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Conversations with the Dead: Quevedo and Statius, Annotation and Imitation

Author(s): Hilaire Kallendorf and Craig KallendorfSource: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 63 (2000), pp. 131-168Published by: The Warburg InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/751524 .

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CONVERSATIONS

WITH THE DEAD:

QUEVEDO

AND

STATIUS,

ANNOTATION

AND

IMITATION*

Hilaire

Kallendorf

and

Craig Kallendorf

Retired in the peace of these deserts

With few

books,

but learned

ones,

I

live

in

conversation with the

dead,

And

I

listen with

my eyes

to the

deceased...'

A

lthough

the

poet,

satirist,

humanist and

patriot

Francisco

de

Quevedo

(1580-1645)

may

have owned

as

many

as five thousand

books,

only

sixteen volumes

bearing

his

signature

have been found

to

date.2 Some

of

them are

annotated,"

allowing

us on

occasion

to witness

Quevedo's

responses

to his

literary predecessors

as he

began

to

shape

his

*

We would like to thank the

following

scholars at

Princeton for their assistance with various

aspects

of

this

project:

Steve

Ferguson,

Alban

Forcione,

Anthony

Grafton,

Paul Needham and Ronald Surtz. We would

also like to thank the Readers of this

Journal

for

their comments on an earlier

draft,

and

Ian

Donaldson

and

Jos6

Martinez-Torrej6n

for

bibliographical

advice.

In

addition,

we wish

to thank Fausto

Roldin

at the

Fundaci6n

Bartolom6

March Servera

for

his kind assist-

ance.

Finally,

we are

grateful

to the

Woodrow

Wilson

Foundation for the Goheen Prize awarded to Hilaire

Kallendorf,

which funded travel to

Naples

to

study

Quevedo's

manuscript

in

the Biblioteca Nazionale.

i. 'Retirado en la

paz

de estos desiertos

/

con

pocos,

pero

doctos

librosjuntos,

/vivo

en conversaci6n con

los

difuntos,

/y

escucho

con

mis

ojos

a

los

muertos...'

Francisco de

Quevedo

y

Villegas,

'Desde la torre'

(c.

1637),

in

his

Poesia

original completa,

d.

J.

M.

Blecua,

Barcelona

1996,

p.

98,

no.

131.

2.

In

the

years

after his

death,

Quevedo's

library

was broken

up

and

ultimately

dispersed.

While he was

imprisoned

in

the convent

of

San Marcos

in

Le6n for

four

years,

after

the Count-Duke

Olivares accused

him

of being an enemy of the Spanish government and a

confidante of

France,

his books were

kept

in

the care

of Francisco de

Oviedo,

Juan

de Molina and a cleric

named Guerrero. On

18

and

19

April

1646,

Pedro

Aldrete,

the

designated

heir

to

Quevedo's

books and

papers,

took

away

176

books,

some of

which he

may

have sold. The

remaining

books were

probably

at

Quevedo's

estate,

La Torre de

Juan

Abad,

or

in

the

possession

of the Duke of

Medinaceli,

in

whose house

Quevedo

had

stayed

before his

imprisonment.

In

April

1647,

part

of

Quevedo's

library

went from

Madrid

to

Seville and then on to

Sanlficar

to the

Duke

of

Medinaceli,

who

had sent

for

the

books

of

his

dead

friend.

They

remained

in

Sanlficar

until

1697,

when

the convent

of

San Martin

in

Madrid

purchased 1471

books which had been in

the duke's

library;

but there is

no

way

of

telling

how

many

had been in

Quevedo's

collection and

how

many

had

entered the

library

from

other

sources.

In

the

20oth

century

Bartolom6

March

acquired

some

of

the books

directly

from

the

Medina-

celi

family,

part

of

whose

library

he

bought

before

he

established

the Fundaci6n March.

Some

of

the

books

from

the convent of

San Martin went to the

Biblioteca

Nacional,

Madrid.

See

F. C. R.

Maldonado,

'Algunos

datos sobre la

composici6n

y dispersi6n

de la

biblioteca

de

Quevedo',

Homenaje

a la

memoria de Don

Antonio

Rodriguez-Mon-ino,

91io-i97o,

Madrid

1975,

PP-

405-

28;

A.

Martinengo,

La

astrologia

en

la

obra de

Quevedo:

Una

clave

de

lectura,

Madrid

1983,

pp.

173-4;

and

'Testa-

mento

y

codicilo de

Francisco de

Quevedo

Villegas',

Quevedo y

su

familia

en

setecientos documentos

notariales

(1567-1724),

ed.

J.

O.

Crosby

and P.

Jauralde

Pou,

Madrid

1992,

p.

357.

Fifteen volumes

bearing

Quevedo's

signature

are listed

in

Maldonado,

pp.

406-7

n.

6;

to

this

list should be

added the work

by

Aristotle

discussed

by

L.

L6pez Grigera

in

Anotaciones

de

Quevedo

a

la

Retdrica

de

Arist6teles,

Salamanca

1998.

3.

Fourteen of

these annotated

volumes are

printed

editions of

other

authors:

Pindar,

Aristophanes,

Aristotle,

Theodosius

of

Tripoli,

Seneca, Florus, Dante,

Thomas

More,

Flaminio

Nobili,

Giovanni

Battista

Armenini,

Fernando de

Herrera,

Joseph Scaliger,

Gabriele Zinano

and Petrus

Antonius. Two

more

volumes

bearing

Quevedo's

autograph

notes are

versions

(one

a

copyist's manuscript,

one a

printed

edition)

of

his

own Carta a Luis

XIII.

These

notes

presumably

reflect,

at least

in

large part,

additions and

corrections

to his

own text.

Only

a few of

Quevedo's

annotations

have been

published

and

discussed.

In

JOURNAL

OF THE

WARBURG AND

COURTAULD

INSTITUTES,

LXIII,

2000

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132

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND

CRAIG

KALLENDORF

own works in

conversation with his

sources.

We are now able

to add a

seventeenth book

to this

list-a

1502

Aldine Statius

in

the

Princeton

University Library-which

along

with

Quevedo's

signature

also

contains a

significant

number of annotations in

his

hand.4

Scholars have previously concluded that Quevedo must have known Statius. Editors

from

Pedro

Aldrete

to

Jose

Manuel

Blecua,

for

example,

have

cited

parallels

between

Statius's Thebaid

and two or

three

of

Quevedo's

poems;5

and Ricardo

Senabre has discussed

the

relationship

between the

Thebaid

and

Quevedo's

'Poema

heroico a Cristo

resucitado'

at some

length."

Statius's Silvae

are also a

logical

source for

Quevedo's

own

Silvas.

James

the first

Aguilar

edition of

Quevedo's

Obras

completas

(Madrid

1932),

Luis

Astrana

Marin

included most

of

Quevedo's

annotations to

Fray

Juan

de Herrera and

Seneca and some marginalia from his copy of Flaminio

Nobili's Trattato

dell'amore

hunmano.

These

annotations

were

excluded,

however,

from

the second

Aguilar

edition

(1941-3).

For

Quevedo's

annotated

copy

of

Dante's Divine

Comedy

see

R.

Cacho

Casal,

'Quevedo

y

su lectura de la Divina

commedia',

Voz

y

letra,

Ix,

1998,

PP. 53-75.

H.

Ettinghausen, 'Quevedo Marginalia:

His

Copy

of

Florus's

"Epitome"',

Modern

Language

Review,

lix,

1964,

PP-

391-8,

transcribes

all

of

the

marginalia

in

Quevedo's

Florus and shows

how

these

annotations

reveal

their

author's nationalistic sentiments.

In

Quevedo's

Defensa

de

Epicuro

(Barcelona

1635),

many

quotations

from

Seneca

correspond

to

passages

which

he had marked

'Epicuro'

in

his

copy

of Seneca's

Opera;

see

Ettinghausen,

p.

393.

P.

Komanecky,

'Quevedo's

Notes on

Herrera',

Bulletin

of

Hispanic

Studies,

III,

1975,

pp.

123-33,

shows how

Quevedo's

marginalia

in his

copy

of Herrera's

poetry prove

that

he

used this

material when

he

wrote the

prologue

to his own edition

of

Francisco de

la

Torre's works. For brief

discussions

of other books

bearing

Quevedo's

signature

and at

least one

of

his

marginal

notes see also F.

L6pez

Estrada,

'Quevedo

y

la

Utopia

de

Tomis

Moro',

Artas

del

Congreso

Internarional

de

Hispanistas,

Mexico

City

1967,

pp.

403-9;

P.

Astrom,

'Un

volume

de

la

bibliotheque

de

Quevedo',

Bulletin du Musie

hongrois

des beaux-arts,

Budapest

1959,

pp.

34-8:

and

M.

Gendreau-Massaloux,

'Humanisme et

mathematiques:

Quevedo

lecteur de

Th6odose

de

Tripoli',

L

'Humanisme

dans les

lettres

espa-

gnoles: Colloque

international

d'ftudes humnanistes

(Tours

1976),

Paris

1979, pp. 311-26

(this

last article assumes

some

marginal

annotations to

be

Quevedo's

which,

upon

examination of

the

plates,

we find

not to

be

his;

for

a

similar criticism see F.

de

Quevedo,

Virtud

militante:

Contra las

quatro pestes

del

mundo,

invidia,

ingratitud,

sober-

bia,

avarizia,

ed.

A.

Rey,

Santiago

de

Compostela

1985,

p.

65

n.

10

bis).

Finally,

see the

splendid

discussion of

Quevedo's annotations to Aristotle's Rhetoric

in

L6pez

Grigera

(as

in

n.

2).

4.

Statius,

Sylvarum

libri

quinque,

Thebaidos libri

duo-

decim,

Achilleidos

duo,

Venice

15o2;

Princeton,

University

Library,

shelf-mark

Ex

2926.1502;

all

quotations

from

Statius will be taken from

this volume. The fate of the

book after

Quevedo's

death is known at least

in

part:

it went to the convent of San Martin, as is proven by

'C.

1566'

on

the

title-page

of

the

Orthographia,

where

Quevedo

also

signed

his name

(see

Fig.

68).

For

a

book

of

Quevedo's

bearing

a similar

marking

see his

copy

of

J. J.

Scaliger,

Yvonis

Villiomari Aremorici.

In

loros

contro-

versos R. Titii

Animnadversorum

iber;

[Heidelberg] 159-7,

now

Madrid,

Biblioteca

Nacional

R/23842

(cited

by

Maldonado,

as

in

n.

2,

p.

4o7

n.

6);

other

examples

are

R/3693,

R/3oo-o

and

R/642.

The

library

stamp

is

mostly undecipherable

but

begins

with

'BIBL',

an ab-

breviation

of

'Biblioteca',

and ends

with

'n'.

We

do not

believe the

'n'

could be the last letter of

'S.

Martin',

since none of the

four

books in

the Biblioteca Nacional

in

Madrid which

belonged

to

Quevedo

and were

in the

Convento de San

Martin

bears a similar

stamp.

We

do

not

know

precisely

when the book

came

into the hands

of

Junius

Spencer Morgan

(1867-1932),

whose name

also ends

with

'n'

but who did not use a

library

stamp

for

the volumes

in

his collection. The book bears the

library

accession number

'169437'

and

the

date

stamp

'December

10,

1902'

on

sig.

a2r,

which at

least

tells

us

when

Morgan,

nephew

of

the financier and a

major

benefactor

of

Princeton

University Library,

donated it.

5.

See Francisco de

Quevedo,

Obra

poitica,

ed.

J.

M.

Blecua,

3

vols,

Madrid

1969--7

1

,

pp.

458,

672.

6.

Although

Quevedo

does not

appear

to have

imitated Statius's

epic

directly

as

he

did the

Silvae,

scholars

had

already begun

to

surmise that

Quevedo

must

have read the

Thebaid and

that

certain

meta-

phors

from it

influenced two or three of his

poems.

R.

Senabre,

'De

Quevedo

a

Estacio',

in II

Homenaje

a

Quevedo

(Actas

de

la

II

Academia Literaria Renacen-

tista),

ed.

V.

Garcia

de la

Concha,

Salamanca

1982,

pp.

315-22, speculates

about

Quevedo's

sonnets

'Al

bast6n

que

le vistes en la

mano',

'NVes

con

el

polvo

de la lid

sangrienta...?'

and

'Es

una dulce

voz

tan

poderosa'.

Senabre

is

definitely

on

the

wrong

track

in

his conjecture that Quevedo might have used

a

Spanish

translation of

Statius's

Thebaid

by Juan

de

Arjona.

But

he

is

right

both

generally

about the

'cristianizaci6n

de

temas,

mitos e ideas de

origen pagano

caracteristica

de

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

133

0.

Crosby

and

Lia Schwartz

have

provided

a definitive

analysis

of the close

relationship

between Statius's 'Somnus' and

Quevedo's

imitation,

'El

suefio';

and Manuel

Angel

Candelas Colodr6n has

recently suggested

(though

without

offering proof

or

elaboration)

that four other silvas by Quevedo might have had Statian models.7 The discovery of

Quevedo's

annotated

copy

of Statius confirms such

conclusions;

but it also

permits

us to

pursue

the

matter at

greater

length

than was

possible

previously.

It is difficult to

say exactly

when

or

where

Quevedo

acquired

the Princeton

volume,"

but a

survey

of the

writings

of

Quevedo

and

his

contemporaries

reveals that he had

a

longstanding

interest

in

Statius

and his

poetry.

We

know

from

Lope

de

Vega's

detailed

description

of the

literary atmosphere

at court

in

16o8-9

that in this

early, philologically

oriented

phase

of

his

career,

Quevedo

made

no secret of his ambitious

project

of

imitating

Statius.

In

a letter

in

verse

from

16o8

or

the

beginning

of

16og,

to

Gregorio

de

Angulo,

the

regidor

of

Toledo,

Lope

wrote:

You will see another

Francisco,

who renews

With a more divine

style

than that of Statius

The

Silvas,

where he

already

tries to

surpass

him.

If I

had

here the wit

for

it,

or the

space,

I

would

paint

Quevedo

for

you,

but

I

cannot

..."

In

Quevedo's

Anacreon

castellano,

inished about this same

time,

Statius

figures prominent-

ly

in

a list of undervalued classical

poets:

'Homer,

Vergil,

Statius and

Hesiod,

of

whom

Anacre6n

says tacitly

that

many

praise

them,

and few understand

them,

and

fewer read

them,

because

they

lack

the

beauty, joyfulness

and

brevity

of the

lyric poets

...'10

Six

silvas

of

Quevedo

appear

in

the

Segunda parte

de las

flores

de

poetas

ilustres

collected

by

Juan

Quevedo'

and

specifically

about

Quevedo's

borrowings

from

the

Thebaid.

More

recent,

but

also

misguided,

speculation

about

which

edition

of

Statius

Quevedo

might

have used

may

be

found in

P.

Jauralde

Pou,

'Las

silvas de

Quevedo',

La

silva,

ed. B.

L6pez

Bueno,

Seville

and

C6rdoba

1991, p. 171.

7.

See

J.

O.

Crosby

and

L.

Schwartz,

'La

silva

"El

suefio" de

Quevedo:

Genesis

y

revisiones',

Bulletin

of

Hispanic

Studies,

LXIII,

1986,

pp.

111-26;

M. A. Candelas

Colodr6n,

Las silvas de

Quevedo, Vigo

1997,

p.

i15.

Candelas

Colodr6n's discussion is

brief,

amounting

to

just

one

page

within

his

chapter

on

Quevedo's

sources

(he

also identifies

Horace,

Seneca,

Theocritus,

Vergil,

Propertius

and

Petronius).

He

compares

Quevedo's

'Este de

los demas sitios Narciso' to

Statius's

Silvae,

1.3,

'Villa Tiburtina Manilii

Vopisci';

Quevedo's

'De

tu

peso

vencido' to Statius's

Silvae,

11.3,

'Arbor Atedii

Melioris';

Quevedo's

'?C6mo

pudiera

ser hecho

pia-

doso'

to

Statius's

Silvae,

111.4,

'Capelli

Flavi

Earini';

and

Quevedo's

'Al tronco

y

a

la fuente' to

Statius's

Silvae,

II.4,

'Psittacus eiusdem'.

8. The

inventory

of his

father's books at the time

of

his death

(see

Crosby andJauralde

Pou,

as in n.

2,

pp.

240-1)

shows that

Quevedo

did not inherit his

copy

of

Statius

from him.

Quevedo

was made a

knight

of the

Order

of

Santiago

on

29

December

1617,

and,

accord-

ing

to Cacho Casal

(as

in

n.

