PoUcy Studies Journal, Vol. 23, No. 4,1995 (706-711)

Public or Private Schools? State orNational Curricula?: A Review of PolicyAlternatives for Achieving Excellence in AmericanEducation

Richard J. Hardy

Robert Lemer, Althea K. Nagai, and Stanley Rothman, Molding the Good Citizen:The PoUtics of High School History Texts. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1995.187 pp. $55.00 (cloUi), $17.95 (paper). ISBN 0-275-95100-6.

Elizabeth A. Kelly, Education, Democracy, and Public Knowledge. Boulder, CO:Westview Press, 1995. 186 pp. $49.95 (cloUi), $17.95 (paper). ISBN 0-8133-1633-2.

Diane Ravitch, National Standards in American Education: A Citizen's Guide.Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1995. 224 pp. ISBN 0-8157-7352-8.

Simon Hakim, Paul Seidenstat, and Gary W. Bowman (Eds.), Privatizing Education andEducational Choice: Concepts, Plans and Experiences. Westport, CT:Praeger, 1995. 248 pp. $59.95 (cloUi), $22.95 (paper). ISBN 0-275-95081-6.

Education long has been considered an essential foundation for a healthypolity. Aristotle, for example, stressed the critical linkage between education andpolitical stability when he noted, "All who have meditated on the art of govemingmankind have been convinced that the fate of empires depends on the education ofyouUi." Rousseau likewise observed that, "It is education that should put the nationalstamp on men's minds and give the direction to their opinions and tastes which willmake them patriots." And, Thcxnas Jefferson tmderscored the importance of educationwhen he noted, "If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, it expects what never wasand will never be."

Obviously, education serves many imp(Htant functions, as these early studentsof govemment realized. Among other things, education is expected to mold goodcitizens, instill loyalty and respect, teach proper deportment, contribute to communitycdiesion, and perpetuate the political culture. Additicmally, modem American educationis expected to teach basic skills, prq)are citizens for the job market, make our nationglobally competitive, and serve as a mechanism for social leveling. As Gunnar Myrdalnoted, "Education has in America's whole history been the major hope for theindividual and society."

However, since the 1983 publication of A Nation at Risk: The Imperative forEducational Reform^ it has become evident increasingly that America's educationalsystem may be in need of a complete overhaul. This 36-page report, issued by the{H'esident's blue-ribbon National Commission on Excellence in Education, wamed that"Our nation is at risk. The educational fotmdations of our society are presentiy beingeroded by a rising tide of mediocrity. If an unfriendly foreign power had attempted toimpose on America the mediocre educational performance that exists today, we mightwell have viewed it as an act of war. We have, in effect, been committing an act ofunilateral educational disarmament. History is not kind to idlers."

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The National Commission chronicled the precipitous decline in SAT sccxes onreading, science, and maUi, and demonstrated how American students consistenUy rankednear the bottom on academic ^hievement tests given in 21 countries. As evidence ofthis declii^, the commissicHi reported that 13% of American 17-year-olds and 40% of allminority youths were functionally illiterate. The commission noted further that nearly40% of all 17-year-olds could not draw inferences from written material, and nearly one-Uiird cotild not solve math problems requiring more than one step.

To Stem this "tide of mediocrity," the National Commission recommendedstiffer high school graduation requirements, higher achievement standards, greaterattention to leaming basics, better training and pay for teachers, and increased citizeninvolvement. Fortunately, Uiis battie cry for educational reform did not fall completelyon deaf ears. A Nation at Risk helped catapult education to a lofty position on Uiepublic agenda, and it engendered myriad reforms at all levels of govemment.Unfortunately, education in America still is in a state of fiux, as policymakers appear tobe steering a straight course in all directions.

While most lawmakers, educaticmal professi(Hials, and concemed citizens agreewith the National Commission's worthy goal of achieving educational excellence,heated debate continues unabated over the requisite policies for attaining this goal. Ingeneral, this debate centers on two central issues: (a) Should education be public orprivate?; and (b) Should educational standards be set by the state govemments or thenational govemment?

TTie first issue is whether our nation would be served better by injecting moreresources into the public educational system or by allowing greater privatization ofeducation. Those who espouse revitalization of public education generally stress theimportance of equality. Public education advocates argue that only a public educationcan guarantee equal treatment for all children, and that cmly a truly public education canexpose children to the rich ethnic and cultural diversity that makes up America. Thosewho espouse privatization of education, however, stress the importance of liberty.According to this view, all parents should have the freedom to chose which school isbest for their children, and that the competition for education dollars will result in amare efficient and effective system.

