Part I1

CHAPTER 4

GANDHIAN IDEALS: A STUDY

4.1 Gandhian Perspectives

The slynificance of Gandhian concepts cannot be

adequately appreciated without a philosophical culture of

discourse. To Gandhi, man was not just an accidental

product of evolution, a soulless social animal; man to him

was capable of reaching a higher level of Being. In this

crux of Gandhian thought is the basic identity of

everything that is individuated as expressed in Vedanta

Monism. From the Gandhian perspective it may be said that

the place and importance of the individual is important in

any society. Thus, India's approach towards the question

of all races, all religions, all immigrant groups getting

assimilated into the Indian nation without any obligatory

conformity coincides with Gandhian perspective and finds a

response in it. If a historical audit and a historical

evaluation are undertaken, Gandhian perspective impresses

not only in terms of what Gandhi said, but also in terms

of what he did.

4 . 2 Analysis of Gandhian Ideals

The problem of analysing Gandhiji's ideals and

actions is usually coqsidered as a simple one. But, in

fact, it is very complex owing to a number of reasons.

The core of the problem lies in the familiar view that

Gandhiji's ldeals do not always present a consistent unity

of thought. Even an analyst of Gandhiji's works will

notice in then the existence of divergent opinions on the

same subject. In the light of this characteristic, the

issue of determining from his writings the finally

authentic and conclusive point of Gandhiji on any way

given topic becomes naturally controversial. Gandhiji's

ideals are usually referred to as thought. But in view of

their incessant growth, it is more appropriate to view

them as necessary aspects of his thinking. A historical

framework is suitable for upholding the several dimensions

in the evolution of his ideals. An analysis of Gandhiji's

ideals like truth, non-violence, satyagraha and swaraj

follows .

4.2.1 Truth

The human mind works through innumerable media and

the evolution of the human mind is not the same for all;

it follows that what may be truth for one may be untruth

for another. Hence those who have made these experiments

have come to the conclusion that there are certain

conditions to be observed in making those experiments.

Just as for conducting scientific experiments there is an

indispensable scientific course of instruction, in the

same way strict preliminary discipline is necessary to

qualify a person to make experiments in the spiritual

realm. Everyone should therefore, realise his limitations

before he speaks of inner voice.

The word satya or truth is derived from the Sanskrit

root 'Asa', to which a suffix 'satrt gives the derivative

sat.' The Sanskrit lexicon, Amarakosa gives the synonym

of satya (truth) as fact or reality (Rta). Nothing is or

exists in reality except truth. The very search for truth

is the search for God. Truth can be formed by diligent

search and meticulous observance of the well-known and

well-tried rules of search. There is no record in history

of the failure of such searcht12 observed Gandhi. The

'thing' and the 'word8 for it are two different things.

There can be many interpretations and names of the same

thing.

Gandhi's ideals of truth and non-violence are

religious. In presenting an existential interpretation of

truth, he had both spiritual as well as practical

considerations. So it is natural that his teachings got

highest regard in India and abroad. Truth was not

confined to any community. Gandhiji said: "My religion

has no geographical limits". Hence he envisioned the

welfare of humanity as a whole.

Non-violence has no one nature, it is protean. As

the universe has no key, diplomacy, no showdown, the state

no withering away, so also the philosophy of non-violence

has no citadel. His belief in the Law of Non-violence is

unquestionable. Non-violence as practised by Gandhi had

three basic elements.

(1) Creation of a human society involving non-

violent methods of resisting exploitation.

( 2 ) Development of good and harmonious relationship

between oppressed and oppressors.

( 3 ) Ushering in of a non-exploitative decentralised

economic and political institution.