3),

p.

6o,

henceforth he

always

signed

his

name

with

this title. We

may

thus

speculate

that he

acquired

the book

before the end

of

1617.

For more

speculation

regarding

his

acquisition

of the volume see

below,

n.

18.

9.

'Vereis otro

Francisco,

que

renueva

/

Con mis

divino estilo

que

el de Estacio / Las Silvas, donde

ya

A vencerle

prueba.

/

Si

aqui

tuviera

ingenio,

si

aqui

espacio,

/

Yo

os

pintara

i

Quevedo,

mas no

puedo...

Lope

Felix

de

Vega

y Carpio, 'Epistola

al

Doctor

Gregorio

de

Angulo,

Regidor

de

Toledo',

Colecci6n

de

obras no

dramdticas,

ed. C.

Rosell,

Madrid

1856,

pp.

416-

17.

The

letter was

first

published

in

Lope

de

Vega's

La

Filomena,

in

1621.

lo.

'Homero,

Virgilio,

Estacio

y

Hesfodo,

de

quien

ticitamente

dice

que

los

alaban

muchos,

y

los entien-

den

pocos, y

los

leen

menos,

por

faltarles

la hermosura

y alegria,

y

brevedad de

los

liricos...'

Cited

byJauralde

Pou, 'Las

silvas

de

Quevedo' (as

in n.

6), p. 173;

from

Francisco de

Quevedo,

Obras

completas,

ed.

F.

Buendia,

2

vols,

6th

edn,

Madrid

1932,

repr. 1974-8,

11,

Obras

en

verso,

p. 737-

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134

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND

CRAIG

KALLENDORF

Antonio

Calder6n.

We can infer

from

this that

Quevedo

had initiated

his

project

of

imi-

tating

Statius

in

or

before

161

1.11

The

next

contemporary

reference to

Quevedo's

silvas

appears

in

a brief sentence

in

Bartolome

Jimenez

Pat6n's Mercurius

Trismegistus

1618),

where the author alludes to 'Don Francisco de Quevedo in his seventh silva, to the man

who

was

digging

the

gold

mine.'12

Thus,

by

1618

there

were

at least

seven

silvas,

which

were

arranged

in

a deliberate

sequence.

This

dating

places

much of

Quevedo's

early

work on

the silvas

in his

Italian

period,

1613-18.

During

that time

he

was

part

of the

Accademia

degli

Oziosi in

Naples'3-an

appropriate setting

in

which to

work

on the

poems

of

the

Neapolitan

Statius.

Moreover,

Naples,

Biblioteca Nazionale MS

XIV.E.46,

the other document

pertinent

to

Quevedo's

silvas

identified

by

modern

scholars,

confirms this

chronology.14

Two-thirds

of

Quevedo's

silvas

appear

in this

codex,

though

not

in

their final

form,

for

there are

signs

of

authorial

revision,

a

process

that was

to

go

on for

decades.

In

1624,

after

his

return to

Spain,

Quevedo

wrote,

in

a

letter to Don

Juan

de la Sal:

'Let

them

carry

on,

for

I shall return on

account

of

my melancholy

to the

Silvas,

where

sentiment and

study help

me.'

15

We believe

that

Quevedo

was

referring

here

to

his own

poems

written

in

imitation

of

Statius. The

hypothesis

that

he

was

reading, annotating

and

imitating

Statius

during

this

period

is

strengthened by

a later reference to what

he

called

the

Silvas

of

Statius:

in

his

dedicatory

letter

(written

in

1629)

to

his edition

of

the works

of

Fray

Luis de

Le6n,

Quevedo

not

only

mentions

Silvae,

v.3,

but also

quotes

line

157.1"

His

work

on

the silvas

continued

during

his

final

years;

indeed,

it is well known that

in

1645,

as he

lay dying,

Quevedo

was still

collecting

and

revising

his

poems

for

publication.

It seems clear, then, that the poetry of Statius occupied Quevedo's attention for more

than

thirty-five

years.

Examination of the

ink

and

handwriting

of

the annotations in the

i1.

Calder6n's dedication

to the

Segunda

parte

de

las Flores de

poetas

ilustres

is

dated

24

December

161

i1.

The

manuscript

was

first

published

in

Seville

in

1896

by

Juan Quir6s

de

los Rfos and Francisco

Rodrfguez

Marfn;

references to

that

edition

in this article

retain

the

original orthography.

12.

'Don

Francisco

de

Queuedo

en su setima

Sylua,

al

que

cababa la mina de

oro'. This

reference

from

Jimenez Pat6n is quoted in M. del Carmen Rocha de

Sigler,

Francisco

de

Quevedo:

Cinco

silvas,

Salamanca

1994,

pp.

95-6,

a

refreshing

attempt

to view

Quevedo's

silvas

as a

unified

body

of

poetry.

See also

M.

A.

Candelas

Colodr6n,

'Las

silvas

de

Quevedo',

in

Estudios

sobre

Quevedo:

Quevedo

desde

Santiago

entre

dos

aniversarios,

ed.

S.

Fernandez

Mosquera, Santiago

de

Compostela

1995,

pp.

161-85.

13.

F. Fernandez

Murga,

'Francisco

de

Quevedo,

academico

ocioso',

in

Garcfa de

la

Concha,

ed.

(as

in

n.

6),

p.

51.

14.

Quevedo's

direct

involvement

in

the

production

of

this

manuscript

was established

by

H.

Ettinghausen,

'Un

nuevo manuscrito

aut6grafo

de

Quevedo',

Boletin

de la RealAcademia

Espaniola,

LII,

1972,

pp.

211-84.

The

manuscript

has been

profitably

used

by

Rocha

de

Sigler

(as

in n.

12).

We have

also examined

it

and

generally

agree

with

Ettinghausen's

conclusions;

but see

below,

p.

167,

Appendix

II no.

25,

and

pp.

167-8

note

t,

for

a

poem

which

appears

to have been lost from

it. It is

interesting

to

note

that

Jimenez

Pat6n's reference

to

Quevedo's

'seventh silva' matches the final

numbering

of the

Naples manuscript.

Could

Jimrnez

Pat6n

have

seen

this

manuscript,

or

perhaps

a

copy

of

it? We believe

it is likely that he did, and this piece of information in

turn further

helps

to date the

manuscript

to the

period

1613-18.

15. 'Vayan

adelante,

que yo

volvere

por

mi inelan-

colfa con las

Silvas,

donde

el sentimiento

y

el

estudio

hacen

algfin

esfuerzo

por

mi.' Francisco

de

Quevedo,

Epistola4io

completo,

ed. L. Astrana

Marfn,

Madrid

1946,

pp.

125-6.

16. 'Y

Estacio,

en el

libro V de las Silvas

(Epicedion

in

patrem),

hablando de

los

poetas,

cuando trata

de los

poetas,

cuando

trata de

Licofr6n,

que

fuie

quien

en

griego

ensefi6 esta

seta,

dice:

"Carmina

Battiadae

late-

brasqueLycophronis atri";

...

escondrijos

del

ennegrecido

Licofr6n.

No se

pudieron

estudiar

palabras

de

mayor

oprobio.'

Quevedo,

Epistolario

completo

(as

in

n.

15),

P-

224.

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

135

Princeton volume

suggests

that all

of

the notes are

Quevedo's,

but that

they

were

not

all

entered at

the same time

(Figs

68-9).17

As

we shall

see,

several

of

the silvas most

closely

connected

to Statius are

among

the first

group, composed by

1611.

So it is

logical

to

conclude that at least some of the notes in the Princeton volume reflect the careful study

of Statius which must have

preceded

Quevedo's

initial efforts

to write his own

silvas.'8

If we turn now

to

what

Quevedo

wrote in his

copy

of

Statius

(see

Appendix

I,

pp.

157-65),

we

find

that

five

points

occupied

his

attention as he read.

First,

he

underlined the names

of the Greek

poets

cited

by

Statius

in

his

'Epicedion

in

patrem'

(Silvae,

v.3.153-8;

sig.

i3V).

Second,

he marked references

to

several Latin authors whose work could be

compared

with

the

Silvae-Pliny (sig.

a3V),

Horace

(sigs

a4v,

b2v),

Ovid

(sig.

a4v)

and Martial

(sig.

a5r). Third, he responded repeatedly to Stoic themes in the text. For example, Silvae,

11.3.66-9,

advocating

indifference

to

the

distractions

of

daily

life

and the

importance

of

inner

peace,

was marked

for

future use

(sig.

c8V).

Next to

a reference to

fortuna

in

Silvae,

v.1.135-7,

Quevedo

wrote

'queen' (sig.

h3V),

suggesting

an interest

in

'Queen'

Fortuna,

who threatens

the

internal calm

of

the Stoic

sage;19

this same

interest was carried

over

to

Silvae,

v.5.56-62,

which was also annotated

'queen'

(sig.

i7r).

Fourth,

we find a consistent

interest

in

Statius's

style.

In

many

cases

elegantly

phrased

passages

are

simply

underlined

in

the

text;

but sometimes

Quevedo

tells us more

precisely

what he

was

thinking

as he

read. At

Silvae,

1.3.47-8

(sig.

b2r),

his note

reads

'remarkably

and

poetically

and

elegantly

concerning sculpture';

and

in

the

poem

praising Crispinus,

Quevedo

responded

to

an

extended

simile

(Silvae,

v.2.21-7)

with

'beautiful

comparison'

(sig.

h6r).

Finally,

we

find

Quevedo,

a Christian

humanist,

seeking

to

synthesise

Christian and

classical

learning.

Let

17.

The

marginalia

in

the Princeton

volume show

many

distinctive features of

Quevedo's

handwriting:

the

peculiarities

of his

ligatures,

his

frequent capital-

isation

of

nouns even when

they

are not

proper

names,

his use of the letter

'i'

instead of

'y',

his

frequent

use

of

the

';',

and his

indifferent use of 'b' and

'v'.

For addi-

tional

plates

illustrating

the

peculiarities

of

Quevedo's

handwriting see Ettinghausen, 'Un nuevo manuscrito'

(as

in n.

14),

pls

I

and

3

after

p.

279.

18.

Since

Quevedo

was

occupied

with

his

imitation

of Statius before he

made

his

1613-18

trip

to

Italy,

we believe

he

probably bought

the

Princeton

volume

before

he

left

Spain

(see

also

above,

n.

8).

C.

Griffin,

'Aldus

Manutius'

Influence

in

the

Hispanic

World',

Aldus

Man utius and Renaissance Culture:

Essays

in

Memory

ofFranklin

D.

Muiphy,

ed. D.

S.

Zeidberg,

Florence

1998,

p.

323,

notes that at

least

one

copy

of well

over

half of

Aldus

Manutius's books can

be found somewhere in

Spain

today,

and most of

these books arrived

there

in

the

16th century.

Editions of

the Latin classics

were

normally

imported

from

abroad,

often

from

Venice,

rather than

printed

in

Spain

(see

Griffin,

p. 326;

also

F.

J.

Norton,

Printing

in

Spain

15o01-1520o,

Cambridge

1966,

pp.

127,

134-7;

and

idem,

A

Descriptive

Catalogue

of Printing

in

Spain

and

Portugal 1501-1520,

Cambridge

1978);

although

a law was

passed

in

1558

to

limit

book

imports

from

abroad,

the flow

of

Greek and

Latin

clas-

sics

never

stopped

(H.

Kamen,

The

Spanish

Inquisition:

A

Historical

Revision,

New Haven and London

1997, pp.

o13-6).

Since

his

Aldine

edition of

Statius was a cen-

turi'

old when

Quevedo

began

work on his silvas, it is

unlikely, though

just

possible,

that he

bought

it

new.

He

may

have

purchased

it at

a

public

auction

(on

the

importance

of

such auctions in

the

history

of book

own-

ership

see T.

J.

Dadson,

Libros,

lectores

y

lecturas,

Madrid

1998).

The

binding

of the

volume

is

described

by

Dr

Paul

Needham,

Scheide

Librarian at

Princeton

Univer-

sity,

as

goatskin,

probably Spanish,

mid-16th

century,

with

Renaissance

arabesque tooling,

parcel gilt,

edges

gilt

and

gauffered

with

knotwork

stamp,

with

traces

of

four leather ties. This

would

seem to

place

the book in

Spain

before

it

entered

Quevedo's

possession.

19. Seneca, Epistulae morales, xvI.4-5, EIxxiv.6-7, and

xcviii

passim;

see

also

idem,

Opera

quae

extant

omnia,

ed.

Justus

Lipsius,

4th

edn,

Antwerp

1652,

p.

xi

('Iudicium

super

Seneca');

and

Lipsius,

De

constantia,

1.6.

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136

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF

AND

CRAIG KALLENDORF

C

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s

68.

Aldine Statius owned by

Quevedo

(Venice

1502,

Princeton

University LibraryEx

2926.1502).

Title

page

of the

Orthographia,

howing

Quevedo's

annotations

REPRODUCED

BY PERMISSION

OF PRINCETON

UNIVERSITYLIBRARY

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QUEVEDO

AND

STATIUS

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text and

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REPRODUCED BY

PERMISSION

OF

PRINCETON UNIVERSITYLIBRARY

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138

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND CRAIG KALLENDORF

us look

at each one of these

points

in

turn,

to see

why

Quevedo's

approach

to Statius was

so enthusiastic

as to

produce

comments

like 'marvel at the

ingenuity

of Statius'

(sig.

h7,

on

Silvae,

v.2.80).20

Medieval classicism was almost exclusively Latin, and it is worth recalling that Renais-

sance scholars

and writers were not

necessarily

competent

in

Greek."

Quevedo's

limited

knowledge

of

Greek was criticised

by

Luis

de

G6ngora

(1561-1627),

who

posed

awkward

questions

about

the

scholarship

on which

his Anacreon castellanorested.2 On

the

basis

of

Quevedo's

education and

his translation of

such

works

as the Greek

anthology,

pseudo-

Phocylides,

and Plutarch's life of

Marcus

Brutus,

the

majority

of

his

contemporaries

regu-

larly praised

his

Greek;'2

but

in

fact,

modern scholars have concluded

from a careful

study

of the Anacreon

hat

Quevedo

drew

regularly

on the versions of

his

predecessors

with few

scruples

and

little

discernment,

that he introduced new errors

into

his

rendering

of

the

text,

and that

his

scholarly conjectures

and initiatives

regarding

the Greek text were not

felicitous.24

Knowing

that

Quevedo's

Greek was weak

helps

us understand

how he decided

which

edition of Statius

to

buy;

for

in

addition to the text

from a

press

renowned for

its

scholarly

standards,

the

1502

Aldine edition

contains an

original

work

by

the scholar-

printer

himself,

the

Orthographia

et

flexus

dictionum

Graecarum

omnium

apud

Statium

cum

accentibus

et

generibus

ex

variis

utriusque linguae

autoribus. The inclusion

of the

Orthographia

undoubtedly

made

the Aldine edition

appealing

to

a reader like

Quevedo,

since

it consists

of

an index

of Greek words

and words

of Greek

origin

used

by

Statius,

especially

in the

Silvae,

along

with other

inflected

forms,

definitions and occasional

scholarly

observations.2-•

2o.

'Admira

Stacii

ingenium'.

'Admira'

is,

of

course,

the

familiar

imperative

in

Spanish,

not

Latin,

and

'Stacii'

reflects the influence

of the vernacular

on

Quevedo's

orthography.

For

his use of the vernacular

in his anno-

tations to the

Thebaid

ee

e.g.

sigs

slx

and

S22r

of the

Princeton volume.

But

as

Appendix

I

demonstrates,

most of his notes

to the Silvae were written

in

relatively

comprehensible

Latin.

21.

R.

Hexter,

'Aldus, Greek,

and

the

Shape

of the

"Classical

Corpus"',

in

Zeidberg,

ed.

(as

in n.

18),

pp.

143-6o0,

emphasises

the

importance

of

publishers

like

Aldus Manutius for

cementing

the

place

of Greek into

the

structure

of classical

studies as we know

the

field

today.

22.

G6ngora

initiated

his

criticisms

of

Quevedo's

Greek

in a sonnet

of

16og

which included

the words

'...

Con

cuidado

especial

vuestros

antojos

/

Dicen

que

quieren

traducir

al

griego,

/

No

aviendolo

mirado

vuestros

ojos'

(Obras

poeticas

de

D. Luis

de

(

Gigora,

New

York

1921,

repr.

1970,

III,

p.

3,

no.

427).