The second issue centers on the age-old question of federalism. On the onehand, there are those who maintain that education in the United States should be theexclusive preserve of the states. Those who favor decentralization point out that thefederal, one-size-fits-all approach is stifiing and unworkable, and that, left free fromWashington's interference, the innovation and diffusion of state and local policy willredound in significant improvements. The emphasis thus is on competition. On theother hand, there are those who look at the uneven quality of educati(Mi among the statesand believe it is time for nationally-normed standards. Those advocating thenationalization of education curricula stress the need for tmiformity through equaleducational opportunities.

The purpose of this essay is to review four recent, and very thought-provoking, monogr^hs and/or readers on American education policy using the abovecriteria. Although all four texts examine different aspects of education policy,nevertheless they can be examined on the basis of their proclivity to espouse either thepublic/fHivate or centralizedl/decentralized approaches to educational reform.

The first book examined is Molding the Good Citizen: The PoUtics of HighSchool History Texts, by Robert LmiCT, AlUiea K. Nagai, and Stanley RoUiman. Thestudy was sponsored by Uie Center for the Study of Social and Political Change atSmith College, and was funded, in part, by grants from the Bradly, Olin, and EarhartFoundations. Among the key questions addressed arc: "Do schools exist to transmit

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the values of parents, the local community, or the nation? Should schools reflect thevalues of the education professions whose members are trained and shaped by teachers'colleges? Finally, to what extent do education professionals impact the content of civicbodes?"

Lemer, Nagai, and Rothman open by discussing the importance of civiceducation, its role in developing a shared civic ethos, and the politics surroundingtextbook content. According to the authors, textbook selection represents "thecrossroads of confiict among parents' groups, local communities, national values, andvalues of educators." The authors' primary concem, however, is the evolutionarychange of secondary history texts. Unlike previous studies, which concentratedprimarily upon the polarization of political "outsiders" (concemed parents, educationinterest groups) and "insiders" (teachers, unions, administrators) over textbook adoption,Uiis study concentrates on "the development of the professional eUios of Uie educationalprofession, which has led to increasing educator-initiated attempts to alter curricula andchange textbooks" (p. 3). More specifically, the researchers quantitatively analyzechanges in 15 leading high-school American history textbodcs from the 1940s Uiroughthe late 1980s, to determine what impact, if any, professional educators had upontextbook content.

The authors trace the transformation of history textbooks as an instmment ofsocial change by contrasting education curricula during the 1940s with the socialactivism of the 1960s. For example. Chapter 4 reveals how dramatically textbookshave changed their treatment of women. In the early period, women were treatedperipherally, but in the later period, Uieir role was "expanded and glorified." Similarly,Chapter 5 delineates the significant changes in the textbook treatment of racial andethnic minorities. During the period, racial and eUinic minorities "moved to the centerstage" as textbooks began emphasizing their mistreatment. The catchwords of today'stextbooks have become "multiculturalism," "diversity," and "Eurocentrism."

The authors also expose the numerous ways in which educators' biases havecrept into historical accounts. Chapter 6 notes how Uie treatment of European culturehas gone from positive to negative light. According to Lemer, Nagai, and Rothman,"Columbus discovers America, and it is a marvelous thing," has given way to"Columbus lands in America, and native cultures are wiped ouL" In Chapter 7, theauthors reveal how capitalism and corporate leaders are portrayed increasingly in anunfiattering light, while liberal ideas are treated in a very serious fashion. Chapter 8analyzes the changing textbook portrayal of the American president. Contemporarytextbooks tend to stress the flaws and limitations of the chief executive, in contrast toearlier periods that praised presidents—especially those of the liberal-Progressive era.

Chapter 9 concludes by summarizing the findings and offering someconcluding remarks. The upshot is that the education profession has had a distinctimpact on the nationalization and liberalization of high-school textbook content. Theauthors note, "As this volume demonstrates, the outcome of the attempt to createnational standards should come as no surprise. The rewriting of American history, byreading a 'Progressive' present into it, has been going on for some time in the schools,and is likely to continue with what we believe will be important consequences—that,indeed, is what our story is about."

Molding the Good Citizen is a very enlightening, stimulating study, written inthe genre of Allan Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind (Simon and Schuster,1987). This book is a must read for anyone interested in the growing politicization andpolarization of high-school curricula. As a high-school textbook author {Governmentin America^ Houghton Mifflin), I also can attest to the myriad political constraints onefeels when writing a general-audience text In the future, the authors might do well to

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examine the role that the publishing industry puts upon the authors. After all,publishers are in the business to make a profit, and they are unlikely to invest moneyin a textbook that will be too controversial. Finally, the authors leave unanswo-ed thenagging question—Is it better to have a national curriculum, with all its "liberal"biases, or a decentralized curriculum, in which individual states or the private sectorrewrite texts to suit their local clientele and ccmstituents?