S o to Gandhl non-violence is a rule, it is the duty. 6

Hence he believed that non-violence is a weapon of

matchless potency and is the greatest force at the

disposal of mankind. Thousands of years ago Vaishnavism

produced outstanding personalities who exemplified non-

violence in their life. Gandhi thinks that the non-

violence of the strong can successfully resist external

aggression. A true non-violent resistor should be

unwilling to use arms and violence even if he can and has

the means; he should be able to feel more courageous by

laying down arms than when he uses them.7 Though man is

born in the world of hatred and violence, as an ethical

being, he should be reborn in the world of love and non-

violence. Today, conflict maintenance has become a

£unction of the politicians as well as the national and

international bureaucracy, while conflict resolution has

become the option of the common masses .' So Gandhian non-

violence is a synthesis in which utmost fulfilment is

seen. An individual can adopt the way of life of the

future--the non-violent way--without having to wait for

others to do so. "Unless our pacifism finds expression in

t:he broad human movement which is seeking not only the end

of war but our equally non-pacifist civilisation as a

whole, it will be of little account in the onward march of

mankind".1° Again in the words of Gandhi: "The world is

riot entirely governed by logic. Life itself involves some

kind of violence and we have to choose the path of non-

violence". 11

There are three levels in Gandhi's philosophy,

personality and activities.

(1) Universal level-area of creed or ends.

( 2 ) Problematic level-area of means or action

( 3 ) Achievement level-area of solutions.

The first indicates the value of 'Truth', 'God',

':Brahmal, 'Ram' or 'Reality'. To him, "I recognise no God

except the God that is to be focussed in the hearts of the

dump millions". The second level is related to means,

policies and actions. Gandhi gave more importance to

means and all problems and issues take up by him like

attainment of Swaraj , Hindu-Muslim unity, Harijan uplift,

Human welfare, etc . He was less concerned with the

achievement level. He believed in 'detached action

theory' of Bhagavad Gita. l2 In the first and second

levels ends and means were interchangeable. The

convergence between Gandhian ideals and the masses could

take place at the problematic level. So the masses even

today may adopt Gandhian ideals till there is optimistic

results. Gandhian philosophy and its use had awakened not

only the Hindus but humanity as a whole. Gandhi j i

repeatedly emphasised 'Ramarajya', 'Satyagraha', 'Ahimsa',

'Swaraj', 'Trusteeship', etc. However Gandhian ideals

stand in sharp distinction with the ideological value-

pattern adopted by the Indians. 13

In the contemporary world the problems and

sophisticated weapons have increased the threat to human

existence. To Gandhiji: "The way of world peace lies in

cultivating the spirit of non-violence and peace in the

hearts of menm. l4 In fact, Gandhi was not in a dreamy

world. He was not only a man of action but also a moral

philosopher. His life was his message. This was not a

euphemism. The whole core of Gandhian ideals lie in Truth

and Non-violence. His ideals aimed at the total welfare

of humanity. To him "I hold that non-violence is not

merely a personal virtue. It is also a social virtue to

be cultivated like other human virtues. Surely society is

largely regulated by the expression of non-violence in its

mutual dealings. What I ask for is an extension of it on

a larger national and international scale". l5 So the

pivot of his ideals lie in the totality of human welfare,

peace and prosperity. 'Vasudaiva ~udubhakom"'~ was his

main motto. He shared the humane ideals of Thoreau and

Emerson, George Washington and Abraham Lincoln on the

assumption that without the acceptance of a moral law

there could be no common approach to world problems and

peace among states.

4.2.3 Swaraj

Swaraj is synonymous with Ramrajya, the establishment

of the "Kingdom of Righteousness on ~arth"'~ said Gandhi.

He reiterates that without rule of ourselves there can be

no Swaraj or Ramrajya. He would not tolerate any

e:<ploitation and inequality in society. Therefore, Gandhi

"has described it as the sovereignty of the people based

on pure moral authority". Hence, in the modern context,

Ramrajya means an ideal state where the subjects would be

free from the three-fold miseries of physical pain, ill

fortune and evil circumstances. 20 Its very basis is "the

spiritualisation of politics or goodness of politics", 2 1

which is also the need of the present day. The great

relevance of Ramarajya lies in absolute devotion to the

subjects. Consequently, there will be a better relation

between government and the people. It is a welfare state

and in Gandhi's words: "Ramarajya is a state of bliss and

prosperity". 2 2 Gandhi had the same human and divine

qualities which are embodied in an ideal man. He drew his

inspiration from the principle of Sanatana dharma, but he

interpreted the teachings and demands of that dharma to

needs of modem life. Human welfare and peaceful lives of

humanity are its ultimate motto.