Quevedo

responded

angrily,

alluding

to

G6ngora's

alleged

Jew-

ish roots and

his

large

nose:

'Yo

te

untare

mis versos

con tocino

...

/Por

qud

censuras

tfi

la

lengua

griega/

siendo solo rabi de lajudia, / cosa que tu nariz aun no

lo

niega?'

(Blecua,

ed.,

as

in

n.

5,

III,

no.

829,

11.

1,

9-

1',

p.

238). G6ngora

answered

in his Romance

LXIV,

'FTbula

de Leandro

v

Hero',

which

begins:

'Aunque

entiendo

poco

griego,

/

En mis

gregaiescos

he hallado

/

Ciertos versos

de

Museo,

/

Ni

muy

duros

ni

muy

blandos...'

(Luis

de

G6ngora,

Poesias,

ed.

A.

Arroyo,

Mexico

City

1986, p.

67). Quevedo replied by

again

defending

his

Anacre6n,

but this time

he did not make

any

claims

regarding

his

own

knowledge

of Greek:

'...

Quien

te mete

entre los

griegos

/

aun

no siendo

tfi

troyano?

/

RPor

que

de

lo

que

no

has

visto

/

hablas

como

papagayo?

/

;Qul

te

hizo Anacreonte

/

en

los

versos

castellanos,

/

que

le alabas

cuando

mis

/

pre-

tendes

vituperallo?'

(Blecua,

ed.,

as

in

n.

5,

III,

no.

828,

11.

45-53,

P.

235).

All of these attacks are discussed in

S.

Benichou-Roubaud,

'Quevedo

helenista

(El

Anacre61n

castellano)',

Nueva revista

de

Jilologia

hispanica,

XIV. 1,

i960,

pp.

51-72

(52).

23.

Typical

of

early

praise

for

Quevedo's accomplish-

ments

as a Hellenist

is that

of his

editorJusepe

Antonio

GonzAlez de

Salas,

who

wrote

in

1648

that:

'Hasta

hoy

no conozco

poeta alguno

versado

mias,

en

los

que

viven,

de

hebreos,

griegos,

latinos

y

franceses;

de

cuyas

lenguas

... tuvo buena

noticia'

(cited

in

Benichou-Roubaud,

as

in

n.

22,

p.

51).

24.

See

J.

Sim6n

Diaz,

'El helenismo de

Quevedo

y

varias cuestiones mias',Revistadebibliografia acional,vI,

1945,

pp. 87-98; andJ.

O.

Crosby,

'Quevedo,

the Greek

Anthology,

and

Horace',

Romanrce

hilolog,,

xix,

ic96,

PP.

435-49.

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

139

Quevedo clearly

knew and valued the canonical Golden

Age

Latin authors: Ovid's

mannerism

appealed

to

his

taste,

the

elegists

provided

material

for

his

descriptions

of

love,

the

Dido

story reappeared

in his 'Imitaci6n

de

Virgilio'

and even

Horace,

proponent

of a moderation foreign to Quevedo's fiery temperament, makes an occasional inter-

textual

appearance.26

While

three of the

five

cross-references

to Latin writers marked

in

the

Princeton

Aldine

are to Golden

Age

authors, however,

ideologically

and

stylistically,

Quevedo

was attracted

more

strongly

to the later

Juvenal,

Persius, Seneca, Martial,

Tacitus,

Lucan

and Petronius.

Statius,

of

course,

is one of these

later,

so-called

Silver

Age

authors;

and

seeing

him

in

this

company

helps

us to understand

why

Quevedo

was attracted

to

his

poetry.

For

example,

Quevedo's correspondence

with

Justus Lipsius

in

1604-527 encouraged

his

interest

in

Stoicism,

a common element

in

Silver

Age

literature,

especially

the

writings

of

Seneca.

Among

the

prominent

Stoic

themes

in

Statius's Silvae are

the

importance

of

universal

law and divine

providence,

the need to serve the

state,

the

supremacy

of

personal

merit over birth

and

immortality

as the

recompense

for the Stoic

sage.8"

These are the

themes to which

Quevedo

responded

in his

marginal

notes;

and

his

annotations

parallel

the well-documented

Stoic notions found

in

the other works which

occupied

him

during

the time that

he was

writing

and

revising

his

silvas.

His

early epitaph

for Carrillo

y

Soto-

mayor,

like

his

marginal

annotation

at

Silvae,

v. 1.135-7

(see

Appendix

I),

refers at least

obliquely

to

the

impact

of

fortuna

on

the

life of the

Stoic;29

and

the nexus

fortuna-

providentia-fatum

s

discussed

further

in

the Doctrina moral

(1612),

completed

just

before

Quevedo

left for

Italy.

His interest

in

these same

Stoic

themes continued

through

his

later writings, as even the titles show: for instance, De los remedios de cualquiera fortuna

(completed

1633,

published

1638), echoing

Petrarch's

Stoic-inspired

De

remediis

utriusque

fortunae,

and Providencia de Dios

(

1641-2)

.30

25.

C.

Vecce,

'Aldo e

l'invenzione

dell'Indice',

in

Zeidberg,

ed.

(as

in n.

18),

pp.

122-3,

discusses the

Orthographia

as

part

of Aldus's

larger

programme

to

equip

the texts

he

published

with

scholarly

tools

to

facilitate their use.

The

Orthographia

was

occasionally

considered valuable enough to be bound separately

and sold as a

book

in its own

right;

see

e.g. Maggs

Brothers,

Bibliographica Typographica (Catalogue 509),

London

1928,

p.

274,

no.

1634.

26. On

Quevedo's

knowledge

and use of

both Golden

Age

and Silver

Age

Latin

authors see

H.

Kallendorf,

'Francisco de

Quevedo (158o-1645)',

Centuriae

Latinae:

Cent

une

figures

humanistes de

la

Renaissance

aux Lumnires

offertes

a M.-M.

de

la

Garanderie,

ed.

C.

Nativel,

Geneva

[in

press].

27.

See Francisco de

Quevedo,

Epistolario completo

(as

in n.

15),

PP. 1-9,

125-30.

28. On Stoic themes

in

the Silvae see G.

Laguna-

Mariscal,

'Philosophical

Topics

in

Statius' Silvae: Sources

and

Aims',

Epicedion:

Hommage

at

P.

Papinius

Statius

96-

1996,

ed.

F.

Delarue,

S.

Georgacopoulou,

P.

Laurens

and

A.-M.

Taisne,

Poitiers

1996,

pp.

247-59.

By

con-

trast,

A.

Hardie,

Statius and the Silvae:

Poets,

Patrons

and

Epideixis

in the Graeco-Roman

World,

Liverpool

1983,

p.

176,

claims

that

Epicureanism

is the

only philoso-

phical

school

praised by

Statius.

This claim

strikes us as

clearly overstated, yet it is certainly true that there are

Epicurean

elements

present

in

Statius's

poetry

as

well

as Stoic ones. Both

Pollius

Felix and

Manilius

Vopiscus,

for

example,

are

described

as

Epicureans,

giving

the

poems

describing

their villas

(Silvae,

1.3

and

2.2)

a

clear

Epicurean colouring;

see

Hardie,

pp.

176-9;

and R. G.

M.

Nisbet,

'Felicitasat

Surrentum

(Statius,

Silvae

II,2)',

Journal

of

Roman

Studies,

LxvIII,

1978,

pp.

1-11.

29.

S. Fernandez

Mosquera

and

A. Azaustre

Galliana,

Indices

de la

poesia

de

Quevedo,

Barcelona

1993,

cite

6o

references

to

Fortuna

in

Quevedo's

poetry.

30o.

On

Quevedo's

Stoicism see A.

Rothe,

Quevedo

und

Seneca:

Untersuchungen

u

den

FriihschriftenQuevedos,

Geneva and Paris

1965;

and

H.

Ettinghausen,

Francisco

de

Quevedo

nd

the

Neostoic

Movement,

Oxford

1972.

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140

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF

AND CRAIG

KALLENDORF

Literary

mannerism,

the characteristic

style

of

Silver

Age

Latin,

has been described

as

learned

and

allusive,

tending

towards

far-fetched

expressions,

excessive

eulogy

and

artificial

conceits31-a

description

which

could be

applied

to

Quevedo's

poetry

as well.

It

should therefore not surprise us to see Quevedo marking a number of artfully turned

phrases

in

his

copy

of Statius

(see

Appendix

I:

Silvae,

1.2.130-3,

153-7,

185-7;

1.3.47-8,

82;

V.2.7,

80o).

In

the

end,

however,

there

is another

reason

why

Quevedo

was

so interested

in

Statius

-one so

important

to

him

that

he set it

out

in

his own

hand

on the

flyleaf

of his

book

(see

Fig.

68,

and

Appendix

I,

Title

page):

Don

Enrique

de Villena

in the

commentary

to

the translation

that

he made

of

Vergil

in

Spanish

for

the

King

of

Navarre

(a

book which

I

have

in

manuscript

in

my

library,

and

it is

excellent)

says, speak-

ing

of Statius:

and

at

the end he was

a

Christian,

knowing

he Catholic

ruth'.

How

Quevedo

came to

believe

that Statius

was

a

Christian,

and

what

this belief

might

have

meant

for his

understanding

of the

Silvae,

require

some

careful

analysis.

On the

basis

of what

is known

today,

there

is no

reason

to believe

that Statius

was

a

Christian;

and

the

temptation

is

simply

to dismiss

Quevedo's

statement

as the

result

of the same

kind

of

second-rate

scholarship

which

characterises

his

Anacre6n

castellano.32

et while

his knowl-

edge

of

Greek attracted

criticism

from

his

contemporaries,

Quevedo's

scholarly procedure

in other areas

generally

met the

usual standards

of his

day--that

is,

he

regularly

consulted

previously

published

texts

and

humanist

commentaries,

cited

parallel

passages

from

other

works

and

inserted

alternative

readings

into

the

margins

of his

books,

just

as we

see

him

doing with his copy of Statius.33In his Sueiio del infierno,Quevedo showed himself well

enough

informed

about the

details

of

contemporary

humanist

method

to condemn

Julius

Caesar

Scaliger

and

other humanists

of the

day

to

hell

for sins which

are

fundamentally

31.

J.

W.

Duff,

A

Literary

History

of

Rome in

the Silver

Age,

from

Tiberius

to

Hadrian,

ed. A.

M.

Duff,

New

York

1927, repr.

1964,

pp.

393-4.

J.-M.

Croisille,

'Stace,

peintre

de

realia',

in Delarue

et

al.,

eds

(as

in n.

28),

comes

to

a similar

conclusion

about

Statius's

style:

'L'artifice

regne

dans

son

oeuvre,

oil se

manifeste

le

goait

de

l'imitation,

qui refuse le primat du 'natura-

lisme'

et

qui

constitue

une

des

charact6ristiques

du

"mani6risme"'

(pp.

244-5).

The

importance

of Statius's

Silvae

for the

understanding

of

literary

mannerism

was

signalled

by

H.

Friedrich,

'Uber

die Silvae

des

Statius

(inbesondere

V,4

Somnus)

und

die

Frage

des literari-

schen

Manierismus',

Romanische

Literaturen,

Aufsiitze

I,

Frankreich,

Frankfurt

am

Main

1972, pp.

34-55

(first

publ.

1963). Oddly,

however,

even

though

Friedrich

devotes

an

entire

section

of

his

essay

to

'Somnus'

(pp.

48-55)

and

lists

at the

end

(p.

55)

a number

of Renais-

sance

and

Baroque

poets

who

imitated

this

poem,

he

does not

include

Quevedo.

32.

See

above,

p.

138

and

nn.

22,

24.

33.

See

above,

n.

3,

and

for Statius

Appendix

I

and

below,

passim.

Quevedo

is known

to have

been

less

rigorous

in his

scholarly

procedures

than the

leading

European

humanists

of his time.

For

example,

when

he

marked

up

corrections

to his

copy

of

Dante,

he

failed

to

realise that the

earlier

manuscript

from

which

he

had taken

them was

Emilio-Romagnan

in

origin

and

therefore

contained

dialect which

was

further

from

Dante's original Tuscan idiom than that of the printed

text

(see

Cacho

Casal,

as

in

n.

3,

p.

65).

In

another

example,

in

La

cuna

y

la

sepultura

Quevedo

used

quo-

tations

from

St

Augustine

which he

took from

Prosper

of

Aquitane's

compilation

Sententiae

ex

Augustino

deli-

batae;

in

fact,

he mistook

some

statements

of

Prosper

for those

of

Augustine;

see

S.

L6pez

Poza,

'Quevedo,

humanista

cristiano',

Quevedo

a nueva

luz: Escritura

y

politica,

Malaga

1997,

pp.

72-3.

On the

other

hand,

as

L6pez

Poza

notes

(pp.

68-9),

the

young

Quevedo

earned

the

respect

ofJustus

Lipsius,

who

praised

him

in

the course

of their

correspondence;

and as

Cacho

Casal

points

out

(p. 64),

his emendatio

ope

codicurm

using

a

codex

pervetustus,

although

unacceptable

today,

showed

considerable

philological

proficiency

for

his

place

and

time.

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

141

philological.34

It

is, therefore,

reasonable

to

assume

that

Quevedo

arrived

at his belief

that

Statius was

a

Christian

by using

the

scholarly

resources

typical

of his

age.

Like

many

learned

men of the

Renaissance,

Quevedo

believed that

approximations

to Christian truth could be detected in some pagan literature: as he wrote in the introduc-

tion to his translation of

Pseudo-Phocylides:

'Thus,

in

Phocylides

will be found rules

for

living

like a

Christian,

naturally

and

civilly,

a

thing worthy

of

singular

admiration.'35

And

like

many

of

his

contemporaries,

Quevedo

was

not

always

clear

or

even consistent

in

his

explanations

for

this

phenomenon.

In his

Virtud

militante,

or

example,

he writes:

'Because

Seneca and

Epictetus,

who lived in the

time of the

Apostles

and

saw the deeds of

the

Christians'

faith,

and the

perfection

of their

life,

and that

they

consigned

it

[their life]

to

the flames and to

the

knife,

not

only

with valour but with

pleasure

inspired by

love,

they

fashioned what

they

wrote

in

accordance

with

what

they

saw

in

such a

way

that their

doc-

trine,

with

an

aftertaste

of

that

awareness,

is in

many respects very

similar to our

truth.'

At another

point

in the same

work,

however,

he

continues: 'Not

only

does God

give

to

the

pauper

and command

all to

give

to

him,

but

poverty

itself

is

a

gift

and favour of

God.

The

pagans

attained this most

pious

truth:

Lucan,

book

5.'36

Suggesting

that

pagan

poets

could attain

adumbrations of Christian

truth

by

natural

reason is not the same

as

suggest-

ing

that God

communicated

those

adumbrations

to

them. The

major

difference

between

the

two

approaches developed

here is

obviously chronological.

Lucan,

like the

other Silver

Age

authors to whom

Quevedo

was

drawn,

lived

after the birth of

Christ

and therefore

had the

opportunity

to

come

into

contact with Christian

truth:

'The

philosophers

and

poets

who lived

in

the

time

of

the

persecutions

of the

Christian

martyrs

have a

great

advantage over all the others; they saw them despise life, triumph in death, preach the

Gospel;

they

could hear the

Apostles,

and for

this reason

they

excelled the

others

in

their

teaching.

Seneca,

Epictetus, Juvenal

and Persius are

examples

...'7'

Not all the

Silver

Age

34.

F. de

Quevedo,

Suefios

y

discursos,

ed.

J.

O.

Crosby,

Madrid

1993,

P.

256;

see also R.

A.

Del

Piero,

'Algunas

fuentes

de

Quevedo',

Nueva revista

defilologia

hispdnica,

XII.1,

1958,

pp. 36-52 (49-50).

L.

Schwartz,

'La

trans-

misi6n

renacentista

de

poesfa

grecolatina

y

dos sonetos

de

Quevedo

(Parnaso,

Erato,

XXXVIII

y

XXXIX)',

Edad

de

Oro,

xII,

1993,

pp.

303-20

(304),

in

discussing

the

Sueniodel

infierno,

concludes that the work 'define indi-

rectamente a su autor

como humanista de

su

epoca que

esti

perfectamente

al

tanto de las

pricticas

herme-

netiticas

en

boga

en

la

primera

decada del

XVII

y

de la

ideologfa que

las sustentaba'.

35.

'Asf

que,

en ...

Phocilides se

hallarin

reglas para

vivir

cristiana,

natural

y politicamente,

cosa

digna

de

singular

admiraci6n'.