The second book examined is Elizabeth A. Kelly's Education, Democracy, andPublic Knowledge. In contrast to the previous authors. Professor Kelly takes adecidedly normative, propublic, and "leftist" approach to educational curricula. As hertide implies, Kelly's primary concem is the interaction between public education,participatory govemment, and public knowledge. She defines "public knowledge" as"whatever people need to know in order to exercise their rights fully and fulfill theirresponsibilities as citizens within a democratic polity" (p. 5).

Professor Kelly examines education from a very personal perspective. Thethrust of her disquisition is to describe "the education I ought to have had, as opposed tothe one that I did have." Kelly begins by tracing some of her defining moments fromgrade school through college, and recalls how bright young women, such as herself,often are discouraged from asserting themselves in a "man's world." States Kelly, "Iwrite as a white, working-class woman who, as bell hooks would put it, 'advocatesfeminism"' (p. 3). She notes further, "I am a survivor, a skilled navigator of thissystem, but I will never partake fully of the powerful draughts it has to offer."

Paradoxically, the author believes that education promotes both hopes andfrustrations. In her words, "On Uie one hand, education has been looked on by many inthe United States as a key to both upward mobility and the creation of civicconsciousness, the collective entitlement of a democratic polity. On Uie other hand, oureducational system, with its vast complex of institutions and practices, often has servedto circumscribe choice and replicate class distinctions along lines of economic powerand privilege."

Kelly next offers data to show the growing polarization of rich and poor, andargues Uiat efforts to privatize education through voucher plans will only exacerbate Uieschism. "Such responses," she writes, "are disturbing demonstrations of the power ofprivate capitalistic relations to coopt democracy and its public process." To remedythese inequities, Kelly looks to "a socialist theoretical tradition" in which all citizensare treated equally. States Kelly, 'The very forms of knowledge central to democraticpolitics are only available wiUiin a thoroughly public and democratic educationalprocess that is relentlessly egalitarian and universally available." Note the emphasis onpublic education and equality.

Education, Democracy, and PubUc Knowledge represents a very esoteric andhighly theoretical work couched in Marxist and feminist terminology. From thisperspective, one would believe that our present educational woes are Uie product ofwealthy white, male capitalists imposing their wills upon the disadvantaged—^namely,women and ethnic minorities. And the only way to remedy the situation, from Kelly'sview, is to create a public education that gtiarantees everyone equality of condition.This book definitely will challenge your Uiinking, but the likelihood it will be read bya lawmaker, let alone redound in public policy, is between slim and none. Most,however, would agree with the author's own assessment that, "Yes, this is a Utopianvision" (p. 9).

The third book reviewed is National Standards in American Education: ACitizen's Guide, by Diane Raviteh, formerly assistant to Secretary of Education LamarAlexander in the Bush administration. During her 18-monUi stint in the Department ofEducation (DOE), Raviteh served as advocate for Goals 2000, Uie national standards and

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assessment movement After leaving DOE, she wrote this book at the Brown Centerfor Education Policy, with funding from the Mellon and Pew Foundations, withsupport of the Brookings Institution. Although writing firom an "inside's" po'spective,Ravitch attempts to take a step back and examine Uiis controversial reform movement,now advocated by the Clinton administration.

The key questions addressed in this study are: "What shotild Americansknow?," and "How should they have teamed it?" Framed with these questions, Ravitehthen explores myriad edt^aticmal problems and some potential solutions. She discussesthe decline in student performance levels in math, science, and reading, and underscoresthe growing gap in achievement levels confronting racial and ethnic minorities.According to Ravitch, these educational deficiencies are national problems that willreqtiire national solutions.

Raviteh believes that part of the solution rests with raising standards andsetting high^ achievement levels for all studoits—^not just the brightest. "Nations thatestablish national standards," she states, "do so to ensiu'e equality of education as wellas higher achievement." Note, again, the emphasis on equality. The author quips that,while Americans expect high national standards for just about everything else—milk,meat, canned goods, automobiles, highways, and clothes—scant attention has beengiven to establishing national standards for education. And that is what Goals 2000 isall about

Goals 2(X)0 represents a bipartisan effort by professional educators, businessleaders, govonors, and legislators to solve America's educational woes and make theUnited States globally competitive by establishing national goals and timetables. Theproposed policy states, in part, that "By the year 2000: All children in America willstart school ready to leam [and] the high-school graduation rate will increase to at least90 percent All students wUl leave grades 4,8, and 12 having demonstrated competencyover challenging subject matter including English, mathematics, science, foreignlangtiages, civics and govemment, economics, arts, history, and geography.... UnitedStates students will be first in the world in mathematics and science achievement....Every adult American will be literate and will possess the knowledge and skillsnecessary to compete in a global economy.... Every school in the United States will befree of drugs, violence, and the presence of unauthorized firearms and alcohol and willoffer a disciplined environment ccmducive to leaming."