Etymologically 'satyagraha' means adherence to

I: is used in two senses. First, it signifies

reconstruction of society in accordance with truth. In

this context it is seemingly equal to another Gandhian

concept, i.e., Sarvodaya or the rise of all. Secondly it

indicates a non-violent technique of resolving social

conflicts. Social change, therefore, is inherent in the

philosophy of satyagraha. This outlook is rooted in the

philosophy of Vedanta with which Gandhi identified

himself. So Vivekananda, who popularised the Vedanta in

modern times, held that there is no evil in the world but

error. 2 4 It means that man will cease causing wrong to

others as soon as he is liberated from passions and

ignorance. But this process must not be through violence.

Therefore Gandhi termed his method as the "soul force" in

action.

Satyagraha not only change the "heart of the enemy

but also purifies the heart of its practitioner". 25 There

i.s an infinite scope for the use of satyagraha right from

the family, to the state, to the world. Truth,

discipline, sacrifice and non-violence are the essential

elements for the success of satyagraha.

4.3 Gandhian Ideal of Non-violence

Gandhi saw the Indian tradition as a universal and

humanist one which accommodated a "plurality of cultural

patterns and life styles" or "epistemological pluralism"

as Bhikhu Parekh calls it. 26 Gandhi struck at the root of

peacelessness as it appeared to him. Modern civilisation

has emphasised somatic welfare and the morality informing

it: as a situational one. For Gandhi "survival of the

fittest" theory does not respect all life and, its

progress onward it has not hesitated to resort to

wholesale destruction of human lifett. 27 Against the

materialist view that mankind is basically aggressive,

Gandhi emphasised the humanist view that men should be

more like women in their identification with the principle

c~f 'Ahimsa' (non-violence) . 2 8 In fact Gandhi sought to

construct a non-hierarchical non-materialist, non-

imperialist, non-racist world set up based on the twin

principles of truth and non-violence. 2 9 Gandhi refused to

see man's relations to the universe in imperialist terms,

he did not feel it necessary either to stress man's

uniqueness or to distinguish him from the non-human world

in sharp and unambiguous terms. 30 So the presence of the

divine element in all men endows them equally with the

capacity to develop non-violence. Gandhi did not advocate

passive submission but he described the imminent defiance

as passive resistance. It aimed at creating a ferment in

society, and at changing the existing conditions thereby.

Gandhi remarks: "Our sastras seem to teach that a man who

really practices 'ahirnsa' in its fullness, has the world

at his feet". 31

"The non-violence implies love, compassion and

forgiveness. The sastras describe these as the virtues of

the brave. This is not physical but moral. Hence ahimsa

is a great vow. In order to be able to practice dhanna of

ahimsa, a man must abide by the limits laid down by the

sastras and customs. There is dharma in self-control and

ahimsa in indulgence. Ahimsa is a comprehensive principle

when two nations are fighting. Gandhi said: "The duty of

a votary of ahimsa is to stop war". 3 2 Ahimsa or non-

violence appears in Indian philosophy as early as the

Chandogya Upanishad. Ahimsa Paramodhama is said in

Mahabharata. 33

Acharya Kripalini grades34 four levels of non-

vi.olence from the Gandhian criterion of human dignity.

(1) Lowest is the non-resisting cowards. Due to

fear he will not resist even injustice and

tyranny. He encourages tyranny by allowing its

free scope.

( 2 ) Violent resister is the soldier who takes up

arms against tyranny and in the process if

needed he is prepared to lay down his life. He

is brave.

( 3 ) Physically non-violent resistor. Non-violence

wlth him is only a matter of policy. Being

unable to summon up violent resistance with any

possibility of success, he resorts to non-

violence.

(4) The highest in this hierarchy is the person who

is non-violent in thought, word and deed.

To him non-violence is not merely a policy but a creed.

Having full respect for human dignity he resists injustice

and tyranny in a complete 'non-violent way' attacking sin

and evil but never the sinner and evil doer. That is why

the real significance of Indian freedom movement in the

eyes of Gandhi was not waged violently. 35 Gandhi had

offered genuine doctrine of co-existence which has become

so significant and strategic in the world affairs today.

