing reaction force begine the engage
ment. Meanwhile, the main battaliozstrength reaction force is lifted into
the area se fast ae poeeible.
US troops aleo have been msldea
increased use of night operation. Mt.taIion airmobile aesaulte have b@
made under cover of darkness, fd
lowing reronnaiesance by the ba@
ion reconnaizesnce unit. These bmbeen accomplished without prelid.
nary aerial or artillery fire,
Continually being refined in VW
nam ie the mode of entry onto W
MlltaryM
.a
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6ROUNDWARFARE
battlefield.The basic style of the heli-
Imne aaaault involves preliminaryaerial reconnaissance; closer inspec
tion of a landing zone by air and
ground commander; preparation ofthelending zone by bombing, ati]llery&e, ehd helicopter gunehlps; and, fi-OZIIY, of the aseault force.he landing
This basic etyle ia not always sat-
the main zone without preparatory
fire.
This is not to say one approach or
another is better under all circum
steneez. The ‘ti]x” of the Vietmzrnwar changes all the time. Fightingguerrilla and fighthig North Vletnameee regulara are very different
propositions. Fighting in the Mekong
., AWWNw* Feat.rea
Increasing use ie being mede of Ions-range patrOk
iafectory, however, as the preparatoryphases of the operation frequently
$erauadethe enemy to depart. A modiikation of the claeeic heliborne as-
N.ldt involvee moving elements of a
battalion into landing zones near thelozin landing aone that baa been se
bcted. Moving by night, a small re-Omaaissanze force takes up poaitfonz
h the main landing aone. The other
dementa.of the battalion then land in
@ 1967
...
Delta and along the demilitarized zone
involves different problems. In the for
mer, the uze of air and afi]llery has
to be restrained because of the dan
ger of harming friendly people. In thedense tropieel foreata along the Lao
tian border, where there are few peo
ple, it is possible to drench the. ridgesand valleys with afi]llery and rocket
fire.
Heavy preparatory fire also is nec
6s
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V
GROUNDWARFARE
essary in contested landing zones or
in areae which it is necessary to seize,
over fierce opposition, because of major campaign objectives. In euch an
operation, 105-millimeter howitzers
might be heli-lifted into an uncontested landing zone a mile or two
from the main landing zone. These
howitzers would be put to work tosoften up the perimeter of the mainlanding zone during a firing schedule
of, perhaps, 30 minutes. Fighter bombers might then drop 500-pound bombs
on the jungle bordering the main landing cone. Then, the troope would make
their aesauit.
Ringside SeatIn euch an operation, the aseardt
commander would be in a helicopter
command post where he has a sweep.
ing vision of the battle area. Indeed,
even a tank battalion commander is
likely to be airborne during action.This way he ia able to keep in con.
stint touch and know where all bis
tanks are deployed,Insofar ae an assault commander is
concerned, he can detect from a heli
copter a gap in the bomb and artillery
barrage eoftening up a landing zone.
If the enemy ie scattering, he can direct the gunships to follow as the en
emy withdraws. The commander can
take note of all the elemente on thebattleground+verything from unexploded bombe that endanger his own
men to unwise bunching of troops.
what the helicopter means to tbe aseault commander is unprecedented op
portunity to direct a battle from a
ringzide eeat.
In World War 11 a division commander might not know what wae go
ing on until reporta came in from the
battlefield. In Vietnam, however, com
mander can be in visual contact with
tbe developing combat situation. In-
u
k..
deed, it is possible for a divieion coro- ;mander or aasistint d]vision corn.
mander to oversee several battalion. ;sise operation in a eingle day, ‘fhisolation of beadquartera frbm front- :
line troops—always a danger in for.mer wars—no longer exists in theVietnam conflict.
Another interesting aspect of thenew warfare in South Vietnam is the
tempo of divisional action. Brigadier
General Willard Pearson, Commanding General, 1st Brigade, 10lst Air
borne Division, gave this account ofdivision operations in Arrnu Digest:
During a dx-dau period at TUY
Hoa, we conducted four battalion w
eaulti and 11 artillery batteW did.
plaeemente bv helicopter. At Tou Mo.
rorzg, we moved nearly 1.5,000 troW
and accomplished 9S 8eparate unit air
mobile operation, plus 8eveu artilk?y
battery dieplacemente jn an 18dayperiod.
ModernArtilleryRaid
One of the techniques used by theartillery in Vietnam is an updatedvereion of the artillery raid. A typical
raid consists of picking a location cen
tral to several enemy targets, landing
a battery (four gmre and a minimumof personnel) with 70 rounds for ench
gun and preeomputed firing data. Ac
cording to one 1st Cavalry Division
source, “The idea is to get in, get the
rounds off, and get out of the aree.”
This type of raid is typical of the nggreseive uee of artillery in Vietnam.
Current infantry tactice indicate
there is little danger of the war as
suming a static quality. Indicative of
this is the following statement by M8jor General WiIljam E. DePuy:
We don’t IJend troops elogoi!w
through the jungiea arqirrtovojustJok-
irtg for uornethffir. We fat the Afi
8quade move out oa reconnafaaam&
MlllfmyAelK
.. . :=. A
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GROUNDWARFARE~
s%en thev find eomething, we quickly
tend in a battalion, nuwbe two. Awl
we prouide the firepower eapport.
For the foot soldiers, the moment
of grC8teSt danger—and also the pa
riod of maximum eaeualties-is the
initial contact with the enemy. After
the troops have been offloaded from
helicopters, they move out from the
landing zone. Because of the natureof the terrain in South Vietnam, it
often ie necassary for a platoon to
advance in single file down a narrow
sath.
This type of formation means thattbe unit has only a minimum of fire
power forward. In euch a situation,SCOUtewill proceed with great cau
tiod, etopping to listen for the enemy
Ml 1s67
and to search the path for evidence
of mines. Ne#ertheleee, ambush often
cannot be avoided within a few hun
dred yards of a landing zone.The Viet Cong are skillful at cam
ouflage and at preparing firing positions. In all likelihood, the Vkt Gong
unit commander will allow the first
US squads or platoona to pass along
the path, and then direct all availablefire at the other platoons strung out
along the path. In such an incident,
casualties are likely to be heavy on
the US side.
The US counterattack% when it
comes, most probably ie conducted
with aerial and artMery atrikea, not
manpower. Repeated storming by
ground forces is not standard prece
6s.
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dure in the Vietnam war. In8tead,
firepower {a directed to accomplish
the job. l?omba, rockets, and shells,
ttfter sII, are not vulnerable to am
buehee, nor are they impeded by jun.gle growth, To draw out the enemy
ta where he can be rwbjceted to man.
e.ive firewwer in the US aim in thenow warfare,
Cam cad Tuned 6@amsOf course, “shaking out” the Viot
Gong and the North Vietnamese canbe extremely ditltcult. In the regionof razorback ridges in the highlanda,
the North Vietnamese dug an @lab.
orate awe and tunnel ayatmo that randeep into the mount.@na. DeniB War
ner, the Austrrdlrirr military writer,
k reported that %ome of thcne man
mrtde caven were 00 feet long and 40
f~t wide, with I?-foot ceilings.”
On the nurfrmc in the demilitarizedzone, the North Vktnamme in thermmmer of 1966 dug milen of crrmmu.
nlcationn trmrchrw and ~n emplKe
merrta. Deallng with the Cgmmuni@tcave nnd tunnel “ynbmn 1S B prob)cm
throughout Vlctnam, although the URCof xmoke and tcnr gm in helpful.
T’he extent of the tunnellng pdntn
up the fallucy of rotmrdhrg COrrrmu.rrint imurgent wnrfare in V&Rnam an
strictly prlmitlve. The notion of guer
riltan nwimmlng In s protective ma ~f
r nti in trroaelynndequsts. Rewlutlorrary warfnre in the Vktrmmew
country@ido hac bermno quiie mphi~ticatod, with the enemy mquirhrg con
@cd baecn In forecte and swemp.tnnde. Some of the cnvee and tunrw)n
conatttute targe ernmunitiori rind nup
piy dumpm. Indeed, ~ W&bed boxpital
w foond hr cum csve network in tlwfd of Itkld. M was doci@wt b nervs
?%3rthVhtnameaeroopsWdc to undoratmrdhru t.h conflict
in $%trrxm i- the meiirattmt that
S9
sevfmd different typec of war me h
procecs at tbe same time In dlffermt
parts of the country and in dlffemetterrnin, While Vietnam h not an cr.
mor war, for inetance, tank units bavcplayed an incraeaingly important rcAin the Central Highlands.
Wherever the North Vietrramrcrhave iwtabliahad vDlag~ fortitled with
concrete burrkere and trench systenqa tank is e ueef d weapon. Tanks elm
hava been uerrful in fighting off North
Vi&name80 bnttalion.sim mttacke. In
one arch at@ck on a Korcnn unit IDAugust 19S6, tanka employed in sup
port of the 2i5th Divieion killed 44
pement of the attackhrg force.
The French had a dlseatrou@ emriencc with armor in Vietnam, butthey lecked advarrtagen poaaeased ~
US forcec. Helicopter mobility rnek
porwible the ewift diepatchof
repaircrown to disabled tanks. Thwe crew
can repn}r in a matter of hou~ ~
tank thnt hae bean put out of nctioaby mince or rocoillwn rifles.
Reut@6ecwttyTanks deo hro proving vdu~blo for
route security. They cen keep rod
oorm and prowt trut.t convoye, In m
Kmbuth, W-& immcdi tttdy got out of
the “’kill rare” nnd chrmga thrn cm.
bumhcrrt. one of the mwrt etT@im
tank vwipone in the cmrlater roued
This corrt.hin~2,700 mrall &toolpollsbwhkb have a shotgun amect on a hlI1.
nlde. Operating on nmd petrol, thr
tank am-a cu an e4rty wrirning #ye.
tcm for an mea, The Pecmt of 8 mm.c~ful tank patrol, tmwmor, in novu
to do the srmw thing twica, Mm+
mmrte hnvo M be vwied co thtit Ckcm
munia tmope do noi discern n pWem
The Prt@@ E#p r@mmim W@[email protected] and 15M II-$ s.@J#? @
of the e problem, Now rtericm #t@
hqse nt marked sdv&rrtw@MOng i~
-n
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.
lines, however. ‘l’he chemical person
nel detector, carried by the lead man
On8 patrol, promises to be effective
in revesting an 8mbusher”s locationbefore an” engagement begins.
Perhaps the most significant appli
cation of US technical know-how is
the use of computers to pkccess intel-Iiice data. An enormous mass ofintelligence date ie available throughhuman and technical channels. Here
tofore, the problem has been organiz
ing it in timely fashion for the useof field commanders. WMc the installationof the fcrst computere in Saigon,
however,the commander of US forcesin Vietnam can pull the necessary in
telligence data together in a matterof a few hours,
Fed into the automatic data proc
eedingequipment are the locations ofroads, waterways, and landing sites;information on peat ambush sites,
knowntunnel systemz, caves and anti
aircraft gun sites; material gathered
byelectronic and infrared means; and
knowledgegained from informers and
““ ”’ ”GROUNDWARFARE
deserters. It is possible, on tbe beeie
of a computerized reading of th~e
datd, to obtain a complete intelligencereport on an area in which a divieion
plans an ofiration. In the pact, theinfo~ation was available to a con
siderable degree, but collating it wee
an almost impossible task in a shorttime.
No accurate report on the war in
Vietnam can properly conclude. however, with the impression that thk is
an entirely new kind of war. The warin Vietnam contains the claesic ele
ments of battlefield combat, only indifferent combinations. Furthermore,
the real heart of victory is not exotic
weaponry or tactical gimmicks on the
battlefield. The -sentfals are the age-old qualitiee of well-trained and
worthy ground forces, familiaritywith personal weepone, pbyeical conditioning for combat, lecderebip at all
levele, and the will-to-win that ie born
of the proud tradition of a greet army
mindful of the concepte of duty,honor, and country.
The Army’s over-all training mission is to provide units which can cleze
with and defeet the enemy in snztnfned land cembet... . Esch man must know
bis job thoroughly end have complete con5dence in his ab]~ty end the deter
mination to accomplish that job under eny corrditiona.The men in eombet units
mmt be trained from %cretcb’heceuee there is no counterpart in civlfian life
for a rifleman,a howitzer crewman,or e tank gunner.
Gcnerol Harold K. Johmsom
M 1s7 67
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Turhish rmy’s Role nNationbuilding
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Anoy’officers OCCUPY special niche
~ Turkish scc.iety, not only because
they are generally well educated, but
also because they, more than any
other group, understand tbe divisive
factors width separate rural from ur
ban societies. On one hand, they are
undisputed members of tbe nation’s
intellectual elite, and, on the otherhand, they largely come from peasant
stock. Because of ita talents and its
unique position in society, the Turk
ish ArmY has been able to assume aleading role as a nationbuilding in
stitution.