Francisco

de

Quevedo,

Obras

com-

pletas,

ed. Astrana

Marfn,

2nd

edn

(as

in

n.

3),

quoted

in D. G.

Castanien,

'Quevedo's

Translation of

the

Pseudo-Phocylides,

Philological

Quarterly,

xxxx,

1961,

PP.

44-52

(44-5)-

36. 'Porque Seneca, i Epicteto que bibieron en tiempo

de

los

ap6stoles,

i

bian

las hazafias de

la fe de

los

christianos,

i la

perfecii6n

de la

vida,

i

que

la

daban al

fuego,

i

al

cuchillo,

no

s6lo con

valentfa sino

con

gozo

enamorado,

confacionaron

con lo

que

vian

lo

que

escri-

vieron de tal

manera

que

su

doctrina,

con resabios

de

aquella

atenci6n

es en

muchas cosas bien

parezida

a

nuestra verdad'

(Virtud

militante,

as

in n.

3, p. 134).

'No

s6lo da Dios

al

pobre

y

manda

que

todos le

den,

sino

que

la

propia pobreza

es

merced

y

didiva

de

Dios.

Alcanzaron esta

piadosisima

verdad los

gentiles:

Lucan.,

lib.

5.'

(Epistolario

completo,

as in n.

15,

p.

325;

see

Lucan,

Pharsalia,

v.523-31).

On

the

problem

of

how Renais-

sance writers

explained

the

congruence

of

pagan

lit-

erature

with Christian

truth

see

C.

Kallendorf,

'From

Virgil

to

Vida: The

Poeta

Theologus

in

Italian

Renaissance

Commentary',

Journal

of

the

History

of

Ideas,

i.vI,

1995,

pp.

41-62,

with

accompanying

bibliography.

37.

'Gran

vantaja

hacen a

todos los

fil6sofos

y poetas

los

que

dellos

fueron

en

el

tiempo

de las

persecuciones

de los

mirtires

cristianos; vieronlos

despreciar

la

vida,

triunfar en la

muerte,

predicar

el

Evangelio;

pudieron

ofr a los

ap6stoles, y

por

esto

excedieron en la

doctrina

a los demdis. Son ejemplo S6neca, Epicteto, Juvenal y

Persio ...' This

is a

note to

Quevedo's

translation

of

Seneca's

'Epfstola

XLI',

in

his

Obras

completas

(as

in n.

io),

I,

Obras en

prosa,

p.

1913.

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142

HILAIRE KALLENDORF AND CRAIG

KALLENDORF

authors,

however,

were

as

sympathetic

to

Christianity

as

Quevedo

felt

they

should have

been.

Martial,

for

instance,

produced many

commendable sentiments 'with a

profane

mouth';38

and Tacitus

was

severely

criticised for

being

anti-Christian at a time

when

he

could (and should) have been sympathetic to the new religion.39 The Stoic authors fared

better;

for

Quevedo

argued

that

there

were close links between this

pagan philosophy

and

Christianity

which could

be confirmed

by

solid textual evidence.

In his

Doctrina

estoica,

or

example,

he cited

parallels

between

the book

ofJob

and

Epictetus

and

argued

that Zeno

could have known

the Old

Testament.41

In

no

case, however,

did

Quevedo go

so

far

in

his

printed

works

as to assert that these

pagan

writers

actually

converted to

Christianity.

The Princeton Aldine allows us

to see that

Quevedo

assigned

the

author

of the

Silvae

a status we could

not have

anticipated

from his

other

writings.

His statement on

the

flyleaf

is

a direct

quotation

from

Enrique

de

Villena's

translation

of the

Aeneid,

where

it

concludes

a

gloss

to

Vergil's

prologue.41

Villena,

one

of

the

leading figures

of

Spanish

intellectual

life

in

the first

three decades

of the fifteenth

century,42

took this idea

directly

or

indirectly

from

Dante,

who

appears

to have invented

it

in

Purgatorio

XXII.73,

where

Statius

offers a

moving

tribute to

Vergil,

his

salvific

Muse: 'Per te

poeta

fui,

per

te Christiano...'

('through

you

I

was

a

poet, through

you

a

Christian...').43

Quevedo

was familiar with

Dante and

owned

a

1578

Venetian

edition

of the Divina Commedia

containing

the famous

commen-

tary

of Cristoforo

Landino.44

In

his

commentary

on

Purgatorio

XXII,

Landino

simply

paraphrased

Statius's

statement

that

he

had

become

a Christian

by reading

Vergil

and

explained

the literal

meaning

of

Dante's

words,

without

suggesting

in

any way

that the

38.

'[C]on

profana

boca'.

Quevedo,

Epistolario

completo

(as

in

n.

15),

p.

324.

39.

The criticism

comes

in

Quevedo's

Lince

de

Italia,

in

his Obras

completas

(as

in

n.

io),

I,

Obras

en

prosa,

p.

896;

see

V. Roncero

L6pez,

'Quevedo

y

Tacito',

Cuadernos

de

Aldeau,

VI.

o,

199o,

pp.

59-76

(6o-i).

40.

D.

G.

Castanien,

'Quevedo's

Version

of

Epic-

tetus'

Encheiridion',

Symposium,

XVIII,

1964,

pp.

68-78.

Quevedo

claims

in

his

Doctrina

estoica that

Epictetus

translates

parts

of

Job

(Francisco

de

Quevedo,

Obras

completas

en

prosa,

ed. F.

Buendia,

3rd

edn,

Madrid

1945,

p. 874).

He

repeats

his claim that

Zeno and

Epictetus

knew the book

ofJob

in La cuna y la sepultura (ibid., pp.

1062-3).

For the best

discussion

of

the intersection of

Quevedo's philological

methods

with

his faith see

L6pez

Poza

(as

in n.

33).

41. Enrique

de

Villena,

Traducci6n

y

glosas

de la

Eneida,

Libroprimero,

ed. P. M.

Catedra,

Salamanca

1989,

1,

p.

61.

In

the

first

part

of this

gloss

Villena

describes

the works

of Statius

known

to him.

Quevedo

owned

a

manuscript

copy

of Villena's

work,

as

we know from

his

dedicatory

letter to Count-Duke

Olivares

of his edition

of the works

of

Fray

Luis

de

Le6n

(published

in

1631):

'...

en

mi

poder

tengo

un libro

grande

del

infante

don

Enrique

de

Villena, manuscrito, digno

de

grande

estimaci6n

...'

See

his

Epistolario

completo

(as

in n.

15),

p.

22.9.

42.

Don

Enrique

de

Arag6n

was

the

Marqu6s

de

Villena

(1384-1434)

and

was

henceforth

known as

Enrique

de Villena.

His translation of the

Aeneid,

one

of

the

first vernacular versions

of

the

poem,

was

completed

between

1427

and

1428,

according

to

his

own

account,

in one

year

and twelve

days.

To

his translation

he added

a

commentary

and

a

life of

Vergil.

He also translated

into

Spanish

Dante's Divina commedia

and the

Rhetorica

ad Herennium.

43.

Dante

provided

further details

in

Purgatorio

XXII

xv.

76-91,

but we have

found

no

previous

textual

source

for these. See

M. P.

Stocchi, 'I1

cristianesimo

di

Stazio

(Purg.

XXII)

e

un'ipotesi

del

Poliziano',

Miscellanea

di

studi

offerta

a Armando

Balduino

e

Bianca

Bianchi,

Padua

1962, pp. 41-5; S. Mariotti, 'I1 cristianesimo di Stazio

in Dante

secondo

Poliziano',

Letteratura

e

critica:

Studi

in onore

di N.

Sapegno,

Rome

1975,

II,

PP-

149-61;

G.

Brugnoli,

'Statius

Cristianus',

Italianistica,

xvII,

1988,

pp. 9-15

(13-15);

and G.

Padoan,

'I1 mito

di Teseo e

il

cristianesimo

di

Stazio',

Lettere

italiane,

xI,

1959, pp.

432-57-

44.

See Cacho

Casal

(as

in n.

3).

Disappointingly,

Quevedo

did

not annotate

Purgatorio

XXII.73

in his

copy

of the Divina

Commedia.

We

are

grateful

to Shawn

Edwards,

of the

Rare Book

and

Special

Collections

Department, University

Library,

University

of

Illinois

at

Urbana-Champaign,

for

answering

our

enquiries

about

this

book.

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

143

story

might

be untrue.

This

strategy,

which

was

common

among

commentators

on

Dante

until

the end of

the sixteenth

century,

contrasts

with

the more

critical

approach

of

human-

ists to Statius: the idea

that

he

converted to

Christianity

does

not seem to

have

gained

acceptance outside of Spain.45

Quevedo's

belief

that Statius was

a Christian

explains

the

appearance

of

substantive

Christian themes in four

of his

silvas,

a

collection of

poems

which are

otherwise

pagan

in

theme,

tone

and reference.

(A

full,

ordered

list

of

Quevedo's

silvas

is

given

below

in our

Appendix

ii.)

The most

striking

example

of a

silva with a Christian

theme is

'Deja

la

pro-

cesi6n,

suibete

al

paso'

(no.

36

in

our

listing),

in

which the

poet complains

bitterly

about

the abuse of

adornment

among

penitents.

Likewise, hell,

the demons

and the

archangels

figure

prominently

in

Quevedo's

silva written to

Pride

(no.

13,

11.

22,

63-4).

Another silva

with

powerful

Christian overtones

throughout

is a

poem

which bears the

title 'Alaba

la

Calamidad'

(no.

24).

The

numerous

references to

God,

Moses

and

the

Hebrews

in

this

poem

(for

example,

in 11.

3,

24-5,

28)

make it difficult to

categorise

as

merely

a

meditation

on

Neostoic

themes,

although

it is

certainly

that as

well.

Additionally,

there are

several

biblical

allusions in

'?C6mo

pudiera

ser

hecho

piadoso'

(no.

34),

a

poem

about

beautifil

hair which

is cut

off,

written

in

direct

imitation of

Statius,

as

we shall

see.

In

this

case

Quevedo

links his

Statian

theme to

the

biblical stories of

Absalom

(1.

43)

and Samson

(1.

45);

in

another,

his

poem

about

ancient and modern

Rome

(no.

io),

he

incorporates

both Roman

heroes

(11.

98,

138,

142)

and Catholic

popes

(11.

168-74).

Finally,

there

are

Christian

themes

which

appear

in

Quevedo's

poems

right

alongside

their

counterparts

from

classical

myth:

in

'Deja

l'alma

y

los

ojos'

(no.

35),

for

example,

the

disobedient

seraph (i.e. Satan) is mentioned (1. 22) along with the classical figures Nature, Death and

Love

(11.

23,

27, 39).

This

synthesis

of

the

classical with

the

Christian is

typical

of

the

humanist

Quevedo.

In

seeking

to

understand what

drew

Quevedo

to

the

Roman

poet,

then,

we

need

to

look

beyond

the

Statian

Silvae

themselves

to

the

broader

question

of

their

reception

in

Golden

Age

Spain.

At this

point,

we

can

make

two

observations.

First,

the

Greek

refer-

ences in

the

poems

were still

problematic

in

a

Latin-centred

humanist

milieu such

as

that

in

which

Quevedo

was

working.

Second,

Statius had

been

referred

to

as

a

Christian

by

both

Dante

and

Enrique

de

Villena.

And if

Statius

was

believed to

have

been a

Christian,

his

poems

could

be assumed

to be

capable

of

guiding

the reader

towards biblical

truth.

Today

the silva

has receded into our

cultural

past,

to the extent

that there is

considerable

uncertainty

even as to the

meaning

of the

term. Described

by

Elias

Rivers as the

'Baroque

genre par

excellence

of

Spanish

poetry',46

the

silva was a

poetic

form at the

very

centre of

literary

life

in

Spain

in

the

sixteenth and

seventeenth

centuries.47

As

will become

clear,

45.

We are

currently

at work

on a

full

study

of

how

long

it

remained viable

to consider

Statius a

Christian,

and

in

which

scholarly

circles.

46.

'[E]l

gnero

barroco

por

excelencia

de

la

poesia

espaflola'.

E.

L.

Rivers,

'La

problematica

silva

espafiola',

Nueva

revista de

filologia

hispdnica,

xxxvi.

1,

1988,

pp.

249-60 (253).

47.

See

A.

Egido,

'La

silva

en

la

poesfa

andaluza

del

barroco',

Silva

de

Andalucia

(Estudios

sobre

poesia

barroca),

Malaga

ig9o,

p.

io;

later

in

the

article

(p.

25),

Egido

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144

HILAIRE KALLENDORF

AND CRAIG

KALLENDORF

however,

there

was

also considerable

uncertainty

about

the

literary

definition of

the

term

at the end of the

sixteenth

and the

beginning

of

the seventeenth

centuries;

that

is,

pre-

cisely

at the

time when

Quevedo

was

annotating

his

copy

of

Statius

and

starting

to

write

his own poems in imitation of them. Quevedo's role in the definitional controversy has

been obscured

by

the broader movement of

subsequent

literary

history;

but as we strive to

recover that

role,

we

shall also discover that Statius

played

a

larger

part

in

Golden

Age

culture

than

previous

scholarship

has

recognised.

Statius's

Silvae

disappeared during

the Middle

Ages.

They

were

rediscovered

in

1417

by

Poggio

Bracciolini,

from

whose

manuscript,

now

lost,

all

modern

versions

of the text

derive.48

A

copy

of the

editio

princeps

(Venice

1472)

entered the

library

of the Florentine

humanist

Angelo

Poliziano,

who

produced

a

lengthy commentary

on

Statius's

Silvae

and

published

four

poems

of

his own

under

the same

title.49

Subsequent

commentaries

on

the

Silvae

were

published

by

Domitius

Calderinus

(Rome

1475)

and

Joannes

Bernartius

(Antwerp

1599),'50

and

Lipsius

and both

Scaligers

were familiar with the

poems.51

Such

interest

in

turn stimulated

poetic compositions

in

the

genre,

in

Italy by, among

others,

Lorenzo de'

Medici,

Bernardo

Tasso,

Luigi

Alamanni and Teofilo

Folengo.52

Statius entered

Spanish

Neo-Latin culture

during

this

same

period.

Fray

Luis de Le6n

knew both Statius

and

Poliziano;5"

and

several

sixteenth-century Spanish

authors cultivated

the silva tradition.

Deferrando

eone,

a direct imitation

of

Silvae,

1I.

15,

'Leo

mansuetus',

was

included

by

Martin Ivarra

in

the

Epigrammaton

ibellus which forms an

appendix

to his

edition of

Miguel

Verino's

Disticha

(Barcelona

151

2);

Juan Vazquez

Castellano,

who

pub-

lished

an edition of

the

Silvae

of Statius

(Paris

1518),

wrote

a

Sylva

cui titulus

Parrhisis

(Paris 1522); Juan Angel Gonzalez was the author of De origineet laudibuspoeseos ylva (s.l.

claims that

'[l]a

silva era conocida

y

practicada

por

todos'.

48.

All

existing

manuscripts

of

the Silvae

derive

from

one

copied

c.

143o,

which

is now in

Madrid,

Biblioteca

Nacional

MS

3678.

The

poems

began circulating

in

1453,

when

Poggio

moved

to Florence and

this manu-

script began

to be

copied;

and

they

became

popular

in

the

following generations.

On

the

recovery

of the Silvae

by

the Italian humanists

see R.

Sabbadini,

Le

scoperte

dei

codici latini e

greci

ne' secoli XIV e XV, 2 vols, Florence

1905-14,

repr.

1967,

I,

pp.

82,

150,

153,

and

II,

pp.

252-3.

See also the

entry by

M. D. Reeve

in Texts and

Transmission:

A

Survey of

the Latin

Classics,

ed.

L. D.

Reynolds,

Oxford

1986,

s.v.

'Statius',

pp.

394-9,

esp.

397-9-

49.

Poliziano's annotated

copy

of

the

editio

princeps

is now

in

Rome,

Biblioteca

Corsiniana

(shelf-mark

50-

F-37).

For

his

commentary

on the Silvae

see

Angelo

Poliziano,

Commento inedito

alle Selve di

Stazio,

ed. L. C.

Martinelli,

Florence

1978;

see also

idem, Silvae,

ed. F.

Bausi,

Florence

1996,

containing

references to recent

bibliography

on

Poliziano and

his work on Statius.

50.

P. M.

Clogan,

'The Renaissance Commentators

on

Statius',

Acta

Conventus

Neo-Latini

Torontonensis:

Proceed-

ings of

the Seventh International

Congress of

Neo-Latin

Studies

(Toronto

1988),

ed. A.