His greatest contribution lay in his opening up before the

world a new way, the path of peace. 36

Gandhi's spiritual fervour made him a nationalist

as a prelude to become an internationalist. To quote

G. Ramachandran, a veteran Gandhian analyst:

Idealist nature of Gandhian vision, on the one

hand, had made it less understandable and on the

other hand, left India weaker in comparison with

other nations. No useful purpose can be made by

hiding from ourselves, the fact that really to

adopt the methods of Gandhi is to accept a

different way of life from that led by humanity

today and nothing less radical will solve the

problems of the present day. 3 7

Non-violence in its active form is goodwill towards all

life. It is pure 'love'. It joins human life without

conflicts. One may admit that in theory non-violence is

an infallible weapon and that no power on earth can be a

match for the man who achieved non-violence to the fullest

extent.

4 . 4 Social Milieu and Gandhi's Non-violence

The social role of Gandhiji is significant in the

context of the fact that he was born in a rather orthodox

family in a conservative country and brought up in

traditionalism. His political and social philosophies

derived mutual inspiration and were affected considerably

by each other. For this reason it is difficult to judge

whether he was a greater political or social leader.

Gandhi had the capacity of making a profound impact upon

the masses and the secret of his success was his complete

identif icatlon with them.

The ideals of Mahatma Gandhi in regard to social

change are such that they can be fitted very well within

the general framework of his ideals of non-violence and

democracy. He believed that it is the duty of society to

bring about changes designed to create better conditions

and opportunities for the masses. Hence his ideals are

relevant in the context of today when we find all around

us men and women bent upon violence as a means of social

ref o m .

When Gandhi began his experiments, "the dominant note

all over India was one of waiting, or expectation, full of

hcmpe, and yet tinged with fear and anxiety". 3 8 The

Indians who "were a demoralised backward and broken up

people", lived in bondage under British system. From

1915-40, Gandhi conducted large-scale and small-scale

individual experiments in a milieu characterised by fear

and oppression. He did succeed in demonstrating the

efficacy of non-violence in this historical situation.

Non-violence is multidimensional, first, as an antithesis

of his concept of violence; second, the conduct of

sustaining order; third, as an attribute of a non-violent

civilisational order, fourth as strategies and tactics of

non-violent transformation of the existing social order

based on violence; and fifth, as large-scale experiments

conducted in the application of non-violence. It seems

h,arm is a crucial ingredient of Gandhi's concept of

violence. It has been defined widely to include not only

physical, but also all forms of pida or klesa (pain)

including vrttinasa (depriving a man of his livelihood and

t.rasa (intimidation). Gandhi contended that a man also

committed violence by participating in or benefiting from

a harmful practice". 3 9

Hence, to sum up, violence meant for Gandhi to

inflict harm or injury both mental and otherwise, on all

human and non-human forms of life with some evil

intentions or motives. Gandhi hated all types of violence

and war. During the two decades which spanned the World

War I and World War 11, his belief in the potentialities

of non-vlolence grew with greater reflection and

experience. Paradoxically, as the stoutest champion of

nationalism against imperialism, Gandhi was also an ardent

internationalist. As far back as 1924, he had declared:

"the better mind of the world desires today not absolutely

independent states, warring against one another, but a

federation of friendly interdependent states". 40 Although

Gandhi had no illusions about the ready acceptance of his

method by nation states. Therefore, Gandhi is being

increasingly recognised as a great source of inspiration,

hope and light in a world which is threatened with all

kinds of violence, exploitation, corruption, erosion of

values and widespread despair for the future. His

philosophy needs to be interpreted in the light of the

present needs of the society.

4.5 Non-violence and Non-alignment Policy of India

Non-violence has a supreme value. It is not a

mechanical performance. It is the finest quality of the

heart and comes by training. For Gandhi non-violence is

not a mere philosophical principle. He applied it in

every walk of life-domestic, international, economic or

political. True non-violence is another name for human

fulfilment. Hence, to build a science of peace tatamounts

to limiting the scope of non-violence. Science is an

objective study but human fulfilment belongs to the field

of subjective value. Therefore, man's ultimate progress 41

rests on hls faith in values, linked with knowledge and

wider penetration of values.