Poliiiosand GovernmentTurkey has never bad an overabun
dance of administrative competence
and could iii afford to ignore the tal
ents of. her well-educated miiitary of
ficers. Since the establishment of theRepublic, the government has never
hesitated to tap this source of admin
istrative talent, but only after the
persons concerned had divested them
selves of their miiitary identity.
Retired officers and officere who
have resigned from the army have
been active in the government of Turkey throughout the hietory of the Re
public. During the period from 1920
Coionel Clifton C. Fox is servingwith the . ldInfantrg Division i%Germany. Hie other eervioe includee dutgin Japan with Genera?, He@uartar8,
‘,ParEewt flmmund; with the let Cav-
OIWDivieion in Icorcd; in Washing.ti m“th the Career Management Dihi-eien and the O~e of ths Chief of&eca~ch and Development; and two@ one-half yeatw in Twrke~ aa an$+visor to Turkish militeny echoole.?~e received an M.S. it? International?Affaivefrom George Washington UniA @t~, U@hingtw, D. C., and iS a
“j@dtmte of the US Army Commaad‘l%edGeneral Staff College a?td the US
htv War ( oilege.
WI 1907
TURKISHARM
to 1967, former miiitery pereonnel
had the highest Grand National As
sembly election rate of any vocational
group except professional civil serv
ants. Three of Turkey’s Presidents
also have had military backgrounds.
In general, the active army has
maintained a position of pcditical neu
trality and has exhibited a reluctance
to associate itself with any particular
political party. The younger officer
especially tend to be suspicious of
politician and bureaucratic funtilone.Conversely, the army has evidenced
an awarenesa of political ieaues and
has demonstrated that it values pe
iitical democracy. It did not baeitate
in 1960 to wrest control of tbe govern.
ment from an administration which
it thought had become wo authoritar
ian and which threatened to de@ropolitical freedom in Turkey.
EducationalEndeavora
The Turk]sb Army hea heen re
ferred to as tbe “school of the nation.”
Indeed, the army’e most valuable con
tribution to Tnrkkih mwiety has heen
in the field of education. Aside from
ite basic literacy training programand its various programs for trairihg
technical speciaiiets, the army also
hae taken a more direct step to aseist
public education.
Prior to 1960, all high school level
graduatee were required to enter the
army and spend two yeara on active
miiitary duty as rwerve oSicers. Anew law allows them to undergo oSi
cers’ training for aix months and
epend the remaining 1S monthe as
teachers in village elementary echcole.
The program bee resulted in several
tboueand young men being dispatched
to viilages all over Turkey and has
been an important factor in ailcwia
ing the existing teacher shortage.
The army is aleo a major eource o
a
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TURKISHSMY
pereonnel with linguistic ability. To
meet its requirement for interpreters
and translators and to qualify officers
and noncommissioned officers for at
tendance at technical schools in the
United States and Germany, the armyconducts courses in the English lan
guage using language lahoratary fa
cilities provided under the MSitsry
Aseietance Program.
Additionally, many officers and non
commissioned o5cars acquire a lan
guage proficiency on their own initia
tive by off-duty study. These person
nel, in turn, frequently conduct classes
in local schools or evening classes for
other civilian groups, including de
pendents of military personae] who
are inteewated in learning the Eng
lish language.
Admhtedly, the army’s activity io 1
the field of basic edueetion is moti. ‘
vated largely by self-interest and m. \cessity; The advent of US miSitaty J
assistance pointed up the need for cr.
panding the country’s reservoir O
personnel with sufficient education to
enable them succeesfuUy to compl~
the technical training that would Is
associated with the supply, operatioq j
and maintenance of modern miSitary ~
weapons and. equipment. Since the ci. +
vilian edueation syetem was not geared :
to cope with the problem, the army ihad to do what was possible within
its own capabilities.
Basic LiteraayCoursesThe basic literacy training program
was an ambitious undertaking. Con. 3
sidering the ages and circumstanw
of the personnel involved, it was a 1
program which only the army could :carry out with any degree of C5 ;
ciency. Since the program wee esscs- ;
tially one of adult education, some ;
form of regimentation was neees~ :
to bring together the iSSitsrate person. :
nel who were to receive special trait- 1
ing. Even if adequate facilities and {teachers had been available in the vii.lages, other practical problems .wouIi
have precluded wide subscription tn
concentrated coursee in basic literacy, :
Regardless of the motivating fso ‘
tora, however, both the army and d.
vilian society benefit from the armyi
educational endeavors. In a countrF
where less than half of the Villa&a
had elementary schools in 1960, tbe
return to society of approximate
100,000 literate discharged soldiers *
nually repreaenta a eigniftcant impact
Both directly and indirectly, W
Turkish Army serves as a major irtstrument to promote general economk
development and social change. In em
ploring this area of nationbuilding e@
MilitaryR*I
..
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‘ ”’’’”””’ ”TURKISHARMY ;
tivity, atintion must be turned againto the individual soldier.
During the two years that he spends
in the army, the young coneeript de
velops a new personality and a new
oeaeeof valuee. He leame to read and
to write-if he were unable to do so ‘
before entering the army-and he sc
quires some degree of tacbnieal skillin areas which previously had been
foreign to him. His horizons are broad
ened to include an appreciation of a
world‘that is much larger and morecomplex than the eimple village so
ciety, and he begins to identify him
self with the larger body. Gradually
and unconeeioualy, he acquirca a new
levelof expectations which tbe old so
ciety is unable to eatisfy.
IndependentAttitude
Upon returning to the village following the completion of his compul
sory tour of military service, the ex
soklfer is likely to resist falling back
into the traditional social pattern and
the primitive way of doing things.
With hia newly acquired confidence in
his own ability, he may exhibit a more
independent attitude that may etrain
femily tics.
The ex-soldier may even be inspired
to abandon village life and move to
the city where greater opportunities
exiet for his advancement and for ap
plicationof the skills which he learned
in the army. If he remains in the vil-
Isgc, however, he is likely to become
thedriving force behind the introductionof technological and social change.
He may be the first to purchase a
truck or a farm tractor or to estab
lish a repair facility for radios or
Vcldclee.
The ex.soldier’s appreciation of the
value of organization and teamwork
mayprompt him to take tbe lead indkge youth tilvitiae or in the pro-
f#il 1*7 .
motion of agrarian cooperatives. His
habita of dress and etandards of per
sonal hygiene will have a profound
effect on the msmbere of his immedi
ate family and conceivably on a large
segment of the community. Certabdy,
he ie a potential exponent of commu
nity cleanup eampaigne or other proj
ects designed to improve the sanita
tion aepccta of community living.
There has been a long-existing tend
ency in Turkey for the wealthiest,
most talented, and most ambitious citizens to concentrate in the cities of
Istanbul, Ankzra, and Inmir, thus
leaving the villagee and towne devoid
of such quality personnel. To counter
thie trend, the government began in
tbe 1960’s to distribute industrial fa
cilities more widely and thereby to
force more professional people into
the remote regions. The army aleo ini
tiated companion measures designed
to encourage social mobility and to
support the over-all government ob
jective.
Assignment Policies
Assignment policiee were devieed to
require draftees from urban areas to
perform their compulsory military
service in remote regione while those
draftees from rural areas were to
serve in or near the cities. Rotation
of officere iz aleo accomtdiehed in a
similar faehion. Even though the SYS- .
tern results in a greater expenditure
of travel funde, tbe country profite
from the increased fueion of population groupe, and the army avoide a
potential morale problem that could
result from maldhtribution of ite per
sonnel.
The army also serves se an instru
ment for general cultural development
in the areas that eurround the major
military installations. A good exampleie the remote eaetern tmvn of Ersurum
71
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TIMKISHARMY
where a large army headquarters is
Ioeated. A new university was estab
lished in Erzurum primarily because
of the presence of a great number of
college-age children from military
families. Tbe stimulating influence ofa major educational institution in
new]y developing eastern Turkey is
expected to be significant.
bsdtrstrlalDewloprnerrtThe contributions of the Turkish
Army toward industrial development
have been largely of an indirect na
ture and not particularly dramatic,
The Turkish Army’s value to indus
try principally derivee from the edu
cation and release of vast numbers of
mechanice and tcchniciane who are
capable of accepting employment in in
dustry with little additional training.
In asrreesing the individual eoldier’s
potential value to the industrird man
pewer pool, the change in outlook experienced by the eoldier during his
tour in the army ie, perhaps, more
eigniticant than acquired skille. Be
cause of his introduction to urbanized
society and his reorientation toward
an appreciation of mechanicetion, the
ex-soldier is more likely to seek em.
ployment in industry than if he hadnever eerved in the army. The role of
the ex-soldier in the economic and hr
dustrial development of Turkey is an
importnnt one indeed. Thi6 was rec
ognized by Ambaeead& Fletcher Wm
rmr wberr he stated in 1956:
AU over Turkev technico.1 &-ills
learned in the arrqi are being put to
work in oconornic activiiim. The importance of the amw w a school can
rsot be oucremphastied.
program which has served to
intcgr@s national e.earity int4meats
with economic rrooh hr Turkey is that
of rend nnd highway drrveloprnent.For
many Yesre, Turkey wes rnluctnnt to
Y2
develop good roads, especially in her
eastern sector, because of the fear that
the Soviet Union might use them for
invaeion routes. With the introdu&lori
of US military assistance came the
realization that the lack of an adequate road net, which had been a ibn.
iting factor in industrial developmee~
wouid aiso hamper the operations of
a mechanized army.
Roadlridldlng
Corurequentiy, a roadbuilding pro.
gram wae initiated as a part of the
Miiitary Assistance Program. An
agreement was reached between the
Turkish Generai Staff and the Mirrkr.
try of Public Works whereby a nuar.
ber of army personnei would be
trained to operate road construction
machinery. They eubeequently wem
ueed in construction work untii the
program wae taken over evmrtualiy by
civiiian concerne.Aside from the network of eecond.
ary roade constructed throughout tbe
Turkish countryside, the roadbuildbrg
effort aleo remited in an increase o
primary roade from 16,000 miles io
1950 to neariy 27,000 milee in 196t
Although priority was given initiailj
to building roads of Mrategic impor.tarrce, the road network wae deliber.
ately planned to facilitate the mow
ment of agricultural, mineral, aar
other products to domedic markeb
and te Turkieh ports.
The made in Turkey are fnr fren
adeemate. but a hmre oercentnue 01
rur~l fsrniliea hsve “be& uneh~ckkd
from the villages. Not only can th~move their pr-ducte to market with
greater epeed and etTtciency, but thSJ
nlso can broaden their nocinl horhoro
by occnnlorralvieks to tbe hqer towmand cen trnneport thuir ehildrm @
schoeln outslds the V\hI&&
Another useful dmrolopmrmtprokxt
MlotulySvdw
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TURKISHRMY
undertaken by tbe Turkish Army, come to aesociate intenee nationalism
which holds considerable promise of with instrdility. Turkey, on the other
long-range benefit to Turkey. is that hand, is a case in which nationalism
of reforestation. has been reasonably well controlledThe roots of presenfiday Turkish and guided into a channel of produc
nationalism extend from the founding tive patriotism. This hae been poseible
of the First Turkish Republic when because of the moderating influence
KemalAtattirk was able to inspire his of the army whefe, in epite of its in-
USATITurkish Army accomplishments in Kerea have made a great centrihutien to nationel
pride and morale
of a nation-state within defined bound- ture and responsible type. Althougharise. However, the intensification of the army haa been a consistent cham-nationalist feelinge and development pion of modernization, it has managed
of responsible national citizenship hae even during periods of domestic atrife
been a gradual process and one in to maintain a sensible balance between
which the army has had an important realism and pressures for innovation.
function. Consciousness ,of being a pert of the
Beeeuse of widespread upheavals whole nation is greatly strengthened
within the newly emerging areas of by compulsory military service. Thethe world in recent years, we have conscript soldier develops a sense of
April1967 13
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WtKISllARMY
citizenship and a fierce pride in being
a Turk. Upon visiting a Turkish rnikitary unit, a perzon becomes acutely
aware of th>s spirit.
The twmy enjoys enormous prestigethroughout the general public. Pr&
ably no single factir haa contributed
more to Turkish national pride and
morale than the accomplishments of
the Turkish ArmY in Korea.
The army’s d~rect usefulness in con
trolling domestic disturbmma was
dwdy demonstrated during the Kurdish uprisings in 1925 and 1990, the
anti-Greek riots in 1955, and the stu
dent riots jn 1960. Ita greatest value
cc a stabilizing force, however, prob
ably lies in its ability to deter polit
ical violence.