Dalzell,

C. Fantazzi and

R.

J.

Schoeck,

Binghamton

1991, pp.

273-9-

51.

In

1577 Lipsius

offered

manuscripts

and advice

to his friend

Jan

Leernouts

(1545-1619),

who

he had

heard

was

preparing

an edition

of

Statius;

and

in a

letter to William

Barclay

in

1580,

he

emended

some

passages

from

the

Silvae

and

expressed

admiration for

Statius.

Julius

Caesar

Scaliger's

Poeticesibri

septem

Lyons

1561) praises

Statius,

though

less

enthusiastically

than

Vergil; unlike many scholars of his day, Scaliger pro-

fessed to

prefer

the

epics

to

the

Silvae.

His

son

Joseph

in

turn

offered

help

to three

different

scholars

(Jan

Woverius,

Friedrich

Lindenbruch

and

Janus

Gruterus)

who were

planning

or

working

on editions

of

their own.

See

H.-J.

van

Dam,

'The

Coming

of the Silvae

to the

Netherlands',

in F.

Delarue

et

al.,

eds

(as

in n.

28),

pp.

315-24.

52.

See

K.

Vossler,

La

soledad n

la

poesia

espafiola,

r.

J.

Miguel

Sacristan,

Madrid

1941,

PP.

97-8;

Friedrich

(as

in

n.

31),

pp.

43-4;

E.

Asensio,

'Un

Quevedo inc6gnito:

Las

"silvas"',

dadde

Oro,

II,

1983, pp.

13-48

(23);

Rivers

(as

in

n. 46), pp.

251-2;

andJauralde

Pou

(as

in n.

6),

pp.

157-66.

53. Egido

(as

in n.

47),

PP.

15,

21.

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

145

1520,

second

edition

1525)

and Ad D.

Menciam

Mendoziam

silva

(s.l.

c.

1540);

Francisco

Sanchez

de las

Brozas

(El Brocense)

published

an edition of Poliziano's Silvae with

com-

mentary

(Salamanca

1554,

reprinted

1596);

and Alvar G6mez de Castro included

'De

nova cathedrarum erectione in Toletana Schola sylva cui titulus Nymphe' in his Edyllia

aliquot,

sive

poematia

(Lyons

1588).54

The vernacular

silva tradition

in

Spain

evolved somewhat

differently.

So far as

we

know,

Statius's

Silvae were

not translated into

Spanish

in their

entirety

until after

170oo.5?

The term

silva,

however,

appears

in several titles of vernacular works

throughout

the

sixteenth

century.

Pedro de

Mexia's

Silva de

varia lecci6n

(1542)

uses

the term to

refer

to

a

compilation

of

curiosities;

the Silva de romances

(1550)

is a collection of

poems

all in

the

same metre but with

different

contents

and

styles;

and

Julian

de Medrano's

Silva curiosa

(1583)

is a

collection

of assorted verse and

prose

extracts

from

various

authors,

as well

as

a collection

of travel

journal excerpts

of an

autobiographical

nature.56

At

this

point,

one must wonder what

generic

definition could embrace such a

variety

of

literary

works.

Renaissance scholars derived the word silva from

the

Greek

word

hyle

(iV5r),

meaning

'material' or

'matter';

and

from

this

origin

arose its

early

Renaissance

meaning

as

the

primary

material

from

which a

literary

work was

constructed.57 Suetonius

and other Roman

authors

had taken

the literal

meaning

of the

Latin term

silva,

a

wood-

land

or

forest,

which was uncultivated and without

order,

and

made

it

metaphorical.58

The

word thus came

to

mean

a

literary miscellany

or

hotchpotch

of

various

genres,

gathering

together heterogeneous

forms of

literary

matter.

Quintilian,

the sensible

rhetorician,

wrote

pejoratively

of

silvae as

improvised

verses.59

Spanish

and

Italian

translations,

how-

ever, preserve resonances from both the literal meaning and its metaphorical extensions,61

so

that the

pun

selva/silva

became

popular

in

the Renaissance

and was used for

example

54.

See

Egido

(as

in

n.

47),

p.

22;

Asensio

(as

in

n.

52),

p.

2';

J.

F.

Alcina,

'La silva

neolatina',

in

L6pez

Bueno,

ed.

(as

in

n.

6),

pp.

129-55;

idem,

Repertorio

de

la

poesia

latina del Renacimiento en

Espaiia,

Salamanca

1995,

pp.

27-8,

87-8,

99-1oo;

and,

for

an excellent

discussion of

the

Neo-Latin

silva

tradition in

Spain

and

elsewhere,

Candelas Colodr6n

(as

in

n.

7), pp.

17-22.

55.

T.

S.

Beardsley, Jr.,

Hispano-Classical

Translations

Printed Between

1482

and

1699,

Pittsburgh 197o,

does

not list

any complete

translation of

Statius

published

before

17oo;

and M. Menendez

Pelayo,

Bibliografia

hispano-latina

cl(sica,

ed.

E.

Sinchez

Reyes,

Santander

1950,

III,

pp. 332-5,

cites

only

a

couple

of

translations

of

brief

passages

from

the

same

period.

This

omission

takes

on

added

significance

in the

light

of

the fact

that

Spanish

humanism

in

general

was

marked

by

an

unusually high

level

of

translation

into the

vernacular;

see

0. Di

Camillo,

'Humanism

in

Spain',

Renaissance

Humanism:

Foundations, Forms,

and

Legacy,

ii,

Humanism

beyond

Italy,

ed. A.

Rabil,

Jr.,

Philadelphia 1988,

pp.

55-108 (58-9).

56.

Egido

(as

in

n.

47),

P-

24-

57-

Vossler

(as

in

n.

52),

pp.

98-9.

For

the

etymology

of

silva

see

Poliziano,

Commento

inedito

(as

in

n.

49),

p.

8;

Oxford

Latin

Dictionary,

ed.

P.

G. W.

Glare,

Oxford

1982,

s.v.

'silva';

and

Rocha de

Sigler

(as

in n.

12),

p.

45,

quoting

Isidore of

Seville,

Origines,

XII.3-.1.

58.

Suetonius,

De

grammaticis,

x

(quoting

a

letter

to

Laelius Hermas

from

Ateius):

'Hylen

nostram

aliis

memento

commendare,

quam

omnis

generis

coegimus,

uti

scis,

octingentos

in

libros.' Friedrich

(as

in

n.

,31),

p.

44,

explains

that: 'Der Titel der

Sammlung

beruht

auif

der antiken

Verwendung

des Wortes "Wald"

(silva)

ffir

das

Chaotische,

Ungeformte,

ungeordnet Mannigfal-

tige,

im

Gegensatz

zum.

Geordneten,

majestditischen

Hain

(nemus).'

59. Quintilian,

Institutio

oratoria,

x.3.17:

'Diversum est

eorum

vitium

qui

primum

decurrere

per

materiam stilo

quam

velocissimo

volunt,

et

sequentes

calorem

atque

impetum

ex

tempore

scribunt;

hanc

silvain

vocant.

Repetunt

deinde et

componunt quae

effuderant sed

verba

emendantur et

numeri,

manet

in

rebus

temere

congestis, quae

fuit,

levitas.'

Quoted

in

Rocha

de

Sigler

(as

in n.

12),

p.

45.

6o. See Rocha de Sigler (as in n.

12),

p. 45.

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146

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND CRAIG KALLENDORF

by

Lorenzo de'

Medici;61

t

was taken

a

step

further into the realm of romantic

imagination

by

El

Brocense,

who

described

the

silva as a secret

poem

written

by

a

lonely poet

sitting

in

a

forest.62

In

short,

by

the end of the sixteenth

century,

the term silva seems to

have

con-

jured up

a

variety

of connotations,

including

those it had

acquired

in

antiquity.63

By

about

1613,

however,

this

open-endedness

was narrowed in

Spain

into a

very

precise

definition: a silva came

to

mean

a

silva

metrica,

a

poem

which

combined hendeca-

syllables

and

heptasyllables, though

not in a fixed

pattern.64

The

evolution

took

place

very

rapidly.

Pedro

Espinosa's

Flores

(completed by

16o3,

printed

1605)

lacks both

poems

labelled silvas and

anything

written

in

hendecasyllabic/heptasyllabic

metre.

A

manuscript

from Granada

bearing

the

title Poetica silva

(c.

1605)

uses

the term

silva

to mean miscel-

lany;

but

the

eight poems

entitled

silva which it contains are

all written

in

octava

real or

hendecasyllabic

tercets.

Juan

Antonio

Calder6n's Flores

(collected

by

1611),

however,

contains

various

poems

in the

hendecasyllabic/heptasyllabic metre,

some

of which are

called

silvas;

and

Madrid,

Biblioteca Nacional MS

3,888

(1614),

containing

inter

alia

the

Silvas of Francisco

de

Rioja,

firmly

associates the word with

the new

form."

A number

of

writers

of this

time

or

shortly

afterwards-Juan

de

Arguijo,

Don Francisco de

Calatayud,

Gutierre

Lobo,

Agustin

de

Tejada,

Rodrigo

Caro,

Francisco

de

Trillo

y Figueroa,

Pedro

Soto

de

Rojas

and

Lope

de

Vega-wrote

silvas

of some

distinction;

but the

key

figure

in

this

generic

evolution was

Luis de

G6ngora.

The

manuscript

version of

his Soledad

primera

began

circulating

in

1613;

the Soledades

were written

in the new

form,

the silva

mentrica,

and were

very popular,

as

is evidenced

by

the numerous

early printed

editions

of

them as

61.

Lorenzo

de'

Medici,

who

was

a

friend and

patron

of

Poliziano,

wrote two

Selve

d'amore

at some

point

after

1486; they

were

first

published

as

Selve

damore

composte

dal

Magnijfiro

Lorenzo,

Florence

1518.

Both are

pastoral

poems

which

concentrate

largely

on

descriptions

of

the

landscape;

and the

silva/selva

pun

in

the title

is con-

tinued

in

specific

phrases

of the

poems:

'nel

loco alto

e

silvestre'

(Selva

I,

stanza

122,

1.

1);

'e

selve trarre

e

pinger

sassi'

(Selva

II,

stanza

4,

11.

5-6).

See

Lorenzo

de'

Medici,

Stanze,

ed.

R.

Castagnola,

Florence

1986,

pp.

LI,

5o, 63.

62. 'Sed crediderim

...

Siluarum

inscriptione

delec-

tatum,

eo

quod

in

siluis

scripserit,

&

in

secreto

nemore.'

Quoted

in

Rivers

(as

in

n.

46),

p.

255.

El

Brocense

made

this remark

in

his

edition

of Poliziano's

Silvae

(Salarnanca

1554).

For a

poet

of the

English

Renais-

sance

who

exploited

the

romantic

connotations

of

the

silva

as

a

poem

written

in a forest see

Ben

Jonson's

The

Forrest

(1616)

and the studies

of

A.

Jacobson

Lavinger,

'The

Sylva

and

Civilizing

Form

in

Ben

Jonson's

The

Forrest and

The

lJnder-Wood',

Ph.D.

thesis,

Princeton

University

1977;

and

A.

Fowler,

'The

Silva Tradition

in

Jonson's

The

oTrrest',

n

Poeticr

Traditios

of

the

English

Renaissance, ed. M. Mack and G. deForest Lord, New

Haven and

London

1982,

pp.

163-6.

63.

See

Vossler

(as

in

n.

52),

p.

99:

'La

palabra

"silva"

hace

pensar

en

cosas

diferentes:

bosque,

silencio,

soledad

del

bosque-materia

iUrj-,

colecci6n

de

materias,

miscelinea, conflusi6n-improvisaci6n,

raptus,

entusiasmo-,

forma disuelta

v

combinaci6n

de

versos

diferentes

...' For the

range

of

meanings present

in

ancient

discussions

of

silva

see

D. F.

Bright,

Elaborate

Disarray:

The Nature

of

Statits'

Silvae,

Meisenheim

am

Glan

198o,

pp.

20-49.

64. Egido

(as

in n.

47),

pp.

41-85.

See

E. Asensio

and

M.

J.

Woods,

'Formas

y

contenidos:

La silva

y

la

poesia

descriptiva',

Historia

y

critica

de

la

literatura

espafiola,

ed.

F.

Rico,

III,

Siglos

de

oro:

Barroco,

d.

B.

Wardropper,

Barcelona

1983,

p.

679:

'A

partir

del

triunfo

tan

pol6-

mico

de

G6ngora

... la silva

suscita una

pequefia

revo-

Iuici6n'.

65.

See

Asensio

(as

in

n.

52),

pp.

24-7.

The

termino-

logical fluidity

makes

primacy

difficult

to

establish,

but

Asensio's

chronology

seems reasonable

to

us.

Vossler

(as

in

n.

52), pp.

99-1oo,

proposed

Juan

de

Jiuregi

as

the author

who

introduced the term

silva

into

Spanish

in his translation

of

Tasso's

Aminta;

Egido

(as

in

n.

47),

pp.

34-6, gives primacy

to a

poem

of

Espinosa's

which

can

be described

as a

silva

'con cierta

aproximacion',

and considers

Jdiuregi's

translation

as the second

in-

stance of the use of the term, 'bien que atfpico, por sut

verso

librfsimo'

(p.

35)-

See

also

Rocha de

Sigler

(as

in

n.

12),

pp.

48-50.

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

147

part

of

G6ngora's

Obras

completas.66Although

G6ngora

himself never

called his

poems

silvas,

his Soledades

consistently

follow

the

pattern

of

the silva

metrica,

alternating freely

between

hendecasyllables

(75%)

and

heptasyllables

(25%).

Neither Quevedo nor Statius has been properly situated in this story. If we turn first

to

Quevedo's

silvas

(Appendix

ii)

we find

twenty-one

silvas

metricas,

which

suggests

that

he

was

fully

informed about

metrical

developments

and interested

in

showing

his

ability

to handle

the new

form.67 We

also find fifteen silvas written in

eight

other verse

forms,

ranging

from

Pindaric

odes to octavas

reales.68

Conceivably,

Quevedo

chose this

genre

precisely

because

he

was attracted

to the idea

of a

flexible,

innovative form which

would

allow

him

to

write

a

miscellany

of

occasional

poems

in a

personal,

lyric

mode

without

the

constrictions

of dominant

metres or themes.

As we have

seen,

however,

G6ngora's

version of the

silva was

quite

different,

in

that

his

Soledades

were marked

by

metrical

homogeneity.

His

poems

also

employ

a

mode

of

enunciation which

is

much

less

personal

than

Quevedo's.69

The contrast in

styles

is

pro-

nounced

enough

for Nadine

Ly

to

have

concluded that

G6ngora's

poems,

though

taking

the

silvas

inmtricas

s

their

point

of

departure,

should

be

recognised

as

inaugurating

a

new

genre,

the

soledad.7I

Whatever

the merits of this

view,

it

is clear

that

by

the

time

Quevedo

returned

to

Spain

in

1619,

G6ngora's

version

of the

silva

had

prevailed.

We

may

well

imagine

that

this

displacement

of the

earlier,

broader form

of the

genre by

the

popular

but

poetically

constrictive

silva

mertrica

offended

Quevedo

not

only

as a

scholar but also

from a

personal point

of view. It was

G6ngora,

after

all,

who

had

questioned

his

com-

petence

some

years

before-and

the

dispute

still

continued."'

The issue of the

evolution

of a poetic term now developed into a critical controversy in which Quevedo consciously

allied himself with

Statius,

against

those

like

G6ngora

who

were

moving

the

genre

in

new

directions.72

In

1629,

Quevedo

included a reference to the

silva

problem

in

the

dedication

66.

There were

eight

editions of

G6ngora's

Obras

between

1636

and

1667:

Madrid

1636,

Zaragoza

1643,

Lisbon

1646-7,

Seville

1648,

Madrid

1654,

Zaragoza

1654,

Brussels

1659

and Lisbon

1667.

67.

Quevedo

also used the silva

mitrica

verse

form in

two other

works,

'Ligrimas

de

Jeremfas

castellanas' and

'Hericlito

cristiano'

(1613);

see

Jauralde

Pou

(as

in n.

6), p.

173.

68. These

figures

are derived from A.

Alatorre,

'Quevedo:

De la "silva" al

"ovillejo"',

Homnenaje

Eugenio

Asensio,

Madrid

1988,

p.

6 n.

12.

Asensio

(as

in

n.

52),

p.