To Gandhi: "Though violence is a word often on our

lips today, it seems to have lost its dynamics because it

has perfected itself as a self-destructive theory that

cannot serve as the basis of our future living. Nothing

enduring can be built upon violence". 4 2 On the other

hand, non-violence is the law of our being and basis of

human civillsation. The power at the disposal of a non-

vi.olent person is always greater than the power he would

have if he was violent. In the words of D. G. Tendulkar,

"the hater hates not for the sake of hatred but because he

wants to drive away the hated being or beings. He will

therefore as readily achieve his ends by non-violent as by

the non-violent means" . 4 3 This is where Gandhian non-

violence seems superior to western pacifism of today,

which talks of peace mostly, because of fear of war. His

mission was to place non-violence before the nation for

adoption. So India could adopt a policy of non-alignment

under the leadership of his true follower Jawaharlal

Nehru .

4.6 Types of Non-violence

To Gandhi, non-violence is of three types:

(1) That which is used against constituted

authority,

( 2 ) That which is applicable during internal

disturbances,

( 3 ) That which can be used against external

aggression. 4 4

The way of applying non-violent technique in

international affairs has been elaborated by Gandhi in

response to these problems. Can it help oppressed people

like the Jews under the Nazis? Can it help the victims of

external aggression like the Abyssinians, the Czechs and

the Poles, who were overrun by the Italians and the

Germans? What should have Britain done in her hour of

distress? Gandhi's answers to these problems are based on

the supposition that human nature is one in its essence,

and responds to love. Even dictators and aggressors have

the feelings of tenderness and affection, as is shown by

their dealings with their families. 45 "They have the same

soul that I have"46 Gandhi remarked. Further a non-

violent man does not depend upon the goodwill of

dictators, but on God's unfailing a~sistance.~~ So he

cannot succeed without a living faith in ~ o d . ~ *

It is highly significant that India's foreign policy

is generally described, even by Indians, as one of non-

a:Lignment between the communist and non-Communist blocs of

nations. This policy is based on India's past traditions,

her present geo-political standing, as well as the fact of

bi-polarization of world politics. India's policy is not

born out of a sharp intellect, but is the direct result of

old ways and old mind that moulded their policy during

their freedom movement. Among other things, that attitude

is one of friendship with all nations, but at the same

time the independence of actions. *' India s geographical

location, area, human and material resources, cultural

identity and contribution to the human civilisation--all

enabled her to stand on her way as an independent and

important member of international society, and in addition

to seek to make her own modest contribution to the larger

causes of the world.50 The post war structure and

dynamics of world politics was possibly the third most

important reason for India adopting this policy. 51 India

has no deslre whatever to get involved in the power

politics of the two blocs of nations and it did not

benefit her national interest and is not conducive to the

maintenance of promotion of world peace. Hence "it is

through negative terms that the Indians have expressed

positive and affirmative ideas of profound significance

and critical importance for their social evolution". 52

Historically, this policy arose from the struggle for

freedom. Its acceptance arose logically from the

struggles of the Indian nationalist movement under the

guidance of Mahatma Gandhi. Nehru explained53 the further

iyplications of this ground in considerable detail to the

American people during his visit to the United States in

December 1956.

Some western critics have unfairly insinuated that

the policy of non-alignment does not derive its origin or

strength from India's past or the present. They allege

that India is merely exploiting to her own advantage the

bipolarisation of world or at least that the policy of

non-alignment is merely a by-product of that polarisation.

Other critics have taunted that India has been enabled to

follow this policy by the West maintaining a balance of

power, and that India can afford to follow her policy in

the firm belief that the West would come to her rescue in

c:ase of threat to her security. 54 To Natarajan L., "quite

the contrary she does not fear any such threat and even

otherwise, she is confident of defending herself without

necessarily any external aidn. 55 Non-alignment is the

fulcrum of the Indian foreign policy. Nehru was the

principal architect of both the philosophy as well as the

policy of non-alignment. But this policy does not mean-

nor, is it in effect neutrality or neutralism by which

labels India's foreign policy is referred to in the West.