Although occasions have arisen
when it hae had to act M an umpire
between competing politicsl factions,
the army’s refuetd to serve ac n tool
of any particular party forces poIitical
Ieadera to promote a more moderate
atmosphere h seeking 8olutions to
their problems. Turkey is fortunate in
that her top military leaders have re
peatedly demonstrated their willing
ness to place the national well-beingabove persomd ambkione.
The success of the Turkish Army
as s nationbui}ding inatjtution Eug.
geata that military predominance with.
in developing countries is not new.
sarily 8 condition to be feared andavoided. In aseeeeing the prrmpscta of
other nations, Americans should net
be blinded by their own trnditio ‘
prejudices against military invol
ment in governmental affaira. T
should realize that in some countrf
the military forcim represent the
source of patriotic, honest, andcient national leaders and public
ministrators.
Furthermore, the Tur%b exam’
suggeate that, in providing eesieta
to developing nations, Ameri ishould encourage the complemental?
WWtS of military and nonmilitq
programg while bejng careful to avoid
actions which will lead tn a stifling of
development in either sector. Ameri
cans must be constantly aware of the
necessity to maintain a proper bol
ance between military assistance and
programs dezigned to promote pelit
iwd, social, and economic progrem. Ig
noring any one of them areas could
jeopardize the over-sll aesi8tnnce objective.
_—
SUBSCRI BERS
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The Book Department, U. S. ArmY Comm*nd and General s~m Cdew,
Fort Lmvanworth, Knnsm 66027, requesting converdm to tho Automstlc
Renewsl Plan.
.
Miilm’fCm&4
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~~From Wehrkmde (We,t G,,Rwy) “’.
OPERATION MOLDAU’
HE largest military maneuver
in the n-year hktory of the
Warsaw Pact was conducted in Sep
tember 1966 in Czechoslovakia. East
European sources, claimed that the
maneuver, under the code name Vttmw
(Mokfmt), surpassed any conducted
by the North Atlantic Treaty Organi
zation in terms of the number of per
sonnel involved and the eize of themanenver area.
Participating in tbe maneuver were
forces froin the Soviet Union, Czecho
slovakia, Hungary, and Eaet Germany.
Although no figure was released on
the combined etrengtb of the forces,
Western sources estimated 150,000
men were involved. This included threeSoviet, three Eaet German, two Hun
garian, and at least five Czeehoslova-
This amwwrnem article wastranslated and digested from the
ari9i@ published in WEIIE.K JNDE (Federal Republic of Germany) November 1966, under the
title, “‘Moldau’-Die Gr688tenMani?ver dss f)stblocke.”~
“
ipril19b7 75
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OPERATION ~OLOAU..
A multinational Frog-i surface-to-surface rocket battafion was formed during tbemaneuverwith one battery each. from Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, and j
-
the Soviet Union
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OPESATIONMOI.OAU
kisn divisions. The maneuver was
commanded by General Bohumir Imm
sky, the Czechoslovakian Defense Min
ister.
The exercise marked the first ap
pearance of Hungarinn forces in a
Warsaw Pact fall maneuver. The ab
senca of Polieh forces was presumed
to have been due to financial consider
ations. However, Polish forces had
pati]cipated in smaller exercises dur
ing 1966 and in the 1965 fall ma
neuver.
ManeuverConcept‘ The concept of the maneuver was
based on a defense against NATO’s
forward strategy with NATO forces
stationed in Weat Germany as the as
sumed adversary. Presumably, the
Warehw Pact command element rea
soned that the location of neutral
Switzerland and Austria and the blockformed by Yugoslavia, Albania, Bul
garia, and Romania would adequately
cover NATO’s southern and south
eastern flanks. This permitted the use
of Hungarian troops in Cneehoslova
kia to reinforce the striking force.
The Warsaw Pact forces were desig
nated the “Green” force and the ag
greasor the “Pink” force.
Almost one-third of the paratroop
ers who participated in the maneuver
were reservists. CsechuelovaMa, in
particular, had called up a large num
ber of reservista for the maneuver’s
duration.
The maneuver started when Phk
forces made a penetration in the southof the Province of Slovakia and air
landed troops in Bohemia. It was as
sumed that nuclear weapone, when
ueed, would be restricted to tactical
operations.
During the firet day, the Pink force
advanced, and the Pink and Green air
forces sought to gain air superiority.
During the night, the Green force re
ceived a substantial number of rephwe.
menta, most of whom were Soviet
troops stationed in central Germany
and Belorussia.
At dawn on the second day, the
Pink force conducted an air-landing
operation using Caechoslovaklan and
Soviet 3 3 Hook and 3fi-4 Hewui
helicopters to carry the combat troeps.
Mi-1 Hare helicopters were used for
liaison while Fitter tighter bombers
and MiGZ9 l@wwr-E all-weather
fightere covered the landings. Compared with earlier Warsaw Pact exer
cises, there was a significant increase
in the use of air-land]ng operations.
The. Czechoslovakian Deputy De.
fense Minister pointed out that the
term “air landing” includes more than
just lsnding personnel by helicopter
and parachute. During the exercise,
medium and heavy equipment was fre
quently air lifted with ATZ-12Cub and
12-14 transports.
CounterattackLaunchad
On the eecond day, the Green
forces gained air superiority and SUC.
ceeded in launchlng a counterattack
According to plan, on the third and
Iaet day of the maneuver, the Green
forces mounted an offensive using nu
clear weepone. Croesing of the Moldau
River, which had been started during
the hours of darkness, continued un
der the cover of strong air support.
An Eeet German journalist de.
scribed the activity at one of the
crossing sites. While fighter aircraftcovered the cite and artMery pounded
Phrk forces on the opposite bank, S*
viet fighter bombers approached the
area, went into a steep climb, and re
leased nuclear weapons, he said. ‘1’bis
was followed by a-helicopter landing
operation on the opposita bank while
T55 tanks provided direct fire support
MllibiyReview
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OPERATIONOLllAU
fraas the near bank. Other troops
siosead the Moldau at points where
the river’s width is about 800 yards.
The maneuver wee baaed on a grad
usl eewdation of the use of taetiesl
nuclearweapons. The th ink ing in the
Eset bloc ia tW a nuclear strike et a
wer’soutset which would affaet all of
ceetml Europa ia improbable.
Supplying tbe maneuver elcmentz
wee reportedly conducted without
problem. There was evidence that the
taebniesl equipment of the Conmm
nist forces bzz bean improved. The
maneuver control center bad a larga
scale television net at itz disposal.
Cooperation between the stztTs of
the Warsaw Pact forces appeared to
be good. Even though there were lan
guage barriers, all tbe staffs have a
similar structure which facilitates
combined’ operations.
LESSONS LE RNED
The MILITARYREVIEWis particularly interested in receiv
ing manuscripts covering lessons learned by US unite in
Vietnam. problems of organization, command and control,
equipment, tactics, and fsre support merit informed discus
sion. After complying with appropriate bxal regulations,authors may submit manuecripta direct to the MILITARYR
VIEW. We will obtain the necessary security review on those
accepted.
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Ne w Look
a t t h e
M i n u t e m e n
Major John R. Calvin,United Statea Armu
HE mere meation of 1775 recalls at once Paul Revere riding
hard for the Mystic Road to avoid agalloping patrol of Britjah regulars;
angry farroere witk mueketa in their
field-hardened fieto hurrying _dark furrows; a ragged Jine of proudmim facing the tide oi”onmrdng md
and-wl$te ranb at hinwon green;
breve Captain Iaaae Dqvii;’ markedfor deaw striding .dilwil e’ CM@
%ay to the North Br$&@IAY onw~
and btubborn, cm@mrbW old ~
Whittimom &tagwor@K. un er th
weight of Mu nwdtetj. piatole, -d 8A
ber to plant lIiKL9W Wotty in W
path of Iard ~Jluxh; P.WU k~
MillblyRr?l a
b->.. ,
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growth of the minuteman concept-is
worth knowing in full, not only for
thefurther understanding of the greateffort these men made, but also be
causethe problems they faced are, inmanyways, analogous to our own.
The 19th of April certainly was the
greatest day in the history of tbe
“minutemen,but it was not their debuthy any means. They had been called
outearlier on a number of minor alertscaused by British General Thomas
Gage’spractice marches and hia raidsonCharleston and Salem. They werewell organized and, in some waye, aswell prepared ,as the regulars in Bos
ton. Still more important, not only theminutemen themselves, but the entireeonntryside understood tbe “minute
man concept” which was not new to
them.
ConceptDevelopsSince the earlieet colonial military
companies under Daniel Patrick, John
Underhill, and Mylee Standish, the
organizational and tactical concept—alarm riders, alerts, intertown coop.
eration, and rapid aseembly of special
units detached from the militia—had
begun to develop. On 12 August 1645the Massachusetts Council ordered the
commander of every militia company
b appoint 30 percent of the soldiers“whoehall be ready at half an hour’s
warning upon any service they shall
h put by their chief military officers.”
The preparations and campaigns of
the half dozen wars before 1763 illus-
Major John R. Galvin is with Headquarters, Ist Air Cavalry Division, inVietwam.Hs reeeivsd his Maater’8 degree from Columbia University, NewYork, and was gradeazted from the USArmy Command and General Staffcollege in 1966. His book, The Com-Pset History of the Minutemen, is
achedmledfor .pmblication in April.
’ q
MINUT M N
trate a steady refinement of this con
cept wldch continued to the end of theRevolution.
Any attempt to tell the story ,of the
Battle of Concord is handicapped bythe inordinate number of legends andanecdotes that over the years have be
come associated with the events of the
day’a fighting. Tbid historical em
broidery grew because the battle hasnever received the analytical atfention
given to most of the other actionsfought by this country’s soldiers. Ithas been dismissed as an accident that
only occurred once and, happily, withgood results, or explained away ae the
spontaneous combustion of a smolder
ing rabble, or, worst of all, given asproof that not much training ie neces
sary to build an army.
KnowParticipants
The difficulties in analyzing the battle of 19 April arise not in following
the actions that occurred, but in un
derstanding the participants. Whowere the minutemen ? How were they
organized, trained, equipped, and led ?
How did they manage to march from
distant towns in time to strike the
fast-moving British column before itcould get back to Boston? what rela
tionship existed between the minute
men and the militia ? How did the
minuteman and militia soldier com
pare to their opponent, the Britieh
regular in General Gage’s army atBoston ?
It is a distotilon of the facts to
say that the battle of 19 April wasa spontaneous uprising of loosely or
ganised “embattled farmers’’-it was
more than that. The “battle can better
be seen ae the final clash of arms of
the old Massachusetts militia in which47 regiments, containing over 14,000
men, marched against the British reg
ulars. Over 4,000 men from 14 of the
*U 13s7 81.
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MINUTEMEN
regiments actually struck the column,
employing conuepts of organisation
and methods of command and control
that had been forged during a century
and a half of nearly conetant warfare.In the progressive transition of thie
fighting force from a crude miniature
replica of Elizabethan militias to a
state of near completion as a powerful
army, some factors can be isolated as
control aJso departed from English
tradition and continually evidenced erealistic evaluation of the possib]litiw
and limits in areas such aa weaponry,
tactics, eupply systems, and training,Third, the individual towne of the
province, from the earliest daye, prktided a degree of discipline and m
environment of cooperation which
would have been impossible except in
not only contributory to an important
degree, but also as quite unique.
First, the militia organisation—al
though etrongly based on the English
Mueter Law of 1572 and later regula
tions-was continually revamped byrequirements euch as the levy eys
tem for the provisional expeditionaryforcee and the concept of alert and
rapid response by designated potiions
of the regimente. These and other re
quirement produced several precur
sors of the minuteman-militia struc
ture of 1774, including the enowsboe
men of 1702-4S and the picket guards
of 1765.Second, the system of command and
DA ROTCM 14s. 0
the political, social, and spiritual at.
mosphere under which these communities chose to live. The close mutual
association of these towns and the in.
fluence of the town meetings, theclergy, and later the newspapers cm
ated a matrix in which the coopers
iive spirit of the province was nurtured. Thus, when the committees of
correspondence were created in 1772
they had a profound effect, galvaniz
ing the province into the collective
action that created tbe minutemen.
As the conflict that was to open the
Revolution drew near, the provinoieb
knew that widespread militia regkmenta would be difiicult to control cod
MiiiteryR*2
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...
wouldbe too slow in forming to meet
anattack by the reirulare. At the came
time,the cradion of a Standing Armyin the province would precipitate a
Britieh move againet thie force. Untii some of the other colonies wereready to throw. their strength behind
Meeaechueetts, a small, untrained pro
vincial force would present the khdof target General Gage was reedy to
attack.