34,

mistakenly

counted one

poem

in

octaves as a

silva

mulrica,

giving

him 2

2

silvas

itlricas

and

14

poems

written

in

other

mnetres.

69.

Rivers

(as

in

n.

46),

pp.

257-8,

explains

that the

Statian silva as

developed

by Quevedo

is marked

by

the firm

presence

of

the

lyric

'I',

but

that

G6ngora's

Soledades

cultivate

a more

obscure,

less

intimate tone.

7o.

See

N.

Ly,

'Las

Soledades: "Esta

poesfa

infitil"',

Critic6n, xxx,

1985, pp. 7-42. Ly quotes

Garcia de

Salcedo

Coronel,

who

published

a volume

of

Obras de

don

Luis de

G6ngora

comentadas

(Madrid

1636)

in

which

he

compared

the Soledades 'con las

silvas

estacianas,

poniendo

de relieve

su

cari-cter

mezclado

v

variado

y

la

analogia que

relaciona el

genero poetico

de la

silva con

la

palabra

soledad

por

medio

de la

silva'

(Lv,

p.

12).

Salcedo

Coronel added:

'Presumo

que

Don

Luis

quiso

a esta

voz,

Silva,

correspondiese

Soledad en

nuestra

lengua,

v

no

impropiamente, pues

si

la silva

significa

en

castellano selva

o

bosque, ;que

cosa

mas

solitaria?'

(ibid.). From this passage Ly concludes that from as

early

as

1636,

G6ngora's

poems

were seen by

his

imme-

diate successors

as both

closely

connected

to

the Statian

silva and

radically

departing

from it

(ibid.,

p.

2

1).

71.

See

above,

n.

22.

72.

For

the

controversy

between

Quevedo

and G6n-

gora

see

Rivers

(as

in n.

46),

p.

'57;

and

idem,

'Prob-

lems of Genre in

Golden

Age

Poetry',

Modern

Language

Notes,

cII,

1987,

pp.

2o6-19.

As

Alatorre

points

out,

however,

Quevedo

soon

adapted

even

the format of

the

silva

mitrica

to suit his own

interests and to

differentiate

his work from

that of

G6ngora.

He

hypothesises

that

Quevedo's

silvas

ultimately

mutated into what

should

more

properly

be

called

ovillejos,

or

silvas

with

paired

dactylic

hexameters. Alatorre

(as

in n.

68),

pp.

27-8.

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148

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF

AND CRAIG

KALLENDORF

to Count-Duke

Olivares of his edition

of the works of

Fray

Luis de

Le6n

(published

in

1631):

And

Statius,

in Book v of

the

Silvas,

'Epicedion

in

patrem', speaking

of

the

poets, says,

when

discussing

Lycophron,

the

one who

taught

this

sect

in

Greek: 'the

songs

of

Battus's son and the

concealments of

the black

Lycophron'.

Words of

greater opprobrium

could not be

studied. It

is

not

only reprehensible

to write

obscurely,

but

[it is]

also

unclear.73

In this

passage Lycophron,

who

was notorious

for

his

obscurity,

is

associated

with

G6ngora

and the

culteranos,

while

Quevedo

appropriates

Statius as the model

for

his

own vision

of

the

genre.

It

should also be noted that

the line he

quotes

here from

Statius,

Silvae,

v.3.157,

is marked

in

the Princeton Aldine

(sig.

i3V).

Although

it has

long

been

recognised

that

Statius had some

impact

in

Golden

Age

Spain,

modern

scholarship

has

hesitated

to

assign

his

poetry

an

important place

in

the

development

of the

Spanish

silva.74 The

evidence,

however,

suggests

that

through

Quevedo,

the role

played by

Statius

in

the

development

of the

Spanish

silva was more

extensive than has

been

thought.

The fact

that

Quevedo

read his

copy

of Statius

carefully,

returned to

it

over the

years

and even

used

it

in his

efforts to define the silva as a

genre,

suggests

very

strongly

that the

Silvae

provided

the basic

model

for him

as he wrote his own

poems

in

this

form.

Crucially,

there

is

metrical

variety

in

the Statian

Silvae;

and this

was

central to

Quevedo's

vision.75

By modelling

his

collection

of

poems closely

on the works

73-

'Y

Estacio,

en

el

libro

V

de

las

silvas,

"Epicedion

in

patrem",

hablando de los

poetas,

cuando trata de

Licofr6n,

que

fue

quien

en

griego

ensefi6 esta seta

dice:

"Carmina Battiadae

latebrasque

Lycophronis

atri"

/

"Escondrijos

del

ennegrecido

Licofr6n". No se

pudieron

estudiar

palabras

de

mayor oprobio...

[N]o

s6lo es

reprehensible

escribir

escuro,

sino

poco

claro':

Epistolario

conpleto

(as

in

n.

15),

p.

224.

Madrid,

Biblio-

teca Nacional

MS

3678

has

ari

at

the end

of

Silvae,

v.3.157;

modern texts

usually

print

arti,

but

the Aldine

edition has

atri,

which

is

of course what

Quevedo quotes.

74.

For

example,

Aurora

Egido

notes that a number

of

poets

wrote

silvas which are

in her

opinion clearly

connected to Statian models; yet she insists that Statius

was not

an immediate

generative

model

for the silva

mdtrica

in

Spain.

See

Egido

(as

in n.

47),

PP-

45

(Fran-

cisco de

Calatayud),

53

(G6ngora),

59

(Francisco

de

Calatayud,

again),

66

(Francisco

de Trillo

y Figueroa),

67

(Pedro

Soto de

Rojas)

and

75

(Antonio

L6pez

de

Mendoza);

her conclusion

is found

on

p.

15.

Rivers

(as

in

n.

46),

p.

255,

notes that no school

of

translators and

imitators

like the one around Horace

arose around

Statius,

which

leads

him to

conclude

that

Quevedo's

imitation

of

'Somnus'

appears

to

be the most direct

contact between

Statius and the

17th-century Spanish

silva. Lia Schwartz and

Ignacio

Arellano,

in their edition

of Francisco de

Quevedo,

Un

Herdclito

Cristiano,

Canta

sola

a Lisi

y

otros

poemas,

Barcelona

1998,

p.

xxxix,

note

in

general

terms that

Quevedo

drew

from Statius and

his

Neo-Latin

imitators,

and list

six

Sonetos

of

Quevedo

(58-6o

and

64-66)

in

which

they

find

some

resem-

blance

to

particular

Silvae

of

Statius:

for

example,

Soneto

58,

which

celebrates

a

statue,

recalls

Silvae,

1.1,

on the

equestrian

statue

of

Domitian;

and Sonetos

65

and

66,

on a bull killed

by

the

king,

echo

Silvae,

II.5,

on the

death

of a

lion

killed

in

the

amphitheatre.

75.

To

be

sure,

there

is somewhat less metrical

variety

in

Statius's collection

than

in

Quevedo's.

Of

Statius's

32

poems,

26

are in the dominant

dactylic

hexameter,

four are

in

hendecasyllabics,

and two

are

in

Horatian

meters

(one

Sapphic,

one

Alcaic).

As

is often

the

case,

however,

the

problem

is

not with

generating

the statis-

tics, but with interpreting them. Asensio (as in n.

52),

p.

16,

looked at the

metrical

breakdown

of the

poems

in

Quevedo's

collection versus that of the

poems

in

Statius's

and concluded

that,

for

Quevedo,

'el

propdsito

inicial

de

rivalizar

con Estacio

permitia

una

gran

vari-

edad

de

formas metricas'. Alatorre

(as

in

n.

68)

looked

at the same statistics

(with

one

slight

modification)

and

emphasised

difference

rather

than

similarity, noting

that less than

20%

of Statius's

poems

deviate

from the

dominant

dactylic

hexameter while

more

than

4o%

of

Quevedo's

are not silvas

mdtricas.

While

Alatorre's

observation is

obviously

reasonable,

it seems to

us

that

comparison

also should

be made

with

the

practice

of

G6ngora;

when this

is

done,

both Statius

and

Quevedo

stand

together

as advocates

of metrical

variety

within

the silva.

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

149

of a classical

author,

Quevedo

opted

for

the

traditional

humanist

approach

to

literary

creation. In

hindsight,

we

can see that the

road

G6ngora

started

down

led to

the

future;

but we should still

use the

clues which

Quevedo

himself left us

to

try

to

evaluate

his

silvas

according to the norms by which they were written.

How did

Quevedo

himself

envision

his

silvas

as a

group

or

collection? He

must

have been

influenced to

some extent

by

one of the

Spanish

meanings

of the word

silva, i.e.,

miscel-

lany,

because his

collection

is

ultimately quite

heterogeneous

in

its

assortment

of

themes,

metres and

lengths

of

poems.

If,

however,

the

silvas are

arranged

in

the

sequence

that

might

have been

conceptualised

for them

originally,

as

in

our

Appendix

II,

the

collection

emerges

with

more

coherence. Our

method has

been

to

list

the

poems

in

the

order in

which they appear, first, in

Naples,

Biblioteca Nazionale MS

XIV.E.46,

Quevedo's

early

autograph

manuscript

in

which

he

conceived,

corrected

and

re-ordered

his

early

silvas

as

a

collection."7

For the rest

of the

poems,

most of which

we

presume

to

have been

written

later,

we

have

followed the

order of

the

'Indice

intercalado'

compiled

by Quevedo's

nephew

and

heir,

Pedro

Aldrete,

and

included

by

him in

the

earliest

printed

edition

to

present

the silvas

as a

group.77

We

agree

with

Eugenio

Asensio and

Antonio

Alatorre that

the

total

number of

silvas

should be

thirty-six.78

Certain

images

or ideas

recur

in

several

poems

in

the

collection:

for

example,

the

obsession with

romantic

love,

the

pastoral

image

of

the musician's

lyre

and

the

Neostoic

preoccupation

with

the

goddess

Fortuna

appear again

and

again

in

these poems. More-

over,

when

the

poems

in

the

Naples

manuscript

are

arranged

in

the

final

order

designated

by

the

copyist

(who

appears

to have

changed

his

mind

several

times on

this

question),

a

number

of

striking

images

manifest

themselves

in

the

collection,

first

as

the

subjects

of

individual

poems

and then

later as

echoes

of

those motifs

within

other

poems.

For ex-

ample,

the first

silva

in

the

collection,

'Al

tronco

y

a la

fuente',

is

about

a

widow

turtledove;

this

same

turtledove is

recalled in

the

third,

'De tu

peso

vencido'

(11.

31-2);

and

the

sixth,

';iQue

de

robos han

visto del

invierno'

(11.

85-90).

Likewise,

after

the

city

of

Rome

serves

as the

subject

for

the tenth

silva,

'Esta

que

miras

grande

Roma

agora',

it

is

recalled

in

the

eleventh,

'En

caircel

de

metal,

ioh

atrevimiento '

(1. 18).

The

killing

of a

wild boar is

the

subject of 'Tii, blas6n de los bosques' (no. 29); and the animal is remembered in the con-

text of

homicide

in

'Este de los

demais

sitios

Narciso',

the

poem

about

the

country

home

(no.

30o,

1.

8o).

Insomnia is

the

subject

of

Quevedo's

fifth

silva;

and a

direct

recollection

76.

We

have

followed the final

ordering

of the

poems

as

they

are

numbered

in

the

Naples

manuscript-that

is,

we

have

ignored

the

crossed-out

numbers

which,

according

to

Ettinghausen,

'Un

nuevo

manuscrito'

(as

in

n.

14),

p.

222

n.

10,

represent

earlier

attempts

at

ordering

the

poems

in a

sequence.

77.

Las

tres

musas

ultimas

castellanas.

Segunda

cumbre

del

parnaso

espafiol

de

don

Francisco de

Quevedo

y

Villegas

...,

ed. Pedro

Aldrete

Quevedo

y

Villegas,

Madrid

1670,

p.

125.

Aldrete's

index

lists a

total

of

37

'silvas,

y

canciones',

although only 31

poems

appear

in

his

edition.

78.

See

Asensio

(as

in

n.

52),

p.

2o;

and

Alatorre

(as

in n.

68),

p.

19.

Asensio

rejects

one

poem

in

the

Indice

intercalado,

'Cuando

glorioso

entre

Moises

y

Elias',

as a

relaci6n

written

in

octavos

and

therefore

not a

silva

(pp.

18-20).

Given

how long this poem is, we are inclined

to

agree

with him. In

our

opinion

the

list

of

Rocha de

Sigler

(as

in

n.

12),

p.

62,

includes

several

doubtful

candidates.

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150

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF

AND CRAIG

KALLENDORF

of

this

theme comes

in

his

'Tiempo, que

todo lo

mudas'

(no.

33,

11.

45-8).

After

a

ship

and the

perils

of sea travel are the focus of

the

second

poem,

'?D6nde

vas,

ignorante

navecilla',

the same theme recurs

in

the

poem

addressed to Pedro

de

Leiva,

captain

general of the Spanish navy (no. 7), and again in the one about the Duke of Pastrana's

naval

victory

(no.

31).

Arranging

the

poems

in

this

order

obviously

has its

advantages

if it

yields

coherence

in

the manner

just

described;

but

it

also allows

us to

distinguish phases

in

Quevedo's

imitation of Statius.

Among

the

first

poems

in

the

collection

are several

imitations,

some

fairly

close,

some less

so,

of

specific

poems

by

Statius

(see

Appendix

iii,

p.

167).

Then

there

are

quite

a few

poems

which bear almost no

relation to Statius at

all,

outside

of a

few echoes

of isolated

images

or

tropes.79

Finally,

the last

group

again

contains

a

striking

sequence

of close imitations of

specific poems by

Statius.

This

division

of the

poems

into

groups corresponding

to

temporal phases

of

Quevedo's

work leads

in

turn to some

interesting

questions.

Was

Quevedo

imitating

Statius

closely

at

the

beginning,

until

his

ambitions were

all but thwarted

by

G6ngora's popularisation

of the silva

in its

non-Statian

soledad form?

Did he then continue

his

project

almost

half-heartedly, writing

occasional

poems

which

he did not

attempt

to model

rigidly

upon

those of

Statius?

Finally,

did he

return

in

later

years

to

his

once-cherished

idea,

deciding

to

imitate

Statius

formally again

and thus

prove

himself

to

be the better humanist?

These are

tantalising

questions

to

which

we

may ultimately

never find

answers,

but the

best

place

to

begin exploring

them

is with

Quevedo's

silvas

themselves.

We

shall start

by looking

at the individual verbal

echoes which

clearly

derive

from

Quevedo's annotations of Statius. A number of these passages, marked in the margins of

his Aldine edition

and then

repeated

in

his own

silvas,

are

immediately recognisable

as

reflecting Baroque preoccupations.

For

instance,

the

topos

of nature

outdone

by

art,

so

frequently

found

in

Spanish

Baroque

literature,

was also common

in

Latin Silver

Age

poetry.

Statius

specifically

invokes

this

topos

in

Silvae,

11.2.52,

'Villa

Surrentina Pollii

Felicis',

by suggesting

that the artifice of the

villa has

surpassed

the

beauty

of

its natural

surroundings

('Here

are

spots

that Nature has

favoured,

here she

has been

outdone').8s

Quevedo

marked

this

passage

and then

repeated

the same idea

of art as

'competidor

vali-

ente

/de

la Naturaleza'

in

his

poem

'Tu,

si en

cuerpo pequefio',

about

the artist's

pencil

(no.

17,

11.

2-3).

An

even

more

specific

example

of

Baroque

artifice

derived

from Statius

appears

in

the fourth

poem.

Quevedo

marked a

passage

in

Statius's

epithalamium

(Silvae,

1.2.153-6)

about

marble

fountains;

and then

promised,

in

'Aquf

la vez

postrera',

to

build

for

a natural fountain

a

marble mouth

which will

always

thirst for

water,

in the

shape

of

a

satyr's

mouth

(no.

4,

11.

60-3). Finally,

in

a

poem

about romantic

love,

Quevedo

took

advantage

of one

of Statius's manneristic

plays

on words.

At Silvae,

1.3.85,

he

marked

the

artfully ambiguous

'vitreae

iuga perfida

Circes'

('the

perfidious

height

of

glassy

Circe')

in

Statius's

poem

about

the villa of Manilius

Vopiscus.

Grammatically, 'perfidious'

modifies

79.

Within

this

large group

there

appear

to be

identifiable subsets, such as five poems together about

romantic love

(nos

19-23)

and three

poems together

about

various

types

of

clocks

(nos

26-8).