In this context the joint statement of Nehru and Marshall

Tito of Yugoslavia carries special attention: "It

(neutrality) is not isolationism or self abrogation in

world affairs. It does not seek to organise a third bloc

or a third force of non-aligned countries--for that is a

contradiction in terms". 56

India's policy of non-alignment was fully and

successfully demonstrated in various issues. The non-

alignment policy can provide the framework of an

international movement against the arms race and

conflicts. The present international environment is in a

state of flux. Mahatma Gandhi's idea of non-violence

implies "universal love". 56 Love thus provides the

cohesive force among men. To quote Gandhi; "The very

first step in non-violence is that we cultivate in our

daily life, as between ourselves, truthfulness, humility,

tolerance, and loving kindness". 57 But "it is a supreme

virtue of the brave". 58 From various experiments Gandhi j i

evolved a formula which made him successful in his

mission--a mission of total welfare of humanity and a

peaceful world. Gandhiji opines: "Individuals or Nations

who would practice non-violence must be prepared to

sacrifice their all, except honourw. 5 9 In spite of this

it was to be observed since it is a moral principle, the

characteristic emblem of the human species. 60 To him

"non-violence is not merely a personal but a social

virtue". 6 1 Some of the critics have unfortunately

criticised that Gandhian non-violence is irrelevant today.

A clouded mlnd cannot understand better.

Today the symbol of the unequal world is the

possession of nuclear weapons by a few powers, and the

attempt to freeze the world order on the basis of

explosive inequality. Nuclear weapons have become the

instruments of pressure and intimidation and the ultimate

coercive force in the world apart from being weapons of

mass destruction. The elimination of such weapons is

essential for bringing about a more just and democratic

int.ernationa1 order and a world free from the fear of

destruction..

The main lesson that humanity ought to draw from the

history of the 20th century is the need for a nuclear free

and non-violent world. The time has arrived for mankind

to turn to Mahatma Gandhi and the non-violence he preached

and practised. Humanity needs a non-violent world, first

of all, because the absence of violence in human relations

and in international relations is the hall-mark of

civilised existence. Force, even the systematic and

prolonged application of force, has not succeeded in

changing the human being or society. That can be achieved

only by peaceful means, by cultural and spiritual

development together with the improvement of the material

conditions of living.

4:7 The Directive Principles of State Policy: C o m i t m e n t to Social Revolution

The Directive Principles of State Policy of the

Constitution of India are fundamental to the governance of

the country even though these are non-justiciable. It is

the embodiment of the ideals and aspirations of the people

of India. It is the goal towards which they expected the

state to march forward. These principles find their

fullest expression in the external policy of India. The

Directive Principles are significant from the point of

view of the Constitution since the ideals enshrined in it,

justice, social, economic and political are loftier in

conception, and seek to secure to the individual's

tangible benefits of greater significance than fundamental

rights. It is, therefore, the duty of the state to apply

these principles in making laws to secure the social

order.

It was due to Gandhiji's influence that the Karachi

Resolution of Indian National Congress in 1931 stressed

that the state should aim at welfare of individual in

social, economic, cultural and moral fields. Part IV

(Articles 36-51) of the Indian Constitution, known as

Directive Principles of State Policy, embodies the hopes

and ideals cherished by Gandhiji. Article 40 of the Draft

(Article 51 of the present Constitution) also represents

the wishes of Gandhij i. This article embodies the

country's pledge for peaceful relations with other nations

based on Gandhiji's ideals of non-violence and truth, and

was enacted after much deliberation. The adoption of this

article provides a guiding principle of future foreign

policy of India. This article states:

The State shall endeavour to (a) promote

international peace and security, (b) maintain

just and honourable relations between nations,

( c i to foster respect for international law and

treaty obligations, and (d) encourage settlement

of international disputes by arbitration. 63

The need for including--provisions in the Constitution

in respect of world order was envisaged by the objectives

resolution moved by the then Prime Minister in the

Constituent Assembly on December 13, 1946. H. V. ~ a m a t h ~ ~

demanded more attention of the House of international

affairs so that the world could really become one free

w ~ r l d . ~ ~ K. T. wanted, first and foremost, the

state in India to be pledged to promote international

peace and security. He also moved an amendment in this

direction. He recalled in this connection the categoric

declaration of Gandhiji at the Round Table Conference.