PiesIs Proposed
A few of the other colonies wereconsidering plans to oppoee GreatBritain, hut no one was ready at thie
time. In Massachuaetta, some type of
miiitery force had to be created tomeetthe neede of the moment-to opposethe British until a stronger army
couldbe built. This force would have
to be composed of well-trained, lightlyarmed infantry capable of rapid assembly and movement to any point in
the province.
The interim unit wae, of course, theminutemen. In the 1st Provincial Con
gress, in the fall of 1774, a plan for
the organization of the minutemenand militia wae proposed. The plan
touched off a hammer-and-tongs de
bate that lasted from 21 to 26 Octo
ber. During this time, it was read and
eraended eix times and, finalIy, ac
cepted.
The firet resolve created the com
mittee of eafety, consisting of threedelegates from Bostun and six from
the rest of the province, empoweredtO “abmrn, muster, and cause to beSesemb]ed” as much of the provincial
militia as needed at any time. All offi
cers and soldiers of the miiitia were
“eerneatly recommended” to carry outthe orders of this committee. The sec
ond rewolve established a committee
of supplies to provide logistic suppartfor any mueter of the militia. Other
J@ 1#7
‘MiNiJ~ME
resolves covered the appointment and
pay of the officere and men of the newarmy.
The final point approved by the con
greee was the organisation of the armyitself. The new army was createdfrom the old militia. All militia comp
anies were to elect new officers. These
officers were to aseemble and elect bat
talion and regimental commanders and
General Thomas Gage
staffs. Once the regimente wereformed, the commanders were to enlist one quarter of the men into new
companiea of 50 privates:
. . . who .dtall equip and hold them
selves in readine8s, ore the sharteet
notice from the eaid committee of
eaf et~, to march to the place of rendez
vous; and that each and eveW com
pany so formed chooee a captain andtwo lientanante to command them oa
any such emergent and neceeearyear-vicem they rnw be edted to.
The men were to form into battalions of nine companiea eecb. Al] menwere directed to eupply themselves
with weapuns and to become prottcient
in military ekille. Selectmen of all the
towne were told to insure an adeqnate
supply of ammunition for their ownmilitia.
03
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MINUTEMEN
Extracts of the resolves were sent
to every town in the province, and the
reaction, in most cases, wae immediate and hearty. New elections took
place, and there seems to have been
very little trouble in filling the ranksof the expanding provincial army.
Poeitions of command responsibil
ity—previously filled by men whoee
The Minutemsn
prime distinction was a firm loyalty
to the Crown-now were open to sol
diers who were popular enough with
their townsmen to be elected to thejob. Knowing they would probably be
serving in combat under the new lead.ere, the soldiers chose, in almost all
eases, wise and hardened veterans of
earlier Indian fighting. The splitting
off of minuteman regiments doubled
the number of leadership positions
available and allowed many of the
G .-.
younger men to move UP, adding new
vigor to both the militia and the min
utemen.
The response to the call for minute.
men wae remarkable. This was a
touchy point since it meant that theregimental commanders would actu
ally be giving away not only one quar
ter of their etrength, but also manyof their best young fightere. In view
of this, the active support which reg.
imentzl commanders gave to the re.
organization is one of the best indi.
cations of the strength of the minuteman concept.
CongressionalRecommendationsThe Provincial Congress, after pub
licizing the resolvea which formed the
minutemen, cent a steady succeeaionof notee to tbe towns encouraging the
rapid organization and training of the
units. In December 1774 the congressannounced:
We now think that partieukzv care
should ix? taken by the towns and
dktricts in this colong, that each
of the minutemen, not already pm
vialed therewith, hotdd be immedi.
ately equipped with an effective fire
arm, bagonet, pouch, lcmzpeaek, thirtv
rounds of cartm.dge8 aced balk, andthat theu be disciplined three times
a week, and oftener, as opportunity
mag offer. To encourage these, ow
worthy countrymen, to obtatn the skill
of complete 801dieV8, we recommendtt the towns and dietrtcts forthwith
to @ZZIheir owu minuteman a reasow
able consideration for their service8:and in caae of a general muster, their
fuvther services mcwt be recompensed
by the provbwe. An attention to die.
cipline the militia in general is, how
ever, by no means to be neglected.
A few of the more independent
towns were not easily convinced that
the minuteman concept was the best
MllteryRwlse
.-d
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..=.
MINUTEMEN
solution, and they were not anxious to
tmnsfer control of their men to the
committee of safety. These towns didnotfollow to ‘the letter the recommen
dations of the Provincial Congress,
but adapted them to suit themselves.
Some did not allow election of newofficers,but, rather, appointed officere
and let the officers select the men, a
reverse procedure from that intended.
Other towns allowed elections of theofficersby the rank and file, but took
othermeeaures of control. In general,however,the revival of the minutemanconceptcaught the imagination of the
entire province. In a short time, theminutemen were the pride of their
towns, and the cost-conscious townsmen did not overlook the fact that
here was an ideal army to fit the
situation in the provinc%an army
that had to be supported only when itwas actually fighting.
ReinforcementsAt Boston, General Gage was order
ing additional reinforcement to joinhim. During the month of October,
the 10th and 52d Regiments arrivedfrom Quebec, together with the 18th
cud 47th Regiments from New York,andthe two detached companies of the
66th from Newfoundland, bringing
that regiment up to etrength. General
,Gagehad said that four s’egimenta in
phusetts would be quite suffiment to intimidate the province, Now,
with nearly triple that number, he wae
aware that his control did not extendkyond the port of Boston—the Gen
eral Court had melted away, the mili
tia, stripped of reliable loyeliet offi
kwe, was now turned against him, and
the Provincial Congress governed the
tolony.
~ The inevitable succession of eventsliedGeneral Gage to order a force of
Iabmrt800 men out to Concord on 18
April 1775, and the result is well
known. General Gage’s troops were
completely surprised by the “incred
ible number of the people of the conn
try in arms.” He wrote that “the
whole country was aesembled in arms
with surprising expedition.” One ofthe junior officers of the expeditionlater wrote in hie diary:
I believe the fact ie,, that Gcnsral
Gage waa net cmlg much &ceiveft withrespect to the gemntitrr of military
stores said to be collected in Concord,f@[email protected] conception the vebets wouldhave opposed tlw King’e troope in the
manner theg did.
A Plot
The officer who commanded the colnmn, Lieutenant Colonel Francis
Smith of the 10th Regiment of Foot,
felt that the whole affair was somekind of plot:
They bega~ to fiTe on uc from be
hind the walls, ditches, treee, etc.,
which, a-s we marched, incveased to
a verg great degree, and continuedwithout the intermieeicn of jive min
utes altogether, for, I believe, upwarde
of eighteen miles; eo tkut I can’t think
but it mvwt have been a preconcertedscheme in them, to attack the King’s
troops the first faverable opportunity
that o~ered, otherwise, I think thev
could not, in ehcrt a time uc from
our marching out, hnve raised such a
nurmerene body, and for eo great a
space of ground.
As the British marched for Concord, they were astounded to find that
they were not the only soldiers head
ing for that town. They had only the
vaguest idea of the organization of
the provincial forces, even after the
several contecte they had experienced
in the past year. Abnoet to a man,
they simply refnsed to believe that
an army had been created under their
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MINUTEMEN
noses, and now, unwittingly, they were
marching directly into the center of
six regiments of that army.A five-mile circle drawn around
their marching column would have en
compassed 76 companiee of minute.men and militia, most of them muster
ing more men than a regular Britiehcompany. At thie time, nearly every
one of those companies was either inthe procees of aee.embling or on the
march to meet the British column at
Concord.
Concord woe the ehire town and theleader of all activities in Middleeex
County. The town was the geographical center around whkh the country
regiments were Iecated, all of them
containing at leaet one company raiaedin Concord or in a town bordering on
Concord. These regiments alone to
taled 6,000 men. Not a man in General
Gage’s army understood how wellthese regiments were organized—not
even General Gage.There were 28 complete regiments
of 10 or more companies, and 19 etjllin the formation stage, alerted, hav.ing received messages from Dr. JosephWarren informing them that the Brit.
ieh planned come type of move imms.diately with Concord ae the likely
goal.It is in terms of this regimental
organisation and with a recognitionof the’”minuteman concept that thebattle, of 19 April has to be etudied.
Additionally, the evente of the seven
or eight monthe of marches and coun.termarches that preceded the battle
muet be given a proper place in theanalysie of that tight.
Mlltblyke?le9
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i
- , - . .. ..
.
,
..
WEAPONS DEFENSORNTERNAL
1970=80Colonel Alvin C. Iasacs, UmYed Stotes Army
The views ezpreeeed in this article are the authtie and are not necee
aarilg those of the Depatiment of the Army, Department of Defense, or the
US Army Command and General Sta CoUege.—EdC?or.
ATERIAL developed to meet broad military requirements often fails
during speeific employment beceuee it ie not optimized to meet tbe more
probsble conditions of use. Certahdy, today’e conventional military-hardware
is not optimized .@ msst the conditions peculiar to lower levele of insurgency.
W4 W7 87
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I
: INTERNAL DEFENSE
Today’s equipment ie designed to
inflict maximum destruction on an
enemy who is expected to fight, but
rarely does eo, in the manner for
which the United Statee is prepared.
Conventional forces are required, of
course, to seize and bold territory and
defeat the larger organized subversive
formation.To supplement but not replace these
conventional forces, we need a epecial
purpose force capable of detecting in
surgents and temporarily neutralizing
them until they can be subdued, caP-
tured, and turned over to a special or
ganization for indoctrination. Thie
should be the primary mode of opera
tion of the force, although it would
still require a capability to inflict cas
ualties as a protection against hard-
core subversives.
Proposed ArsenalThe force would require weapons
and devices tailored for anti8uerri11a
operations in tropical areae. Whether
they are feasible to develop is un
known, but these or similar devices
using the came concepts are urgently
needed. The ideas may seem to be
taken from science fiction, but theirdevelopment may await nothing more
than a decision to explore a bit deeper
the state-of-the-art.
Colonel Alvin C. 18eacs ie Chief,
Plum and Opmatiorre Divi8ion, G4Section, Headquarter, US A~u,
Vietnam. ffie aanignmente include
dutu in North A friar and It.alu during-World War Ii: with ath US-ATWHeadquarter& Korea; and with thoReamrch and Development Division,O@u of the Chief of Ordnance, De
partment of the Arrntt. He receivedhia Afwter of Bunbrtxw Admhdetmtion degree from the Vnivereitu ofChicago, and torMgraduated from the
US Army Command and G.rneral StnflCollcpe mrd the US Armv War ColhWc.
Generally, equipment should be de
eigned apecitically for tbe purpose in.
tended. Superfluous requirements-
operation at temperature extremeq
extended and probably uselese ranges,
and potential application to the Euro.
pean battlefield-complicate develop
ment, increase complexity and maink
nance, and should be eliminated.
Datactor Oevicas
Included in the group most urgently
needed are:
A man-detector (surface). Thie
is a device that will sense the presence
of a man in the jungle or other under.
growth up to a dietance of 55 yards
and in cleared land up to 110 yard.t
The device would gather the eound
energy of heartbeat or breathing,
translate this inpnt into electrical eti
ergy, amplify it, and provide an au.
dible signal in a set of enrphonee, Itwould have an integral discriminator
to eliminate the sounds of animal lif
and wave lengths other than those w
culiar to humans.
The trrmsducing equipment should
be microminiaturized, employ solid.
state components, and be easily port
able by one man. It would be connectedto a small horn-type sensing deviw
with highly directional characteristh
to eliminate pickup from the rear and
sidee. It” initially would be designed
for dismounted use, although it would
move to its general area of use by
vehicle or man-portage. Helicopter nnd
vehicular mounts could be delayed un
til the man-carried equipment is pep
feeted, and then be developed as s
product improvement.
A mandetedor (underground).
Thin device would be almilnr in prio.
ciple to the rmrface device. It ehould
be a separate development however,
because the serrnitivity and diucrim~
natlon problem~ dii?er from thone of
S@ MllltssyMM@
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the wfaee device and ~re probably
awier to solve. A requirement to eom
bffe the two would delay availability
of both capeb]lities. On the other
hand, it is entirely posqible that progress in one of the devices would en
hmce the progress of the other, and
‘ Themzn.sniffer tiff detect the presenceof en enemy from hts body odor1
tbe final equipment would have a num
ber of interchangeable parte.
Operationally, the device would be
used to detect the presence of human
life in a tunnel or other excavation.
: The range of the device should be upto 110 yarda of open tunnel apace, with
a 220-yard maximum desired, if pos
sible. This range capability probably
can be more easily attainable than
that desired for the surface device
since there is less sound absorptive
~terial in a tunnel even though de
ftmdation would be caused by turnsoin the tunnel.