Note

also

that

as

Quevedo

revised

and

ordered

his

poems,

some

of

the

silvas

ended

up

as

parts

of other

collections:

nos

19-22,

for example, were integrated

into the

Canta

sola a

Lisi.

8o.

In this and other

examples,

for the

Statian

text

marked

by

Quevedo

and

the text

of

his

annotation

see

below,

Appendix

I.

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QUEVEDO

AND

STATIUS

151

'height';

but it is also

positioned

next to

'Circe',

a

mythological

figure

to whom the

reader

instinctively

tries to

apply

the

adjective.

Quevedo-in

typical

Baroque fashion-preferred

the

misreading

which

arises

from

manneristic

wordplay.

He therefore

invoked

'the

lying

Circes' in a poem entitled 'Ansia de amante porfiado' (no. 23, 1.58)-another creatively

loose

Baroque

variation on

this same word

'perfidious'. Through

borrowings

such as

these,

Quevedo

read

(and

intentionally

misread)

the mannerist Statius

in

search

of

highly

artifi-

cial

montages

of

images

and

word

associations-all

means

by

which

the artifice

of

the

poet

could

exceed the

beauty

of nature.

It is

possible

to

categorise

Quevedo's

annotations

and

borrowings

from Statius

in

terms

of

images

to which he

alluded

briefly

and

those

which

inspired

entire

poems.

We

turn now

to the latter

category.

When

he

annotated

Statius's

poem

about the elaborate

villa of

Manilius

Vopiscus

(1.3),

Quevedo

noted,

next

to the

phrase

'to tell

the

shapes'

(1.

48),

that

the

poet

wrote

'remarkably

and

poetically

and

elegantly

about

sculpture';

and

later the use

of visual art to call

poetic

figures

to mind

became the theme

of

his own

poem

'Al

pincel'

(no.

17),

in

which

he addressed the artist's

pencil

and

praised

it for

the

ways

in

which

it aids human

memory.8"

In

the

poem

of Statius which laments

the death

of his

adopted

son

(Silvae,

v.5),

Quevedo

marked a

long

passage describing

the

violent mourn-

ing

of the

poet

at the

death of

his child

(11.

56-62).

Many

of Statius's

ideas about

grief

are

repeated

in his

own

poem

about the widow

turtledove who

mourns

the death of

her

spouse

(no. 1).

2

Another instance of

expansion

by

Quevedo

of

a

passage

from Statius

which

he admired

can

be

seen

in

the

poem

beginning

'El

metal animado'

(no. 26),

an

extended

meditation on

the

commonplace

theme of

carpe

diem.

Quevedo

marked

in

his

copy an injunction by Venus, from the epithalamium for Stella and Violentilla (Silvae,

1.2.166),

commanding

the

bride

to

employ

her

beauty

and to

use

her

fleeting gifts.

His

own

poem

about the

passage

of time has a

similar

warning

as its

undercurrent,

calling

on

the

reader to mourn the 'irrevocable hour'

given

by

the

clock,

to

forestall the

sounding

of

the

next,

and

to

make

the most

of

the

present

hour.83

Finally,

in

perhaps

the most

interesting

case

of

a seed from

Statius

blossoming

in

Quevedo's

fertile

mind

into an entire

poem,

Quevedo

marked a

Statian

passage

about

Rome

(Silvae,

1.1.93-4)

and

then

copied

some

similar

lines from

Horace

(Carmina,

III.3o.8-9)

in

the

margin.

The

passage

from

Horace

appears

almost word for word

in

Quevedo's

'Esta

que

miras

grande

Roma

agora

(no.

10o,

11.

9-11).

Next we shall examine some

larger

borrowings, by

means

of

which

Quevedo

wrote

Spanish Baroque adaptations

of

Statius's

poems

(see

Appendix

IIi).

To

do

this

we

have,

first

of

all,

paired

five

poems

of

Quevedo

with five of

Statius,

which

loosely

resemble one

another

on a

thematic level.

Thus,

Quevedo's

first silva about the

widow

turtledove can

81. 'Eres

tan

fuerte,

/

eres tan

poderoso,

/

que

en

desprecio

del

Tiempo

y

de sus

leyes,

/

y

de

la anti-

gfiedad

ciega y

escura,

/

del

seno

de la edad

mis

apartada

/

restituyes

los

prfncipes y

reyes,

/

la ilustre

majestad

v

la hermosura

/

que

huy6

de

la memoria

sepultada.' (Blecua, ed., as in n.

1,

no. 205, 11.9-16.)

82.

The ideas of Statius found in

this

passage

are

repeated loosely

in

his

other seven

epicedia

and

were

echoed

briefly

in

numerous other

poems by Quevedo

about

death:

e.g. 'Deja

l'alma v

los

ojos'

(Blecua,

ed.,

as

in

n.

1,

no.

278);

'Faltar

pudo

su

patria

al

grande

Osuna'

(ibid.,

no.

223);

'Mereciste reinar,

y

mereciste'

(ibid.,

no.

238);

and

'Entre las

coronadas sombras

mias'

(ibid.,

no. 239).

83. 'La hora irrevocable que dio, Ilora;/ preven la

que

ha

de

dar;

y

la

que

cuentas,

/

l6grala

bien.'

(Blecua,

ed.,

as

in

n.

1,

no.

140,

11.

26-8.)

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152

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND CRAIG

KALLENDORF

be

coupled

with Statius's

'Psittacus Atedii

Melioris',

about the dead

parrot.

Both

poems

describe the

mourning

of a bird for

its dead

companion

(Statius

11.4.16-23; Quevedo

no.

1,

11.

1-44);

and both

associate

specific

classical

gods

with

specific

birds-Statius men-

tioned the birds of Apollo (1. 17) andJuno (1. 26), while Quevedo associates his loving

turtledove

with

Cupid,

the

god

of

love

(11.

23-6).

The

second

loosely

connected

pair

of

poems

are

also

epicedia

or

dead animals.

This

time

Quevedo

read Statius's

epicedion

or

a

tame

lion

(Silvae,

II.v)

and wrote a similar

lamentation

for

a wild boar

(no.

29).

In both

cases,

the once-fierce animal

attains

greater

honour

in

death than it ever had

in

life,

by

the

response

of

a

powerful

ruler to its

demise.

In

Statius's

poem,

Emperor

Domitian reacts to

the lion's death

by

wiping

away

a

tear

(1.

30o);

in

Quevedo's,

it is the

princess

Dofia Maria

who both kills

the boar

(11.

55-77)

and

reacts

to its

death

(11.

78-102).

In

addition,

there

is a

precise

reminiscence

of

Statius's

poem

in

Quevedo's

reference to Caesar

(11.

46-8),

the title used

by

Statius

to refer to

Emperor

Domitian.

The

third

pair

of

poems

are

panegyrics,

both written

in

celebration

of

great

military

leaders.

Just

as

Statius

praises

Domitian after his

campaign

in

Germany

in

his

'Septimus

Decimus Consulatus

Imp. Aug.

Germanici',

so

Quevedo

praises

the Duke of

Pastrana after

his

naval

victory

over the

Turks,

in

his 'Esclarecidas sefias

da Fortuna'.

Both

poems begin

in

the same

way: heavenly

bodies are said to fall

prostrate

at the leader's

feet,

eclipsed

by

his

greatness

(Statius

Iv.

1.3-4; Quevedo

no.

31,

11.

4-6).

The fourth

pair

of

poems

were

written

about a

lock

of

hair

which was

to be

cut

off. In the

case

of

Statius,

it

became a

gift

sent

willingly

in a

golden

box

by

Flavius Earinus to the

temple

of

Asclepius

at

Pergamum;

his

'Capilli

Flavi Earini'

is

therefore an

anathematikon,

record

of

a

voluntary

act of dedi-

cation. In Quevedo's '4C6mo pudiera ser hecho piadoso', the hair was to be cut off against

a

lady's

will

by

order

of

her doctor

during

a

period

of

illness.

In

both

poems

the

beauty

of the hair is described

in

some detail

(Statius

111.4.8-1

1,

90-2; Quevedo

no.

34,

11.

49-

6o).

The

fifth

pair

of

poems

are two

more

epicedia.

Both were written on the occasion

of

the

death

of

a

young

noble

woman.

Quevedo's

silva entitled

'Epicedio

en

la

muerte de una

ilustre

sefiora,

hermosa

y

difunta en

lo florido de su

edad'

(no.

35)

resembles

Statius's

'Epicedion

in

Priscillam'

by

virtue

of the

contests,

appearing

in both

poems,

involving

gods

or

entities such as

Death,

Fortune,

Envy,

Love,

Nature and

Heaven.

In

Statius's

poem,

Priscilla's

husband

struggles

with Death

(Silvae,

v.

1.7-9);

and Fortune

and

Envy

are at

war

with each other

(v.1.137-53).

In

Quevedo's

poem,

Elvira contends

first with Death

(no.

35,

11.

27-38)

and then with Love

(11.

39-41);

and Nature and Heaven

fight

one another

over

her

(11.21-6).

Finally,

both women

are

in

some

way

immortalised: Priscilla

through

works of art made

in her

image;

and Elvira

through

what she leaves

behind-the ashes of

her beautiful

body,

which

Quevedo

calls 'Love's

empire'

and the arms and ammunition

of

its war84

(Statius

v.

1.228-38;

Quevedo

no.

35,

11.

6-7).

We can now move on to four

pairs

of

poems

which bear

the

signs

of much closer

imitation

by

Quevedo

of his classical

model,

at times to the extent

of direct verbal and

structural

parallels. Perhaps

the clearest and most direct

example

in

this

category,

Statius's

84.

'el

imperio

de Amor

en

poca

tierra, / la munici6n,

las armas de

su

guerra'

(Blecua,

ed.,

no.

278,

11.

6-7).

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

153

'Somnus'

(Silvae,

v.4)

and

Quevedo's

'El

suefio'

(no.

5,

beginning

'iCon

que culpa

tan

grave'),

comprise

the

only

such

pair

to

have

been

studied

carefully

together.85

Apart

from

the obvious

similarity

of

their

titles,

these two

poems

manifest

the

same basic

rhetorical

structure: a complaint by the insomniac poet; then a description of nightfall and its still-

ness;

and

finally

a

contrast between

the

poet

and

other

people experiencing

this

night.

Quevedo

follows

Statius

closely,

even

imitating

his

alliterative

style

(Statius

1.

1,

'Crimine

quo';

Quevedo

1.

1,

'Con

que culpa',

'for

what

crime')

and

translating

his words

literally

(Statius

1.

1,

'merui';

Quevedo

1.

3,

'pude

...

merecerte',

'have I

deserved').

Quevedo's

poem

is

longer

than that of

Statius,

but the

added

length

unfolds

within a close

imitation

of

'Somnus':

Quevedo

takes a

key

word

from

Statius and

embellishes it

with one or more

synonyms:

he

specifies,

for

example,

the

gifts

of

sleep

(11.

39-45)

to

which

Statius had

alluded

in

a

more

general

way.

Quevedo

takes

advantage

of

the

dual

meanings

inherent

in

some

of

Statius's

cleverly

chosen

words;

for

instance,

'lumen'

(Statius

11.

11,

17)

can

mean

'light'

as well as

'eye';

and

Quevedo

incorporates

both of

these

meanings

into

his

phrases

'[L]uz

enferma'

(1.

2o,

'sick

light')

and 'mis dos

ojos

... nacieron

antes

para

llorar

que

para

verte,

suefio'

(11.

16-17,

'my

two

eyes

...

were born

more to

cry

than to see

you,

sleep').

He

repeats

Statius's

image

of

a

quiet

sea

and,

like

him,

contrasts it

with

the

wailing

of

the insomniac

poet

(Statius

11.

5-10;

Quevedo

11.

30,

37).

Even an

instance in

which

Quevedo

appears

to

depart

from

Statius,

when he

characterises

Sleep

more as

an

attractive

lover

(1.

51)

than

as

the

somewhat

aloof

god

of

antiquity,

can be linked

to

a cue from

the

Roman

poet,

for

Statius had

created the

image

of a

lover in

bed

with his

lady

who,

unlike

him,

does not wish for

sleep

(Statius

11.

14-15; Quevedo

1.

74).

Quevedo's

poem

has been

criticised, however, for repeating some topoi from Statius more as residual ornament

than as

heartfelt

feeling.86

Our

own view is

that,

in the

end,

Quevedo

followed

Statius too

slavishly

in his 'El

suefio',

instead

of

trusting

his

own

poetic

instincts.

Nevertheless,

this

pair

of

poems

shows

us how

closely

Quevedo

was

capable

of

imitating

Statius

when he

chose to do

so.

The second

pairing

of

poems

which

closely

resemble each

other

consists of

an

imitation

by

Quevedo

of

two

ekphrases

of villas

by

Statius. One of the

villas

belonged

to

Manilius

Vopiscus

(Silvae,

1.3),

the other to

Pollius

Felix and his

wife

(Silvae,

11.2).

Quevedo

wrote

a similar

ekphrasis

of

a

country

home,

the

casa de

campo

built

by

Gonzalo

Chac6n

at

least

partly

for

the

recreational

use

of

the

royal

couple

Ferdinand

and

Isabella

(no.

3o,

beginning

'Este de los demais sitios

Narciso').

He annotated both of Statius's

poems

ex-

tensively

in

his

Aldine

edition

of the

Silvae;

and

he drew

elements

from

both

into his

close

imitation.

In

Statius's first

villa

poem Quevedo

marked off

several

passages,

then

converted

them into

descriptions

of

the

temperate

climate,

the

melodious

stream

and the

orchard

(Statius

1.3.1-8, 20-g,

81-2; Quevedo

no.

30,

11.

20-5,

42-4,

30).

He also

appro-

priated specific references to

Venus,

Cupid

and

Hercules/Alcides

(Statius

1.3.1o,

2o,

loo;

Quevedo

no.

3o,

11.

77, 40,

14).

From

'Villa Surrentina Pollii

Felicis'

Quevedo

chose

85.

See

Crosby

and

Schwartz

(as

in

n.

7).

Their ex-

haustive

efforts could

hardly

be

improved upon;

we

shall

simply

summarise

some of

their

findings

in

an

effort

to

highlight

the

similarities

between

the two

poems.

B.

Windau,

Somnus:

Neolateinische

Dichtung

an

und

iiber

den

Schlaf.

Studien

zur

Motivik,

Texte,

Uberset-

zung,

Kommentar,

Trier

1998, esp. p. 79,

shows

that

poems

on

sleep proliferated

in

Neo-Latin

literature,

with

many

of them

based

on

Statius's model.

86.

Crosby

and

Schwartz

(as

in

n.

7),

pp.

11i1-26.

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154

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND CRAIG

KALLENDORF

mostly

different

elements,87

but ones which are

just

as

important

for the

development

of

his

own silva.

This

second Roman villa is

inhabited

by

a noble

couple,

and

Quevedo

drew

on

Statius's

description

of

their

happy marriage

for his

account

of the

union of

Ferdinand

and Isabella. In both poems, there are separate passages about the wife and her qualities

(Statius

11.2.143-54;88

Quevedo

no.

3o,

11.

99-1oo),

and an

emphasis

on

lineage

or heredi-

tary nobility

(Statius

11.

145-6;

Quevedo

1.

too).

Finally,

Quevedo

took

over

from

Statius

the

prediction

that

the state of

peacefulness

described

in

the

poems

will endure

until 'the

last

day'.

In both

cases,

the

focus

is on

steadfastness,

security

and the

peacefulness

of

repose.

The

'suprema

dies'

of

Statius

(1. 128),

however,

refers

primarily

to

the

couple

and

their

union,

while the

'fin

del mundo'

of

Quevedo

(1. 102)

refers

more

to

the

country

home

as

a

lasting

retreat. The

main

bond

uniting

these three

poems

about

country

homes

is the notion

that

the

inhabitants

are more

important

than their houses.

All

three

begin

with

an extensive

ekphrasis

of the

country

retreat;

but the

rhetorical

set

passage

is followed

by

a detailed excursus

n

praise

of

the

people

who come there to rest. This

concept

of

rest

is,

perhaps,

the

main

thrust of the

poems'

emotional

appeal,

as each of them

highlights

the contrast between

otium

and

negotium.

The

third

example

of

Quevedo's

close imitation

of

a

poem

of

Statius concerns two

propemptika

farewell

poems)

written

to

mark embarcation

on

ajourney.

But

while

Statius's

'Propempticon

Maecio Celeri'

(Silvae,

111.2)

was written

to

a

person leaving

on

a

ship

for

ajourney

at

sea,

Quevedo's '?D6nde

vas

ignorante

navecilla'

(no.