Gandhiji declared that if he got swaraj, if the Congress

was master in this country, one of the first things he

would advise to do would be to disband the army and the

police. 67 In the words of B. H. Khardekar: "Certain

indication should be showed in our foreign policy that we

have remembered the principles of peace and non violence

as laid down by Gandhi" . 68 Hence the provisions contained

in the Part IV of the Indian Constitution reflect the

ideals for the fulfilment of which Gandhi strove and

struggled throughout his life. These ideals are lofty and

p:ious.

In his speech delivered in the Constituent Assembly

on November 26, 1949, Dr. Rajendra Prasad made a special

reference to this part and asserted:

While a world torn with conflicts was still

depending on armaments to establish peace and

goodwill. India is destined to play a great

role, if she proved true to the teachings of

Gandhiji and gave effect to these directive

principles of the Constitution. 6 9

H E ? ~ c ~ this part gives direction to the states to promote

international peace. It covers the whole range of the

political, economic and social well being of the people.

No human society, no human design and no human

existence is possible without ethics and morality. All

systems--social, economic and political--begin to dissolve

or destroy themselves when they create a sense of moral

alienation among human beings. To avoid disintegration,

the restoration and fusion of the ideas of Gandhiji is

essential. Socio-economic and political systems last as

long as they do not outreach the moral sense--the sense of

righteousness and the sense of legitimacy of the vast

number of people.

Notes and References

Panini, Astadhyayi, 111, 2.124.

D. G. Tendulkar, Mahatma, Publications Division,

Government of India, New Delhi, Vol. 11, 1963, pp.

359-60.

Harijan, 23 March 1940. "I do not regard God as a

personu .

Steaphen Toulwin, Is this a F'undamental Problem in

Ethics?, in the Australasian Journal of Philosophy,

Sydney, Vol. 33, No. I, May 1955, p. 277.

M. K. Gandhi, Non-violence in Peace and War,

Navajivan, Ahmedabad 1949, p. 619.

D. M. Datta, The Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi,

Calcutta University, Calcutta, 2nd edition, 1953, p.

101.

K. Sachidananda Murthy, The Quest for Peace, Ajanta

Publications, New Delhi, 1986, p. 55.

V.L. Muller, Gandhi: Non-violence and Perfectibility,

Gandhi Marg, New Delhi, Vol. IV, No. 9, 1981, p. 528.

Hassina Sheik, The Ideal Nature of Man in the

Universe, Proceedings of the International

Philosophical Congress, Veneza, 12-18 September 1985,

p. 403.

cWm=, Vol. XXXII, p. 58.

Harijan. 28 September 1934, p. 259.

M. K. Gandhi, Speech at New Delhi, 24 September 1946.

G. Ramachandran, address to the Seminar on "Linking

Extension with University Curriculum", Gandhigram,

1984, p. xii.

Young India, 30 January 1930.

M . K . Gandhi , My Non-violence, Nava j ivan, Ahmedabad,

1960, p. 85.

This slogan highlights the idea that each and every

object of this earth belong to one and the same

family. This view point is the highly elevated

application of the concept of one family. Valued

from this, the global problems like world war, threat

of atom bombs can easily be solved.

Young India, 4 May 1921.

Young India, 21 October 1931.

Harijan, 2 January 1937.

Ramacharit Manas, VII, 20.1.

S . Radhakrishnan, Indian Philosophy, George Allen &

Unwin, London, Vol. 1, p. 482.

M. K. Gandhi, In Search of the Supreme, Navaj ivan,

Ahmedabad, Vol. 1, p. 221.

J. S. Mathur (ed.), Gandhian Thought and Contemporary

Society, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1974, p. 72.

Complete Works, Advaita Ashram, Calcutta, Vol. 11, p.

295.

Young India, 3 May 1922.

Bhikhu Parekh, Gandhi and the Regeneration of Indian

Civilisation, Gandhi Marg, New Delhi, October 1987,

p. 390.

CWMG, Vol. XXIII, Publications Division, 1961, p.

244.