@ii 1987
--’-3
INTERNAL “ DEFENS
A tunnel-detector. A device to
detect holes and tunnels large enough
to hide two or more men would use
a sonar principle or electromagnetic
radiation to detect grose dMcontinui
ties in the earth, and would be direc
tional so that the discontinuity could
be pinpointed. A sensor would trans
mit the detecting radlatfon, receive
the returning signal, and send the re
turned signal through an amplifier to
earphones. A distinctive signal would
indicate the presence of an excavation,
and the sound intensity, comtilned
with an interrupted lock-on eignal of
different pitch, would indicate that
the directional censor had been pointed
full into the target.
The device would permit the opera
tor to follow the path of the tunnel
from a fixed point on the earth’s sur
face so that its course could be de
termined without following it on the
surface. The change in intensity in
the earphones would indicate when
the sensor had been pointed toward
the entrance, The search range of the
eet ehould be 55 yards, and the range
capability, once a tunnel had been detected, would allow its course to be
followed for 220 yards. The sensor
would be carried by one man, with‘another required to use the earphonee,
plot the tunnels, and carry the ampli
fying equipment. Microminiaturiza
tion of components would insure easy
manportability.A tunnel-clearing device. This
would be a rocket propelled snake-
like device to be ineerted into an oc
cupied tunnel that had been detected
by the previous devices. The, device
would be man portable for short dkz
tancea and be carried to the area o
use by vehicle. It would be insertedheadfirst into the tunnel and ignited
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INTERNALEFENSE
mechanically or by built-in electrical
ignition. Propulsion would be fur
nished by a elow burning rocket that
would move the device at a rate of
10 to 20 feet per second. A sensor
in the noee would guide the missilethrough the open space of the tunnel
by keeping the head centered with
respect to the eides.
It could contain a small inertial
and follow one, other than that of en
try. The device would be amed with
a. selectable number of small, eelf
ignitable grenadee filled either with
high explosive or a pacification gse
at the user’s choice. Theee grenadrcwould be dropped off and ignited suo
cessively at preset intervale.
A pacifier. This would be a gun
—magazine or drum fed—that would
The pacifierplaces an enemy in a highly pacifiedstate for manyhoure,greatly facilitkiughis capture
guidance unit that would preclude itsreturn to the point of original entry
into the tunnel in caee the miesile
raeched an underground room from
which the entering tunnel wae tbe
only egrese. The guidance eystem
would recognize its preeence in a room
wider than a tie-foot-wide tunnel,
eeek out tunnel exite from the room,
fire bursts of emall needles, each aerodynamically designed to fly at ex
treme velocity without tumbling afterentering a human body. The tips of
the needlee would be impregnated with
a chemical that would induce an er
treme desire to move into the open
in a pacified etate, Thie condition
would laet for eeveral hours. The viz.
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INTERNALiEFENSE
tim could then be captured without
resistance, evacuated to an ares where
he could be interrogated, and later
evacuated for indoctrination.
As an alternative to the needles, oras a product improvement, tbe gun
could be designed to fire droplets at
extremely high velocity so they would
penetrate t e skin of the victim much
Iiie the esent pneumatic inoculat
ion gun. The needles, or droplets,
wouldfly a veloeitiee sufficient to pen
etrate foliage to a distance of 10 feet,
roughly equivalent to the distance re
quired for cover and observation hy
a guerrilla. The material used ae a
pacification agent would have to be
such that friendly forces could be in
neculated to guard against its effect
on our own troops.
An interrogation device. Thla
piece of equipment would be eimilarin operation to the currently available
polygraph. The latter device, however,
with its electrodes and general formid
able appearance, can be expected to
alarm a suspect who ie to be interro
gated. The proposed device also would
nse seneors that detect changes in
heartbeat, blood preeeure, perspiration level, or some combination of
these. It would do so by exterior sen
sors that could be installed easily and
inconspicuously in sofa cueldons, the
top of a wooden bench, chair seat, or
a similar place so that any bodily con-
tact,even through a thickness of clothing, would actjvate the sensor. The
sensor then would send a signal when
it detected body changes that indicate
faIsehood or evasiveneee. The signal
wouldtravel by radio wave to a small
Snrplitierand earpiece concealed in tbe
earcanal of the interrogator.
It is not contemplated that uncon
ventional warfare iteme euch ae those”
describedwould be the exclueive arma.
ment of a counterinsuruenc~ force.
A requirement etill woul~ r ain for
conventional weapons to, deal with ait
uationa obviously beyond the capqbU
ity of these unconventional weepene.One group of weapons would complement the other in a counterinsurgency
force. The proposed weapons would be
appropriate for use by combat andcombat support elements of a division,
group, or airnilar force.
The two man-detector-urface
and underground—the tunnel-detec
tor, and the pacifier would he appro
priate for use by infantry-type com
paniea. In general, men and equipment
should be provided so that any ele
ment which might be expected to en.
counter revolutionaries in a mission
would have the support of these teame.
In any encounter, first priority after
detection of an enemy should be givento hia paciibmtion, If thie e~ould fail,
and the livee of combat personnel are
unduly threatened, it might then be
come necessary to reeort to lethal
weapons. Consequently, the lethal
weapons should be available, and no
force should be armed exclusively
with pacification-type weapons.The tunnel-clearing device would be
appropriate equipment for an engineer support unit. A clearing team
‘would move to the required site by
surface vehicle or helicopter at the
radio request of the f rontline com
mander who had located an occupied
tunnel with his equipment.
The interrogation device would be
suited beet for use by trained intelli
gence personnel. It basically would be
an adjunct to skilled interrogation
techniques. It is contemplated that it
would be utilized by intelligence teams
attached at battetion level, or by a
team accompanying a company-eiae
unit on an independent mieeion.
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Colonel Charles M. Tyson, Um”tedStates Armu
AN has spent thraequarters of a century and untold
billions of dollars devising ways ti propel himself higher
and faster. He is now getting close tQ tbe moon and exceeding
the speed of a bullet. Thus far, the main effort has been dirsctcdtoward seating man inside a machme dceigaed to provide him
with supermobility. But removed from such a machine, he is
virtually immobilised. As a soldier, he drags across the esrth
at two and one-half to five miles par hour, much like his Nean
derthal forebaars, except that he is now laden with many poundsof equipment that may hinder more then it helps Kim. It would
seem that technology has forgotten the soldier—still the most
dscisive military asset, now and in tbe future.In an era of the lightest and strongeet fabrics, tbe US sol
dier is weighted with heavy stiff webbing, iron buckles, and
bulky containers. In an era of incredible strides in firepewsr
lethality, he still carries a yoke of ammunition not much im
proved since invention of the cartridge in the previous century.
After four major wars, be is still carrying a pistol made 66
years ago.
On the field of battle, he is more vulnerable than the Knightsof tbe Round Table-susceptible to bullets, f ragtnente, ftrq
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MOB
knives, traps, holes, bamboo spikes,
and the mosquito. And in the field of
mobility, the miracles of science have
made hi no more fleet of foot thanthe primitive invisible guerrilla he is
expected to defeat.
IndmidualMobilityUnquestionably we have given him
the greatest degreeof mobility in mov
ing from one co~tinent to another and
in jumping from one battle area to
another—th]e by an impressive arrayof ground and air vehiclee. But once
we have disembarked hlm within the
tactical confines of the battlefield and
within small arms range of the en.
emY, we Ieave him no more mob]lethan his foe. In fact, when considering
the individual and organisational gear
we have heaped upon him, he ie al
most at a mobility disadvantage.
We have done well in long-range
planning for strategic mobility, and
we have come a long way in saturat
ing the battle area with tactical ma
bility, but we have done almost noth
ing to develop individual mobility. Ia
a breakthrough in individual mobSity
feasible in the 1970-80 period? Ie itdesirable?
There are few long-range projec-
Cobnsel Charles M. Tgaon ie withthe US Armg Element, O@ee of theJot-nt Chiefs of Staff; Washington,D. C. He aevved in the Paci@ duringWorld War II; waa Senior US Advieor
with the Sd Ro@ Thai Army; wasO.wigmedto the Ofie of the DcpntyChief of Stuff for Militaw Operatiorw,Department of the Army; and .wwved
de Chief, Special Weapoaa Division,Allied Land Forces Southern Europe.
ffe hoide an M.S. degvee in Im?arnatkmal Affaire from George Washing-tea Univeraitv, Washington, D. C. arsd
is a g.radr@e of the US Armg WarCollege, Carliele Barm&a, Pemw@ventiz.
tions of the world environment
the nature of future warfare t
suggest the dfminiehing importa
of the combat soldler. The contraaPPeare to be so.
It is obvious that there is an
creasing probability of carefully
cumscribed conflicts ah~d of us b
in remote primitive areas and in
litically volatile and heavily popula
urban areae. Such conflicts prom
to produce future combat akuatiowhere small-unit tactical ingenui
and individual mobility will be imp
ative.
There appear to be two technol
ikd steps which, if vigorously und
taken now, could increase individ
mobility and eoldier effeetivenees d
ing the next decade.
The firet of these steps involves
need for a completely freeh appro
toward outfitting the combat soldi
of the future with clothhg, equ
ment, and weaponry of the futu
Every item now worn and carried
the 1967 soldier repreeente only
marginal product improvement o
that borne by his father in 1944.
Siscard GaarStarting from the skin out, t
preeent eoldier’s combat garb an~ ge
. should be discarded. Whatever
placed back on him should be h
the weight and should afford twi
the comfort and twice the protecti
from the elements and the enemy.There appear to be no technologic
obstacles to devising a basic com
uniform that would be made from
featherweight fabric that ie plaat
thin and impam”oue to we&h~,
which will breathe and prdvide p
spiration absorption. While come
tensive ret%arch may be required,also seems feasible withh the n
decade tQ design a lightweight ou
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MOBILllY
Ministurlmd 6PSCC-SWversion of aoetond.jrenerstlon Jet Ilelt
proteetivo gnrmont capable of renist
hrg small arm f% and fr irmmb
without impairing ~he weurer’n free-
t+om of movement.
Anothar aoume of Irritntlon shouldbe scr atc hed. Zlppera mwm or abrn-
sive faetmmrs should replace antiqu~
laces, buttons, buckles, and other bu~
metal items, Strapa, where neeaewq,
should be wide-band thin nylon nod
should emphaeice expendability ratherthan durability.
The canteen, sleeping bag, pouchq
and other containers should be madd
of Iixhtweixht and collam!ible fabric
offering no- additional c&mr whee
empty. Boot and helmet deeign should
be started anew with modem mate.rials. The future vereion of both ha
should provide protection without
weight, comfort without bulk, and
ventilation without vulnerability,
Since thin, resilient, fairly impcrm
trable plastics and other materiab
are now within reasonable teehnolog.
ical grasp, them is no valid obstacle
to putting drastically improved fcot
wear and headgaar on tom6rrow’8 eoldier.
Food Packages
Similarly, it ie within existing aci
entitlc capabilities to provide the fu
ture combat 8oldier with ~ compare.
tively small package of nourishing
concentrated field mtions capable of
mmtahing him for several daye incombat. While it is visualized that
aerinl resupply will be the future rub
rather than the exception, such an
emergency food pockage should br
available to him without burden, No
great scientific challenge nhould be
involved in developing a vnriety of
pnlatable three-day emergency rationtwith a packaged henting I!ourcr+-atl
within a packege no Irwger than s
porket-eized book.
Dramatic improvement in indivbl.
ual weaponry for the naxt decade MC
be more difficult, However, a major
rammrcb and dmdopmtmt (R&13) cf.
fort, coupled with the willingn- tOthmncs the hrdlvidurd noldlm’n ft~
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‘ ” ”MOBIUTY!
;,;
.
arm as a si c ntweapon system,
ceuld, within the n=t 10 years, re
lieve him Of the poundage of steal,
bmas, wood, and lead under which he
now labors. Virtually at hand is the
Mchette principle. This promises con
siderable weight reduction in ammu
nition and the tirearm itself. Also pos
sible is the use of a liquid propellant
source encased in a light rifle stock.
In essence, the breakthrough needed
to modernize the soldier’s accouter
ments is not so much teehnical ae itis fiscal, but it is hard to conceive
of any effort more importcnt than fur
zieldng the beet to the man who daily
comesto grips with the enemy.
6i ie Him a l i f tOnce we have lightened the load
carried,by the soldier, we can, then,
turn to the second major step toward
achieving indi~dual mobility—that of
lightening the soldier.
For at least 10 years, the Army
has stated a requirement for a sim
ple lift device to enable a combat sol
dier to fly short distancee without
benefit of an aircraft. The device
would encompass a small thrust sye
tem attached to a belt, with a light,back-mounted power package that
couldbe rapidly refueled or recharged,
plus a one-hand control mechanism.