But, are these lofty goals attainable? Ravitch recognizes that it is easier tostate Goals 2(X)0 than to achieve it. The major stumbling block is the lack ofwidespread agreement on what Americans expect from education and what they arewilling to do to meet those standards. Some see Goals 2000 as an attempt by "biggovemment" to abridge the reserved powers of state and local govemments. Manyconservatives see Goals 2000 as a "conspiracy" by liberals to impose their values and(feprive citizens of their liberty to choose what schools their children will attend.

In sum, this book is a must for anyone wanting to tinderstand more aboutGoals 2(X)0 and the debate over national standards and assessment. Professor Ravitchunderstands both politics and policy. She is able to draw upon her vast practicalexperience and to present it in a theoretical context. Although it contains a definiteinstitutional bias, nevertheless it is well-organized, lucid, and easy to read.

The final work examined is Privatizing Education and Educational Choice:Concepts, Plans and Experiences, edited by three economists from Temple University—Simon Hakim, Paul Seidenstat, and Gary W. Bowman. The central focus of thisanthology is the extent to which govemments are able to improve the level and qtialityof education in the United States. The editors believe that, "In order to determine theeffectiveness of government interventions it is necessary to analyze the reasons that lead

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to poor education. Once the reasons are identified, the relative importance of eachreason can be addressed. When the reasons and their relative impcntance are known,solutions can be developed to address the problem" (p. 2). Because the editors recognizethat no single solution seems possible, "a combination of policies may be necessary toimprove students' educational attainments" (p. 2). The purpose of this book is toexamine some of Uiose altemative educational policies.

This read^ contains 14 articles organized into Uiree parts. Part I—Concq)ts—includes: "An Economic View of the Effectiveness of Public and Private Schools," byDavid Beers and Jerry Ellig; "Why Educational Choice: The Florida Experience," byTom Feeney; "Private School Choice: An Ineffective Path to Educational Reform," byAlbert Shanker and Bella Rosenberg; and "Public Schools by Contr£K;t: An Altemativeto Privatization," by Paul Hill. Part II—Altemative Plans—contains: "ThreePrivatization Schools," by Tom Kean; "Redesigning the Financing of AmericanEducation to Raise Productivity—^The Case for a Just Vouchw," by Pete Cookson; "A'GI Bill' for Educating All Children," by Pierre duPont; "Blending Uie NeighborhoodSchool Tradition with 'Choice Within School,'" by Emest Boyer; and "PrivatizingHigher Education," by Kevin Sotheimer. Part III—^Experiences— includes: "TheEvaluation of the New Hampshire Plan: An Early Voucher System," by John Menge;"The Milwaukee Choice Program," by Thomas HeUand; "A Public-Private Partnership:South Pointe Elementary School of Dade County, Florida," by Thomas Peeler andPatricia Parham; "Making Choice an Option for All Parents, East Harlem, New York,"by William Ubinas; and "Public Choice in Minnesota," by Michael Rubenstein andNancy Adelman.

As these tiUes suggest, this reader examines a gallimaufry of policyaltematives for dealing with America's educational woes. Among the many topicsdiscussed include the pros and cons of voucher systems, magnet schools, charterschools, interdistrict and intradistrict plans, parochial schools, prep schools, homeschooling, and Afrocentric schools. This book is well-balanced and very informative.It can be of value to school board members, state legislators, education administrators,and concemed citizens alike.

In conclusion, the purpose of this review was to examine four newmonographs/readers on American education policies. Like the proverbial "blind menand the elephant," it is obvious that these writers view American education problemsfrom entirely different perspectives. Some Uiink Uie solution to our education ills restswith restoring public ^ucation, while others see privatization and competition as theanswer. Additionally, some see the need to nationalize curricula and maintain uniformstandards and assessment. Still oUiers hold firm in the belief that education is theexclusive p^serve of the state and local govemments, and that freedom is preferable toequality. Whatever your perspective on education, take a look at these four i^w books.

***

Richard J. Hardy is associate professor in the Department of PoliticalScience at the University of Missouri-Columbia.

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