J. J. Hans Bakker, Gandhian Values, Human Rights and

Development: Towards a Just Civilisation, Gandhi

Marg, 16 (1980), p. 211.

J. D. Seth, Gandhi Today, Vikas Fublishing House, New

Delhi, 1978, p. 66.

Bhikhu Parekh, Gandhi's Political Philosophy: A

Critical Examination, Macmillan & Company, London,

1989, p. 87.

Raghavan Iyer, The Moral and Political Writings of

Mahatma Gandhi, Oxford University Press, Madras,

Vol.11, 1986, p. 212.

M. K. Gandhi, Story of My Experiments with Truth

(ed.), J. T. Desai, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, p. 292.

Mahabharatha, 'Adiparva--Non-violence is the best

righteous act'.

J. B. Kripalini, Non-violent Revolution, Bharatiya

Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1952, p. 25.

B. R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi: Biography, Oxford

University Press, Madras, 1958, p. 515.

Naess A r n e , Gandhi and the Nuclear Age, New Jersey,

1965, p. 39.

G. Ramachandran and T. K. Mahadevan, Quest for

Gandhi, Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi, 1970, p.

449.

Jawaharlal Nehru,

40.

Bhikhu Parekh,

Unpublished paper,

An Autobiography,

Gandhi's Conce

New Delhi, 1987,

Gandhlji's presidential address at the Belgaum

Congress in presidential addresses, from the Silver

to the Golden Jubilee, 2nd series, Madras, 1934,

p. 745

Dr. T. S. Devadoss, Mahatma Gandhi, University of

Madras. 1983, p. 27.

M. K. Gandhi, Young India, 15 October 1925.

D. G. Tendulkar, Mahatma, The Publications Division,

Government of India, New Delhi, Vol. VII, 1945-47, p.

66.

M. K . Gandhi, Towards Lasting Peace, Bharatiya Vidya

Bhavan, Bombay, pp. 14-15.

Ibid. , p. 73.

Ibid . , p . 27 .

Ibid., p. 46.

Ibid., p. 64.

T. M. P. Mahadevan, ~ndia's Policy of Non-Alignment,

The Indian Year Book of International Affairs, Vol . 11, 1953, p. 246; See K. L. Shridharini, The

Philosophical Bases of India's Foreign Policy, India

Quarterly, 1958, Vol. XIV, p. 196.

The Hindu, 26 December 1955.

Nehru, The Indian Annual Register, Annual Register

Office, Calcutta, Vol. 11, 1947, pp. 252-53.

A former Foreign Secretary has pointed out: "The

principles of non-alignment . . . was accepted by the congress at the Haripura Session of Indian National

Congress (1939). The Resolution said, "India was

resolved to maintain friendly and cooperative

relations with all nations and avoided entanglement

in military and similar alliances which tend to

divide up the world into rival groups and thus

endanger world peace". See Subimol Dutt, With Nehru

in the Foreign Office, Calcutta, 1977, p. 22.

The Hindu, 20 December 1956.

Harper, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, New York,

1957, p. 266.

L . Nataraj an, Frcin Hiroshima to Bandung, A Survey of

American Policies in Asia, New Delhi, 1955, p. 176.

From the text of the joint statement of Marshall Tito

and Nehru on 23 December 1954, Foreign Policy of

India: Texts of Documents, 1947-49, p. 145.

M. K . Gandhi, Prom Yervada Mandir, Navaj ivan, 1957,

p. 10.

Harijan, 14 December 1936, p. 362.

Young India, 12 August 1926, p. 42.

Harijan, 5 September 1936, p. 87.

CWMG, Vol. XVIII, p. 133.

Harijan, 7 January 1939, p. 417.

The Constitution of India, Part IV, Articles 51 (a ) ,

b, C h d.

Member of the Constituent Assembly of India.

D. G . Tendulkar, Mahatma, Publications Division,

Government of India, 1963, Vol. VI, p. 597.

Member, Constituent Assembly of India.

D. G. Tendulkar, Mahatma, Vol. XII, Publications

Division, Government of India, p. 42.

Ibid.. p. 99.

D. G Tendulkar, Mahatma, Vol. XI, Publications

Division, pp. 992-93.