Idsrdly,it would be a 15-pound system
O@ would permit nap-of-th~arth
6ight for dietances up to one mile.
Where do we stand on such a mo
bility project ? Although such a device has never been regarded as a
priority operational requirement, one
commercial company has conducted
several promising feaeibllity teeta dur
iag the past few yeara. As far back
se 1963, this company demonstrated
a 22.second, 65.mile-per-hour fllght
over a distance of 1,000 feet at alti
tudes under 100 feet. The prototype
.
thrust apparatus was a rather bulky
affair weighing 115 pounds.
The Advanced Research Projects
Agency has funded for the develop-
ment of a eecond-generation Jet Belt.ThM new “flying belt” promises vastly
improved flight performamw with no
increase in weight and bulk. It thus
appears that individual mobility isnot .a-futuristic dream, but, rather, an
excltmg new capability that is prac
tically at our technological doorstep.
With concentrated funding supportand R&D effort, there seems to be no
reason why a miniaturized space-age
version cannot be developed within
, the next five to 10 years or earlier.
But tbe question remains: Would
euch a device be merely an interest
ing, nice-to-have accessory, or is it
an eseential combat requirement?
Tactical Advantages
Perhaps the best way to approach
an answer to this query would be to
liet some of the tactical advantages
its use would suggest:
The Belt, Aerial Thrust (BAT)
would provide a margin of protection
for the soldier by enabling hlm to
avoid guerrilla-placed mantraps, minefield, and other latent casnalty-pro
ducing ruses. It would minimize his
vulnerability by affording only fleet
ing dispersed targets for enemy small
arms fire. It would give the soldler a
capability to escape from ambuehes
and enable hlm to vacate vulnerable
helicopter landing sites with speed.The EAT obviously would be a
means by which to vault barriers. It
would provide an instantaneous capa
bility to cross rivers, ecale cliffs, tra
verse impassable terrain, an)d overtly
all types of man-made obstacles and
structures.
. Its potential for reconnaissance
work would be significant. The BAT
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would yield an improved capability
for swift patrol and observation mis
sions by stealth, botb day and night,
with less vulnerability.
. The BAT could be used for local
resupply choree. Small-load packages
could be retrieved readily from drop
zones and be man flown to otherwise
inaccessible combat locations.
The BAT most certainly would
revolutionize the techniques of maneu
ver. It would afford unlimited oppor
tunities to achieve cross-country me
bility and perfect demoralizing tzctize. Defensive situations could be
turned rapidly inte offensive oppor
tunities by permitting swift dispersal
and regrouping. It would make pormi
ble the launching of sodden and con
fusing 360-degree attacks against
suspected enemy locations, thus re
quiring the enemy to diffuse hia fire
both horizontally and vertically. Un
anticipated avenues of escape could
be observed and cut off promptly. Tre
mendous advantages also would be
pemrible in city ftghting, riot control,
and other disordere that might typify
future warfare.
It also ie apparent that such a sYs
tem would not be without problems.Exteneive training would be required
to acclimate the soldier to individual
flight. Mwbanical operation of the
one-band control lever, perhapz, would
not be too difficult, but the develop
ment of flight proficiency to cope with
feet-moving tactical siturstions and
emergencies would take time.The syetem would force tactical
leaders to develop the ability te con
duct the type of split-second mcmeu
ver concepts needed to exploit tbe full
potential of euch a mobility system.
No new and worthwhile military cape.
bility, however, hse ever been achieved
without some degree of experiment
tion and training.
Another problem cordd stem from
the BAT’s short endurance. Certainly,
the relatively short-range characteri~
tice of the belt as it is thus far vis.
ualized would entail frequent refuel.
ing or recharging. However, the de
vice is not yet envisaged as a meeos
by which to soar perpetually around
the battlefield. However, until greater
sustxdrred flight capabilities can hsachieved, a single refueling station
mounted on a ground vehicle in the
combat ares would eerve the interim
purp9se adequately.
Safety is another consideration.
Without doubt, a zudden inflight real.
function of the BAT would find the
soldier with poor intrinsic flight chnracteristice.
On the other hand, nap-of-the-earth
maneuvering would not neceeearily in.
volve the same degree of hazard es
a free fall from great altitudes. And
the protection from enemy tire af
forded by the BAT’8 mobility would
more than offset the risk of injury
through pessible malfunction,There can be no doubt that an un
stinting effort to lighten the load of
the eoldier, coupled with priority de
velopment o a propulsion syetem to
permit individual flight, will produce
a truly medern, mobile, and vital
weapon syetem. While such an event
may not yet mean the end of the walking infantryman, it will at Irxwt cOnvey the idee that technology has not
moved into epace leaving him with the
baeic load and the bueic problem still
on hi8 back.
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---
.
UNITEDMi nef ieldIhmol i t ion “ Ski ds”
Remote-control blasting of enemy’
minefiebfe by rockets trailing strhga
of exploeivee and which are launched
from arnpldbious demolition “skide”
A m w EeaenvchandDmelmmw nt Nenmm am@w
is a new technique developed at 3ica
tiony Arsenal, Dover, New Jersey.
The fully loaded, rowboat-liie ekkle,dmignated the M179’8, can be towedover land or water and fired by any
vshiole containing a 24-volt directcurrent power eupply.
Constructed of waterproof fiberglass, the skids are 12 feet long andilve feet wide. When loaded with
Isuncher, rocket, and exploaivee
string, a skid weighs 8,000 pounds.
Plastic exploeivee are coiled in the
center section of the skid and attachedto an lf%5 “jato” rocketi When pro
jected across a minefield, the rocket
@rll1SS7
.- .-==—
STATES
traile an armed explosive charge series that, in turn, exploded minceplanted in ite path. The reckat’s tra
jectory ie halted by an arresting wire
attached to the sl@d.—News item.
STRATCOM Hoadquartsrs Moving
Headquarter of the US Army
Strategic Communications Command
(STRATCOM) will be moved from
the Washington, D. C., area to FortHuachuca, Arizona.
The move of STRATCOM is being
made to provide a permanent station
for the headquarters and to consoli
date, in one location, all elements of
the headquarter now ecattcred at sev
eral sites in the Washingten area.
The location of STRATCOM Head
quarters to existing facilities at FortHuachuca, a communications-electron
ice post since 1958, provides an en
.viromnent that will enhance the capa
bility of STRATCOM Heedquartere to
carry out ite mieeion of directing theArmy’e portion of the worldwide De
fense Communications Syetem.
The announced move will be phased
over a period of several months, and
should be completed by mid-1967.—Army Newe Features.
sl
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‘M aver ick ’ Ab-to. surface Missi le
Two aircraft manufacturers havebeen seleeted by the Air Force to pro
ceed with the contract definition phase
of the Maverick (AGM-66A ) air-to
eurface missile program. The purposeis to verify the preliminary design
and engineering, and to provide infor
mation necessary to award a contract
for development produ&lon.
The Maverick ie plsnned as a non
nuclear air-to-surface miseile for uee
with the F-111A, A-7D, and F-4 se
ries. h mteeion is to increase the
ntrike capability against point targets,
such as armored vehicles, tanks, and
ground &ucturee.-News release.
w
Hdic opter Il adar System .
The Joint Army-Navy Instrumenbtion Research (JANAIR) Programhae announced the development of snew helicopter radar syetem for u~
at night and in foggy weather.
Flight teeta using the radar system
have ehown that contrast between ob
jects and differing terrain is aucb tit
almost pictorial ground mapping reeuita. Large or extended objeets, surles airport runways or Nlghwaye, am
unmistakab~q and pilote aided by pk
tos or cbarta or with previous knewk
edge of the area mm &ndily identifl
clusters of trees, buildings, or ofl
tanke.-Arrny News Features.
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MI Regions Research.The ArmY’s Cold Regions Research
sad Engineering Laboratory (USA
CREEL) is engaged in a number ofprojectsto learn how to cope with and
ntilize frozen materials for the sur
eivilirmoperations in cold weether refions.
The laboratory has designed vehi
cleeto travel over ice or dig into it,
studied diepersal of fogs and how to
combatsprintilme soil erosion caueedby thawing, determined the effect oftemperatures on vegetation growth,kerned how to etop subsurface per
zrzfrost and muskeg from ruiningrozds and buildlngs, studied avabm
cbes and explosions on froccn mate
riel, and has broken up river ice
jsare.
Sdentists are currently analyzinga mile of vertical ice cores drilled out
ofthe Greenland ice sheet. These and
otherarctic cores, some whkh fell as
snow10,000 years ago, have been his
torically dated by means of radio carbendating, in which a Geiger counterrzeaeures the carbon found in the
rare’eair bubbles.—Army News Features.
Project‘WEST’A potential problem of gunsmoke
md missile propellant fumes which
mdd affect crew eiliciency in the
Army’e newer, more heavily armedMicopters after they reach combat
wer Vietnam is being etudied byArmyand Ah Force scientific teamsmProject wEST, a Weapons Exhaust
Study.
Crews evaluating the new helicop
krs have complained of nausea and
tissincss after inhaling thick concenkstione of gunpowder and miseile
wepellant fumes during firing tests.
Wi laa7
MILITARYOIES
Widle not a critically serious problem,
the Army reports that these fumes,
partbmlarly heavy in recently devel
oped and modified aircraft with a,larger number and variety of wcep
ons, when drawn into the helicopter
could distract or otherwise reduce tbe
combat effectiveness of the crew.
The two services are examining theexbzuet gaees produced by va~lous ‘
types of munitione to detcrmin,e theirexact chemical composition and degree
of toxicity.Utilizing tbe came equipment and
techniques used to evaluate recketfuels, Project WEST engineers aretesting gases produced by both gun
powder and missile propellants burnedunder laboratory conditions. To de
termine their composition, the resultant gaece are analyzed by nltramodemscientific equipment.
A new series of tests will be con
ducted under field condltione, moreclosely simulating actual service op
erations.-US Air Force release.
Carrier landing Device
An automatic engine throttle con
trol is being installed by the Navy onall firsthe carrier-based jet aircraft
to aeeist pilots in making eafer land
inge, particularly during difficult nightand all-weather operations.
,The device, called the Approach
Power Corapsrwator (APC), accu
rately controls airspeed during land
ing. It hae been installed in F-8 Crw
.szder and RA-5C V@wtte aircraftand will be installed in all new Navy
aircraft, such as the F-11 iB and theA-7A.
The Federal Aviation Agency and
commercial airlines are considering
use of the APC as part of proposed
all-weather landing systems.—DOD
release.
SS
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MILITARY NOTES
Cadet Esct!angeProgrsm
The @sny has inaugurated a Cadet
Exchange Program between tbe US
Military Academy (USMA) and se
lected military academies in Latin
America. The exehange follows an,exircrimental exchange program conducted in July-August 1966 in which
28 USMA eadete vieited 14 Latin-
American miiitary academica. In Sep
tember, 28 cadets from Central and
South America returned the visit.Pafilcipating Latin-American coun
tries were Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil,
Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala,Salvador, Hondurae, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela.
—Army Newe Features.
‘HARP’ h t
In recent teats, the 120-footAong
High-Altitude Research Project (HA12P) gun iired rounds to an altitud~
of 103 miles, a world record for gun.
fired projectiles.Two other records were eet during
the firinge when a maximum velctity
mark of 6,800 feet per eecond w~
recorded and when 1,225 pounds of
powder were loaded into the HARP
gun.
The gun—which ie used ae an mperimentel launcher for miesileo and
thin, stabilized shelie-fired projeotiles leaving a chemicai traii of Iighf
visible 300 mike away (MR, NOI1966, p 97) .—Army News Featurea,
The vehicle cnn travel on improved roade at Convoy smcds of 80 miles w 1hour and incorporate a conetant horsepower hydrauiic rear-wheel power eecirtfor covering rough terrain and fording streams. It bae a cruising range of 266miiea and a bed-carrying capacity of 31 600 pounds, the weight of three fubloaded CONEX.—Newe releaee.
100 MllltrryMvi@
.
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M oonVeldcl e Conoept s
ho lunar vehic le concepts are being teeted at Aberdeen Proving
Ground, Ma@rmd, by the US Army
Test and Evaluation Command [USATECOM) for the National Aeronautics and Space Agency (NASA).
USATECOM is conducting gravity,
endurance,and movement experiments
on the four-wheel and six-wheel itfobilitg Test A*”ctes, which are vehi
cles based on NASA’s design studyfor a Lunar Mobile Laboratory.
The four-wheel version, for exam-
Nc. is Zt feet lonfs and nearly 15 feet
Arm Uesemchnd
Dwebpnwnt Neumnamzin.
k own drive motor and can be steered
iedhidually. Two levers constitute thedriver controls, one for speed and the
other for dhction. ,
After USATECOM teats the vebi
cka for hard-surfeee mobility, it willsend them ta Yuma Proving Ground,
Arisone, for eoft-surface testing.Date obtahed from these tests willbe used by NASA to design a Lunar
Wiemtific Surv.qi Mod&e (LSSM)
which will look iike a scaled-down ver
eion of a Mobility Teet Article. The
6MalierLSSM would fit into the ee
hunaute’ Apollo rocket to the moon.
-Army, News Features.
lpil 1W7
MILITARV’NOTES
New Reenii stnr ent Progrem
The Department of the Army hasannounced a likmonth enlistment pre-
gram in the US Army Reserves, with
concurrent call to eetive duty forservice in Vietnam.
Those eiigible for the enlistment
option must be former Army servicemen without current reserve status,and former active Army personnel
who are curren$ly in the National
Guard or US Army Reeervee..
Personnel who are accepted willserve 12 monthe in Vietnam, with the
remaining time used for any neededrefresher training couree, 30 days’
leave, travel to and from Vietnam,and processing.
Accepted individuals will hold the
grade they held when last separatedfrom active duty or the current grade
they hold in their National Guard orReserve unit.
Applicants must have served atleast 21 months of continuous active
duty during their Army career. Pe
riods of active duty fcfr training will
not be credited.Applicants not. in ‘e current re
serve statue must reenlist for the 15
month program withh three yearsfrom the date they were last eeparated
from atilve duty.
‘ Reserve personnel are not eligible
if they have been assigned to a con
trol group for more than three yearsand have not participated in any mil-
ita;y occupational specialty (MOS)
training during this period.All applicants must be fully quali
fied in an MOS for which a require
ment exiet.v in Vietnam.
Those completing the 15-monthduty who desire an extension must receive specific authority from the Office
of Pereonnel Operations.-Army Newe
Features.
101
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men f or nearly 20 years, and, duringthte time, it hfta increased in Eim and
*p.
I@ dual mheion is to provide in
struction to Lntin-American military
men in fieldc rcnging f rmn civic fic
tion planning to hesvy equipment oP
erntiocw, cc well aa to tmdn soldjemto defend their countrka from internal
subvcmion and extaraal enendee.
Forty- lve coumoa are taught at the
eehoo), 17 of which deal with military
CIVICsct ion, At the hlgheet level is
the three-week CIVICaction trainingwhich ie declgned to prepcre Lntln-
Im
binee both the military and civic artion rob of Letin America’e mititarr
forma.
US Army engineem teach waterpur i t lc st ion, wel l dr i l l i ng, and heawequipment and comit ruct lon eupportequipment operation, Thcee sktlln pw
para the men to work in community
devcdopment progranm
The bmic medical techrdclan coumaincludes a four-dsy medlcd sealstanm
program in tbs Republic of Pcnccoc.
During thO 20-w@k 8@do~ 6hIdOCCb
act so numes nnd mlmintgtmtive pwnonnal for United StAt811snd PUW-
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..
osmian doctors, end wist environ-mental heeiti specialist with me-ierie surveys
Merging the military civic actionrole with the continuing miesion of
protesting against incipient insurgenciee, the Irregular Warfare Cem
adttce mh= both the military meae~ mqnired to defeat an insurgent
00 tbe battieiield, as well as the civicaction functions and reeponeitrilitiee
of military forces in an insurgent environment. Instruction ia presented infield probkrne and maneuvers in thelo-week wuree for sompany grade
Lctin-Amerisen officers.Spanish became the official teaching
Im@age in 1955, and, since then, theas@el baa graduated nearly 19,000
US ArfIwPkoiw
Stedents from Honduras enrolled in theeeven-week well-driliing course
I&in Americans. Twenty-two Letin-
Aorerieerr officers and nine noneom-
OdWonad odicere from 16 conntriee
s?e presently teesbing at the school as
MII.ITASYnoms
guest instructors. These inetrrretor
personnel are assigned to the eeheelfor one-year periods.
A “bridge that finks the Arnerieae~the school serves as a platform for
the interchange of ideas among mili
tary men of aii the American countries. As su~ the School of the Amer
icas playe a significant role. in Latin
Americe’a battle against Comrnunistinepired subversion and vioi’ante inthe Weetern Hemisphere.-US Army
release.
M utual Understanding ProgramEnti;ee are currently being acseptcd
for the Edward L. Berneye Founda
tion ~ward. The purpose of the awardis to provide euggeetions and ideas
that can be used by governmen~ pri
vate organiaatiom, voluntary groups,
and individuals to further understanding between the peoples of the
Unitsd States and tba United Eing
dom.
The closing date for entrke is 30
June 1967. Information on the program can be obtained from the Sec
retcry, Edward L. Berrtaye Fonndatfon,” 7 Loweil Street, Cambridge,Massachusetts 02138.—Nsws item.
Bird Col l i sions With Aircraf t. The Air Force baa several meaeurea
under consideration to reduce or elim
inate “bird collisions” with aircraft.
These coliiiione-329 were reported
in 196S-coet the Air Force almost 10
miliion dollars a year, according to
the OfSce of Aeroepeec Reeeersb.Means under consideration to com
bat the intrudeti include loud “crackershells” fired from guns, draining of
ponds near runways, and the cutting
of weeds.
The major offender is the stariirtgaithough other birds have proved
troubleeome.-DOD release.
103
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MILITAf t Y NOTES
!
Awwj , t - f i .nwal hodm
TRAP equipment aligned along the side of a KC-135 jet aircmftI
Ballistic missiles are being tracked and their performance recorded duringthe time between reentry into the atmosphere and impact by u new systemwhich attained operational statua in November.
Named TRAP (for Terminal Radiation Program), the eystem provides in.formation vital to the development of antimissile and advanced intercontinentalballistic missile systems. It was produced for the Air Force Ballistic SystemDivision.
A crew of seven physicists operatee TRAP’s army of camerus, photometers,radiometer, and cinwpectrographa from e. specially modified KC-I.?5 jet tankeraircraft.
On a mission, inunch information is trmwmitted from the launch site directly to the TRAP syetem in the KC-1,%5 which is on statiotl at 40 000-feet
altitude about 6,000 milee down range.
Tracking begins from the aircraft when the reentering miwile is riboutfiOmike above the surface and continues until the target plunges into the swproviding data for analyeis by computers.-New8 item.
Alrbome Trairrlrrgor Cadats
A program permitting US Military Trajnlng is open to vokin~m of
Academy cadets to receive airborne the tlret and eecond cleaeee. Those dm
tratnlng during the eummer lenve pe- to ~aduate in June may partJcJpM8
rlod Iua bean approved by the Army durhrg their graduation laave.-DOD
Chief of Staff. r?haee.
tM MuttuyAoFt@
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BRAZILIT-37’Trainers
FortY T 7 aircraft have been ordered by the Brasiiian Government
from a US manufacturer. The 10 ruiliion-doiiar contract for the trainers
eiee includes maintenance equipment8Udspare parts.
The aircraft are scheduled for delivery te the Breziian Alr Force dur
ing the period JuiY 1967-October 196S..-News item.
‘Smcst’Mi ssil es f or VesselThe Breziiiara destroyer Mariz e
BafY08,the Sr8t South .Arnerican vee
sei to be titted with guided missiles,
was recently commissioned after being
armedwith British surface-to-air Sea-
cot missiles (MR, JuI 1966, p 102).
The Brazilian-built destroyer, after
keing overhauled at the &asiiianNavy Arsenal in Rio de Janeiro, alsoreceived new guns. After a aeriee of
tests, the Maria e Batv’08 will become
the flagship of the deetroyer flotiila.
Three other warships-the cruisersBarroso and Tarnanokwd and the air
craft carrier MirPW Gcraia-are also
scheduled to be equipped with the
S8acat.-News item.
CENTO‘I i id l inkIX’
J@lirzk IX, a 10-day Central Treaty
Organization (CENTO) maritime exercise conducted in November, in
cludedvessels from the navies of Iran$
Great Britain, and the United States.
‘During the exercise, “enemy” sub
marines were tracked and attackedwith dummy depth charges, and live
antiaircraft and surface tiring were
conducted. The force performed con
vey duties, practiced refueiing opera
tieaz at sea, and conducted a mine-sweeping exercise.-Newa release.
ml laa7
MiLITARY”NOTES ‘~
CHILE‘Twin Otter’ Aircraft
The first three of eight Twin Otter
aircraft for the Chilean Air Force
have been flown to Cidle. Marm@ctured in Canada, the three aircraftwilI be used for aerial survey andfor supplying isolated communitiee.—
News item.
EAST GERMANYAir Units
Air force unita of the Eeet German
People’s Army, initiaiiy organized fortactical supPly missions, were formedin 1950 se a branch of the police.
The air force has two fighter divi
sions of three regiments each. In addition, there are two transport and
r i .?rk6n” i ”9
IUiG-15
equipped with M-l and ii4i-4 helicop
ters; three regiraenta of ground airilefenae forces, each having three bat
talions; and two radar battalions.
There are about 400 tactical air
craft in the air forc+100 iWG-15,260 MiG-17, SO MiG-19 and MiG21,
and an unknown number of 12-28 air
craft, For transport, 11-14P and An-%
aircraft are used. For training andliaison, the Yak-n, Yak-1 , Yak-18,
Zlin, and MiG-16 UTI, are used.
The training “divieion operates two
schools to train pilots. In tiddition,
crew training ia also conduc~d in the ‘
Soviet Union.—Newa item.
165
,$
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MILITARY NOIES
INDIASoviet NavalAid
India wtlt receive six submarines
and 40 smaller veeseki from the Soviet
Union. Soviet specirdiste will IIISOhelp
construct a shipyard in India (MR,~Ul 1966, p 104).
Heretofore, the Indian Fleet had
used vessels of British origin.—Newsitim.
AUSTRALIAi iMAS ‘ I l tway’
Australia’s second 1,600-ton Oberonclam submarine, the HMAS OtzoW,
wee recently launched in Scotland.
The new craft is one of four Oberonclam aubmarinee scheduled to be de
livered to the Royal Australian Navy
by 1969.
The HMAS OzkW, launched in 1966,
will be delivered this year. The othertwo will be named the Ovens and the
OnuZow (MR, Oct 1966, p 104).
The cost of each submarine, excluding aaeociated epare equipment
and torpedoes, is 9.2 million dcdlara.
—Newa release.
New MotorcyclesIn the future, the Australian Army
will be equipped with lightweight
British motorcycles. The 450 new mo
torcycles will replace World War II
models now in use.—Newe release,
Naval EnslglrAll Australian naval shipe and ee
tablisbmenta are flying a distinctiveAustralian ensjgn.
The new ensign reteine the Union
Jack at tbe upper esnton at the hoiet,
hut the red crone of Saint George han
been replaced by the eix Austral ianntara In blue on a white baclwrround.
The flag h called the AuutrallnnwhM,e ennlgn,-Naws rehmm
‘M lraga S1-0’ Jat TrairrarThe Royal Amrtralian Air Fora
recently took delivery of the ilrat o
10 Mirqre HI-D twe-eeat jet trainem
The Mirage program compfirwe 160fighters and ground attack aircraft 10addition to the 10 trainere.
The Mirage III-D, developed is
France ae an Australian variant d
tbe Miruge III-B two-seat aircrafiwill eeeist in the conversion of jel
pilots to the single-e.eat Mimge IILO
13ghter.-News releeae.
GREAT BRITAIN‘Blowpipe’
Blowpipe, a one-man air defenue
weapon currently under development
which ie deehmad for use againet low
I.td”l.l
Blowpipe mockup
flying aircraft, was recently displayed
by itn manufacturer at n British air8how.
The nystem consi5te of the mldh
a tube which is used for trauspert endM the launcher, an optical sight whirb
mountn on the tube, and u small radiotmnrtmitter which the gunner uses toguide the mkiaile in flight. The weigh
of tho complde nystam Is 26 pounda.-
Nmm Item.
laa Mllltwyswim
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ITALY‘691Y’M aiden Fl i ght
MILITARYNOTE
Fiat
The first prototype of the twin-engine, lightweight reconnaissance fighterG91Y has made its’ maiden Sight.
Equipped “with two engines of a total static thruet of 8,160 pounds withafterburner, the aircraft has a maximum speed of more than Mach .96.—News.
release,
NORWAYNaval Construc t ion Program
The first of five new frigates being millimeter antiaircraft guns in double
constructed in Norwegian ehipyards gun turrets, six tubes for antisubma
hss entered eerviae with the Norwe- rine torpedoes, and a six-tube Terme
gian Navy. The new veeeela are similar rocket launcher. Each frigate willin design to the US Deole~ class and carry one helicopter. The veesele carry
have a standard “displacement of ap- a crew of 150.proximately 1,500 tons. The naval construction program also
Powered by Swedish-built turbines includes 15 submarines of 370 tonssnd machinery (20,000 horsepower), and 20 patrol boats of 100 tona capathe vessels have a top speed of 25 ble of a speed of 30 knots.-Newskoote. Armament consiste of four 76. item.
d
kpr l 1967 10
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DEADLY LOGIC: 7fre 7froory of NuclearDatarrenca. Sy Philip 6raan. 361 Pages.:b&S& Mbri wrrslt y Prass, Columbus,Ohio,
. .
BY MAJ CHM@s L. MCNEILL, USA
The author, an Assistant Professorof Government at Smith College, has
launched a frontal and powerful rk
taek on the authoritative credencegiven to what he deacribea in tMe
book aa the unproved “theory of nu
clear deterrence.”
Mr. Green claime that the @tudy
of nuclear deterrence policy is in noway an academic discipline, and then
proceeds to diseect the various policy
propoeale and the strategies which
have been advanced by nuclear the
orieta.
What Professor Green is really at
tempting to refute is the mantle of
ecientitlc expertise which haa been assumed by the deterrence theoriste.
Champions of certain new techniques
which are used in decieion making
-such ea syatema anelyeia, game the
ory, and simulation—will find their
methodology challenged and tbe validity of their canclusionn sharply
questioned.
For the military reader, this bookwill be thought provoking and may
cauae him to reexamine the validity
of the strategy of maaaive retaliation
that wee in vogue in the 1950’s. Whatthe author baa accomrAlahod la toattack the detmrence &sorirda with
thlr own ultimate wenpen+rudlto
logic.
1
MILSTARY
BOOKSIU60SLAVIA’S REVOLUTIONOF 1941. ~
Wag N. Rktf~ 175 Pagea. 7ha Panasflvarria State Urrlverslty Press, UrtivarsltfPark, Pa., W& $7.50.
BY MAJ ANTHONYP. DE LUCA,USA
Adolf Hitler’s aeheme in kite 1940for winning World War H included
maintenance of the statua quo in theBalkans and the elimination of any
cause for a Britieh-Soviet entry into
the area. Yugoslavia was a vital ele
ment in that echeme since British
forces in Greece would pose a threat
to the Romanian oil flelde, and a pro.Axie Yugoslavia might have diecour.aged Greece from inviting British aid,
‘The political courting of YugorJavi*succeeded temperaril y with Yugosh.
via’s acceesion to the Tripartite Pact
in hfareh 1941. However, two day8Iat.ar, pubIic indignation led to a miii
tary coup and revolution which precipitated the German attack.
The author, aide-de-camp to Gen
eral Du&m Simovi/ who enginecrfdthe coup, preaen% eyewitneee accounts
of one of the most important evenbin modem Yugoslav history. Since@
full eigaiflcance of tbe event ie still
a eubjwt of speculation, the reader bpreaerrted with detaite on which to
determine whether the coup wau m
eponaible for saddling Yugodavia witha CaOmmnist regima whether it waa
doaignad to atop %esiat ag~aardo%
whether it wca the cnuee or ttm ax
cuae for the his war arrdnat Yul’O
nlavk, and hi what waiy it contributed
to Elttur’a uitimab defeat.
MlittmyA@?
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-“”-a
AJJISTOM AND WEAPOf% 449 toFWAR1sS0. Enali sh Warf are From t he AI@W
SSSOINo-Crmnwell.BY A. V. B. Norman & d00s Poff lngrw. S24 Pages. Thomas Y.
CrswellCo. , Now York, 1906. $RB5.BY LTC FommeT R. BLACKBURN,
USAR
Four paral le l themes involving Eng
lieh warfare and weapons from 449
to 1660 are developed in thle beok:
military organisation, arms and ar
mor, tactics and strategy, and castles
sad cannons.Cbengee in the methods and equip
ment of warfare are traced from the
tiie of the invasion of the British
ISICSby the Anglo-Saxons to the estabJisbrnentof the first modern army.The author discusses the development
sad use of weepone from the crossbow
to the pistil and musket, the pike tothe bayonet, the catapult to the esnnon, and describ- the design andconstruction of castles and other for
tidcstione.
HigWlghting tha book are 200 de
taiied drawings of weapone, armor,castles, and fortifmotions. These, along
with a readable text, make the book
of considerable interest to the miJitery reader.
1 WORLOOF NUCLSAR POWSRS? ErSWd by
AbstsJr Bucban. 176 Pages. prmrt ic a.t la l~lea. Engfaw ood Cl i ff s, N. J., lBBB. $1. 95psparbourrd.
BY LTC GEORGEM. RonG8RB,USA
Man~ problems of nuclear proliferation are discussed in detail by out
standing scholars to give the reader
a bettar understanding of the varyingworldwide viewe.
IUgldy recommended for the mili
tary rsader, this book should be of
SPCCiSJ to student of ponterest the
“liticel affairs.
w lea7
,,,
MILJTARYBOOKS .
FOLLO IM 6 TNE 6UIOON. By El i ssbet i B. :Crrstar. WJt h ao Intr odrrot ioa,by Jaoa R. . ,Stew 341 Pages. Univarai t y of Okl ahoma ~Press, emran, Okla . , 1$$S. $2.00.
~This 8 new edition of Mrs. Cue- ~a
ter’e book first puhJished in 1890. It ;relates many anecdotes of Jife with ~
the US Cavalry during the Indian ,?fighting after the Civil War. Never an ~
unbiased Kletorian where her husband ~is concerned, Mrs. Custer ia at her ~
best in describing post life on the ~
frontier.
AN ADMINISTRATIVE NISTORY OF w ~1B31HBB3.By Robarl L. Roshofk 381 Pages. ;NstJenal Aeroasutiss and Space Adminlst rs. :
t i on , Wasbingtmr, 0 . C. , 1W6. $4.00. :
BY JOXN R. CAMESON
The purpose of this volume is to \
provide a detailed study of the admin- :
istrativa framework of the National v :
Aeronautics and Space Administra- ‘? i
tion (NASA). Thus, the book traces
the Jife of the NationsI Advieory Corn-
mitt= for Aeronautics, born in 1916,to it-s redesimmtion in 1958 as NASA. .
The bulk o; the study is devot@d to
the NASA years.
Drawing upon legislative and in
ternal hietory, Dr. Rosholt covers the
con4Wte in the development of the
US apace agency. The impost of external events and pressures is chartedto place NASA decisions in proper
parsptilve. Major deeuments, legisl~
tion, and positions are emnmericed to
provide the flavor of the moment. Tberelationships of NASA to other gov
ernment agencies and te its own ele
ments are scratinieed. The character
that cash adminietraitor embodied in
NASA is carefully brought to Jight.
The book is WCJ1documented and
authoritative and sucewds admirably
in its purpose.
10s
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MlLk7ARYBOOKS
FJ6N7JN6 UNOER THE SEA. Oy CaptainDonald M aoin(yra. 174 PaE6a. W. W. Nort onG Co. , Inc . , Maw Yorl r j 19S5 . $4.95.
BY LTC MA800 J. CAEACCIA,USA
Captain Donald hfaeintyre retiredfrom the Royal Navy in 1954 afterhaving served aa a pilot of the FleetAir Arm. Hie experience with sub
marines began in World War II when
he wea an Eaoort Force Commanderduring the Battle of the Atlantic.
In Fighting Under The Sea, the
author introduces hie aubjad with achapter which aketchee the pioneer
efforte of early aubmarinere-to in
clude the activity of an American,
David Buehnell, who in 1776 con
structed the tlret practical submarine
to be employed ee a ship of war. The
following chaptera are short storiee
depicting the exploits of renownedsubmariners during the two World
Wara. The accounts are vividly andobjectively presented.
A CORRUA7E0 HISTORY OF THE FAR EAST.CidrIa, Kores, Japan. By MarJaPwrkabt .76 Pages. Charlas E. Mrt t l a Co,, Rut l and, Vt. ,
1900.$7.50 paporbound.
, BY LTC JOHN M. JENNINGS, USA
A Correlated HietoW of the Far
Eaet ie a chronological listing of eig
nitlcant evente concerning China, Ke
ma, and Japan from before 8000 B.C.to A.D. 1964. The eventa are well documented by W mape.
This book is a valuable referencetool to the student of Far East hie-tory, particularly one intimated in
tracing the political, religious, and
cultural evolution of these three coun
t r ien . However, Ita meager t reatmentof recent h latory r r rakw i t of marghalvalue. t o n mi l l tary hister imr who is
Intmeeted in ewmta of more recent
thnee.
no
SCIENCE ANO SURVIVAL BY Barry CaMmonar . 150 Pagaa. 7FraVlk i i rg Prass, IWNew yo~ lW. $4,50.
BY EWaENE H, MILLER
Science and Survival aurveyO therevolution in science and technology
that hae brought physical changee enan unprecedented scale, changea ths.t
make pesaible a better life for mzo.kind, The author, an outstanding con.
aervationist, believes that we are io
real trouble, however, becauay of the
gap between tbe rapid developmentsin the phyeicrd eciencee and the rektively slow pace of the biological eel.ences.
Thue, phyaiciate split the atom aod
gave ue nuclear energy before the life
scientist understood the ett’eet.nof
fallout, and engineere developed the
internal combustion engine withoutregard to air pollution.
In eucceseive chaptere the author
diecuseee poseible solutions, and th
role of the scientist, the citizen, andthe adminiettator in making valuejudgments that will preserve the bir.
sphere for mankind’a future.
FOR CONSPICUOUS 6ALJ.AN7RY.Winnersdt he M adal of Honor. By Donald E. . CoakA85 Pager. C. S. Hammond & Co., M aplew ~N. J. , 1084. $S. 50.
BY COL GEQROES. PAPPAe, USA
Mr. Cooke hue sek cted 46 winnem
of the Medal of Honor aa repreeenb
tive of the more than 8,000 men WLhave earned the award. The actiorwhich resulted in eeeh award ie d~
ecribed briefly, but effectively.
By adding a very nhort narmtim
of the origin of the MedaI of Honeand the et lor t e to mainta in th{s awar ifor gaILantry above nnd beyond tbl
ca l l of duty, tbe author hns I Iucseeddin providing s uneful rr i f erenre book
UII* M
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------- --, . ., . ..-..—
“ .-
,’ ---=
MiLiTARY BOOii3
i i oWTO STAY AWE IN VIETNAM . Combat3wsisci i r r tJre Warofk lc ny Fmnta. i f ytniorralRobart B. Rim. 05 Pazaa. Tha St ac k.
~ie Co. ,Narr iafmr& ~sr. , lSf% . $1. 95.
By LTC JOSEPHM. COBVINO,USA
Colonel Rigg’s formula for survival
in Vietnam is a combhmtion of knowing the traite and tactics of your ensmy and of being constantly alert. In
his words, the book is “a profile of
what to watch and watch out for inVietnam.” The words of advice are
amplysupported and illustrated by ac
emmtsof actual actions and incidents
in this strangest of wars in wh]ch afarmer with a hoe may turn out tohe your enemy.
liiE M iLiTARY iNTELLECTUAL.3 iN BRiTAiN191&1939.By Robin Nigi ram. 267 Pagas.
Rutgers”University Prass, Naw Brunswick,N.J.,1SSS.$7.50 .
BY MAJ NXVENJ. BAISO, USA
Atilral Sir Herbert Richmond,
1. F. C. Fuller, B. H. Liddell Hart,
andLord Hugh Trenchard, Marshal of
the Royai Air Force. are all familiar
namesto those interested in the evolu
t i on of strategy. Their ideas, and theformswhich influenced their thoughta,
AN ARMY FOR TNE St XTiES. A s t udy i nNat icr t a iPol ic y, Cont ract and OJliigation.By Ant i ronyVarr iar . 280 Pagaa.Mart ialSack er&Warbur& Ltd., London, Eng., 1SS0. $ W1.
BY COL JULIAN P. FANE, BrWsh
ArmI/
Tbe author draws attention te thelack of emphasis given by successivegovernments in the United Khgdom
to the army as an element of national
power. He demands a change in themcial structure within the British
Army and considers that sufficient sm
phesis ia not being given to profes
aionaiism.
Mr. Verrier arguea that the present
British prdicy continues to be based
on the fallacious notione of a global
role. He recommends that the govern
ment face the realitiee of Britidn’s
changed situation in the world today
by tailoring the army to meet its pri
mary defensive commitment in Eu
rope, and its contribution to the United
Nations in the maintenance of world
peace.
SPURS TO GLORY. Tha Story of tira Unitad
Sta tas Cavairy. By Jamas M . M err i i i . 302Pages. Read Mc Nai iy & Co. , Chic ago, i i i . ,