2)

is

addressed to the

ship

itself89 There are numerous

parallel

passages

in

the two

poems

on the

dangers

of

sea

travel,

including specific descriptions

of the

winds and the waves

(Statius

111.2.42-9;

Quevedo no. 2, 11. 7-12, 25-30), as well as some more general musings about what a

strange

idea

it is for vulnerable human

beings

to

travel

on

the water

(Statius

11.

61-77;

Quevedo

11.

13-22).

Further

parallels

are

provided by

the

poets' descriptions

of

Maecius

Celer

(Statius

11.

6-8)

and the little

ship

(Quevedo

11.

7-18),

both

of

which leave

firm

ground

and commit themselves

to the

waves;

and both

poems

include references

to sea

creatures

attracted

by

the

ships

(Statius

11.

25-34; Quevedo

11.

55-64).

Finally,

in

both

poems

irate Orion

is mentioned

in

the same breath as a

cloudy

sky

and stars

(Statius

11.

76-

7;

Quevedo

11.

25-8);

and

both

poems

refer

to

Triton

swimming

around the

ship

(Statius

11.

35-6;

Quevedo

11.

63-4).

We

may

characterise

Quevedo

as

adapting

the

genre

of

the

Statian

poem-a propemptikon-to

suit his

own

purposes,

while

borrowing

from

its content

only

those

passages

which interested

him-the ones about the

ship.

Quevedo's

adaptation

is

much

more

pessimistic

than Statius's

original, ending

as it does with

a

shipwreck

instead

of the vessel's safe

return.

He took the

germ

of

disaster latent

in

Statius's

warning

to his

departing

friend

and

transformed

it

into

a

very

different sort

of

poem.

87.

The

only

common element

is

Hercules/Alcides,

who

is also mentioned

in

Silvae,

11.2.24.

88. There are

serious textual

problems

with

these

lines,

including

a lacuna of some

importance;

we

are

following

the

guidance

of

W.

R. Hardie

in

Classical

Review,

xviII,

1904, pp. 156-8 (158).

89.

For

perhaps

the best

modern

discussion

of

the

propemptikon

see

F.

Cairns,

Generic

Composition

in

Greek

and Roman

Poetry,

Edinburgh 1972;

Cairns

provides

a

clear discussion

of

the

basic norms

of

this

kind of

poem, using

Statius's

Silvae,

111.2,

as

a

prominent

ex-

ample

which allows

Quevedo's generic

transformation

to

emerge

clearly.

Although

S.

T.

Newmyer,

The

Silvae

of

Statius: Structure and

Theme,

Leiden

1979, PP-

43-4,

rightly observes

that Statius's

practice regularly departed

from the

generic

precepts

set out

in

rhetorical

hand-

books,

he

still finds it useful

to

discuss

the silvae

in

terms

of

generic

expectations.

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

155

The fourth

pair

of

closely

related

poems

reveals an

unexpected

turn on

Quevedo's

part.

The theme

of Statius's 'Arbor Atedii

Melioris'

(Silvae,

II.3)

is

obviously

identical

to

that

of

Quevedo's

'De

tu

peso

vencido'

(no.

3):

a tree branch

which bends

all the

way

down to the ground. Quevedo liked this image so much that he responded to it where it

appeared

in

two

other Statian

poems

(Silvae,

1.3.82,

v.2.69-70);

and

his imitation of

'Arbor

Atedii Melioris' reveals an

impressive

feat of

Baroque virtuosity.

Statius's

poem

is not

very

unified. It

begins

with a

description

of the tree

(11.

1-7),

continues

with an

Alexandrian

aition

(explanation)

of

why

the tree branch

has this

shape

(11.8-61)

and concludes

with

a laudatio of Melior which

strongly

invokes Stoic themes: avoid slothful ease

and

unjust

power;

and

do not

let

your

heart become

stormy

or disordered

(11.

62-77).

This

last

section

of the

poem

has no

obvious connection with the

tree,

resulting

in a rather

clumsy

juxtaposition.

Quevedo's

copy

of

Statius shows extensive

underlining

of

Silvae,

II.3.66-9,

evidence

of

an interest which

should

not

surprise

us

given

his

Neostoic

preoccupations.

His solution to the

problem

of

incorporating

these

Stoic sentiments into his own

poem

without

producing

the

disjunction

found

in his

classical model was

ingenious:

in

typical

Baroque

fashion,

he

wrenched a

striking image

from

its

original

context,

invested it

with

philosophical significance

and

pushed

the

symbolic

resonance to its

logical

conclusion. In

Quevedo's

poem,

the tree

branch not

only

bends

down to the

ground-it

actually

breaks

off. If

Statius's Stoic

injunctions

are

ignored,

so

that one's

heart becomes

stormy

and

disordered,

the

branch

(or

symbolically,

the

person)

will break

under the

weight

of

inap-

propriate

or

frivolous

pastimes.

The Stoic

emphasis

on

leading

a

well-ordered life

was a

favourite theme

of

Quevedo;90

and

it is no

surprise

that he chose

a

manneristic

illustration

from Statius to show the dangers of disorder.

We have

suggested

above

that there are

certain

themes

running

through

this collec-

tion

of

poems

which lend

coherence

to

them

as a

group.

Most of these

themes

are not

only

derived from

Statius but are

also linked to

specific

annotations

by

Quevedo

in

his

copy

of

the Latin

poet's

works.

They

fall,

roughly,

into

two

categories:

those

pertaining

to

the

natural

world,

and those

alluding

to

classical

mythology.

The former

would be

difficult to

trace to

any precise

source were it not

for

Quevedo's

singling

out of

specific passages

in

his

Statius.

Such

commonplace poetic

topoi

as harsh

mountain

peaks

and

echoing

birds

gain

new

significance

when viewed

in the

light

of

his

annotations. For

example,

the

ambiguous passage

about Circe

discussed

above,

'vitreae

iuga perfida

Circes'

(I.3.85),

is

primarily

about

a

sharp peak.

While

Quevedo

chose to

misread the

passage fruitfully

in

one

instance,

to

produce

a

poetic

allusion

to

perfidious

Circe,91

in

eight

others he

adopted

the more

grammatical

reading

when

alluding

to

90. Quevedo's

Neostoic

emphasis

on

the

well-ordered

life

may

be seen in El

mundo

por

de

dentro

(the

fourth

SuePo):

'Es nuestro

deseo

siempre

peregrino

en las

cosas

desta

vida;

y

asf,

con vana

solicitud

anda de unas en

otras,

sin

saber hallar

patria

ni

descanso'

(Obras

com-

pletas, ed. Astrana Marin, 2nd edn, as in n. 3, p. 196).

Quevedo

sawJob

as the

perfect

exemplar

of

a man

with

a

well-ordered life:

'Por

esto

empez6

este

libro diciendo

era

Job

var6n

simple y

recto

y

temeroso de

Dios...'

(La

constancia

y paciencia

del santo

Job,

ibid.,

p. 1193).

In

his

Providencia de

Dios,

he

contrasted this

balanced

lifestyle

and that

of the man

who

is

given

over to

excess:

'No te

contentas con lo

demasiado,

porque

no se

acabe

tu am-

bici6n.

Para ti s6lo

lo

quieres

todo,

porque

tu

soberbia

y tu invidia sean eternas...' (ibid., p.

1252).

For more

examples

of

this

theme see

Ettinghausen,

Quevedo

and

the

Neostoic

Movement

(as

in

n.

30), pp.

126-7.

91.

This

example

is

discussed

above,

p. 151.

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156

HILAIRE

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CRAIG

KALLENDORF

treacherous mountain

tops

(Quevedo

no.

5,

1. 28;

no.

10,

11.

9, 23, 52;

no.

15,

11.

4, 34-5;

no.

18,

1.

1

1).

One of his

silvas

(no.

15)

is

devoted

to

the

perfidious

peak

of 'El

yelmo

de

Segura

de la

Sierra,

monte

muy

alto

al

Austro',

in

what

may

be

regarded

as an

example

of another type of borrowing we have discussed-an extended meditation throughout an

entire

poem sparked

by

a

particular

image

from

Statius.

The

motif

of

a bird

which

repeats

its

call as

if

creating

its own

echo

appears

many

times

in

Quevedo's

poetry;

and

this

topos

too,

though

frequent enough

in

Spanish

Baroque

lyrics,

derives from a

precise

passage

in

Statius

in

which

birds

mourn a

dead

comrade.

Quevedo

marked 'the

partridge,

that

joins

and

reiterates the words it

echoes'

(Silvae,

11.4.20).

He

then

repeated

the

image

of the

mournful,

echoing

bird in

three different

poems,

the the first

of

which,

'Al

tronco

y

a

la fuente'

(no. 1),

about the

widow

turtledove,

provides

us with a further

example

of

an extended

meditation

on

a favourite

image.

Quevedo

re-used the

figure

of

this

echoing,

mournful turtledove

in

'iQue

de

robos han

visto del invierno'

(no.

6,

11.

85-90);

but

he

returned to

a

closer imitation

of

Statius

in his

'Este de los

demais

sitios

Narciso',

which

contains the

direct

Spanish

equivalent 'perdiz'

of

the Latin word

for

partridge, 'perdix'

(no.

30o,

1.

65).

Another

fairly

conventional natural

topos running through

several

of

the

poems

is

the

elm embraced

by

the

vine as a

spouse

is

embraced

by

his

beloved. This

image

can be

traced

to Statius's

poignant poem

about a married

couple,

the

'Epicedion

in

Priscillam'

(Silvae,

v.

1.48-9).

It was

indicated

by

Quevedo

with a

pointing

hand,

and

subsequently appears

in

three of his own

silvas,

with a succession

of

elegant

variations

(no.

6,

11.

91-6;

no.

18,

11.

67-8;

no.

3o,

11.

14-15).92

Finally,

next to Statius's 'Cum iam

fessa

dies. et

in

aequora

montis opaci / [Vmbra cadit:]' (Silvae,11.2.48), Quevedo wrote in the margin: 'concerning

the defunct

day'.

He then

repeated

the

image

in

two of

his

silvas

(no.

14,

1.

5,

'difunto

dia' and

1.

66,

'muriendo el

dia';

no.

5,

11.

19-20,

'morir el

dia

/

con luz

enferma').

The other

category

of

themes

which lends coherence to the collection as a whole is

that

of

classical

imagery.

The

lyre ('chelys'

in

Latin,

'lira'

in

Spanish)

appears

in

Statius's

poem

about

the villa at Surrentum

(11.2.60)

and occurs

in six

different

poems by

Quevedo

(no.

14,

1.

65;

no.

20,

1.

34;

no.

22,

1.

16;

no.

23,

1.

14;

no.

25,

11.

14,

27;

no.

30,

1.

44).

A

passage

about the

phoenix

was

noted

by

Quevedo

at the end

of

Statius's

poem

about the

death

of

the

parrot

(11.4-37)

and

is found

in

two

of

his

own

poems

(no.

lo,

1.

148;

no.

16,

11.

20-2).

In a

passage

from Statius's

'Epithalamion

in

Stellam et Violentillam'

marked

by

Quevedo, Cupid

is

described as

having

a

fiery

mouth

(1.2.61-2);

and

he

appears

in the

context

of fire

in

Quevedo's

'Al

tronco

y

a la fuente' and

'iAy,

c6mo en estos airboles som-

brios'

(no.

1,

11.

23-6;

no.

20,

1.

30).

The Fates also

appear

in both collections:

Quevedo

made a

marginal

note

about them

in

Statius's

epithalamium

(1.2.24);

and then introduced

them into his silvas as

the

'Parcas'

(no.

17,

1.

30)

or 'envidiosos

hados'

(no.

io,

1.

69).

Finally,

the

goddess

Fortuna,

called

'Reyna'

or

queen

by Quevedo

and noted three

times

in the

margins

of

his

Statius

(v.1.135-7,

17o-5;

v.5.56-62),

further

helps

to

bind

his silvas

92.

'Mira la vid

que

a Baco soberano

/ la

boca

regal6 y

honr6 las

sienes,

/

c6mo

sirve de

grillos

en

el

llano

/

a

los

pies

de los olmos

que

mantienes.

/

iAy,

c6mo los

enlaza

iAh,

si hiciese

/

Amor

que ansi

mi

Aminta

me

cifiese '

(Blecua, ed.,

as in n.

i, no. 399,

11.

91-6);

'estos

olmos

hermosos,

/

a

quien

esposa

vid

abraza

y

cierra'

(ibid.,

no.

12,

11.

67-8);

'cuatro

ilamos

de

Alcides,

/

fecundo

matrimonio

de las vides'

(ibid.,

no.

202,

11.14-15).

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

157

together,

since she

is invoked

in at least six

different

poems

(no.

12,

1.

75;

no.

14,

1.

27;

no.

18,

1.

87;

no.

20o,

1.

8;

no.

29,

1.

141;

no.

31,

1.

1).

Using

the

annotations

in

the

Princeton

volume,

we

can now see

how

thoroughly

Quevedo's

artistic

vision in

the silvas was

inspired by

Statius.

It is his conscious decision

to

draw

on

thematic and

stylistic

strands derived from the

Latin

poet

which

gives

coherence

to the

collection,

encouraging

us to read the

miscellany

as an

artfully

crafted whole.

Quevedo's

nephew

Pedro

Aldrete

was

attuned

to this coherence

when

he

printed

the silvas

together

as

a

group

(see

Appendix

ii).

Modern

editors,

we

believe,

would

be

well

advised to

do the

same.

In

the

end,

of

course,

we

shall never be able to

hear most of

Quevedo's

conversations

with the dead. His annotations

in his

copy

of

the

Silvae, however,

allow

us to

eavesdrop

on

Quevedo

as

he

responded

to Statius and

began

to

craft his

own

poetry

in

dialogue

with

his sources.

Whenever

such a

dialogue

can be

recovered,

we

should use it

as

the

surest

possible

guide

to

understanding

the

genesis

and

interpretation

of a

literary

work

of

art.

Texas

A &M

University

Appendix

I

Quevedo's

Annotations to Statius's Silvae

Transcribed n this table are all the annotations entered by Quevedo into the Silvaesection of his

Aldine

Statius,

now Princeton

University

Library

Ex

2926.1502.

Statius's

poems

are

given

modern

titlesand line numbers o

facilitate

eference,

but the text

is

quoted

from the

1502

edition

as

Quevedo

read

it: the

capitalisation,punctuation

and

orthography

of

the

Aldine edition have

been

preserved,

although

abbreviations ave been

expanded

for the

sake

of

legibility.

Words

adjacent

o

the

passages

which interested

Quevedo,

but which

are not

actually

marked

off

by

him,

are

occasionally

ranscribed

to

complete

the sense

and enclosed

within

square

brackets.

Title

page

of the

Orthographia

Q u e v e d o ' s

a n n o t a t i o n

C.

1566

Don

Enrrique

de Villena en el

comento

a la

traduccion

que

hiCo

a

Virgilio

en romance

para

el

rey

de nauarra ibro

que

io

tengo

en

mi

libreria

de Mano

es

singular

dice

hablando

destaiio

asi,

e a

la fin

fue

cristianoconoiiendo

la

uerdad

Catolica.Don Francisco

de

Queuedo.

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158

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF

AND CRAIG

KALLENDORF

Dedicatory

epistle

Passage marked off by Quevedo Sig. Quevedo's annotation

IOANNI

aiv

loviano

publicare

[with

pointing

hand]

I.1

Equus

maximus Domitiani

Imp.

Sl.vae Passagemarkedoff by Quevedo sig. Quevedo'sannotation

I.

1.1

gemmata

a3r

geminata

1.1.10

et caesis

decreuit frondibus Ida.

a3r

.N.

[=

Nota]

1.1.31

blandoque

uidet

Concordia

uultu.

a3V

Plinius liber

2.

capitulum

XVIII.

[correction:

Historia

Naturalis,

i.16.]

suus

quidem quique

color est

Saturno

CandidusJoui

clarus,

Marti

igneus,

Lucifero Candens

Vesperi refulgens, Mercurio

radians Lunae blandus.

Blandus

inter colores

1.1.66

cuius sacrata

Vorago a4r

1.1.71

lucemque

coruscam

a4r

I.1.93-4

a4v

de

roma

iactatur

sic,

oratius

ode

XXX. carminum liber

III.

[w.

8-9]

crescam

laude recens.

dum

capitolium

scandet cum

tacita

uirgine

pontifex

et

ouidius.

amorum.

liber

I

elegia

XV.

[w.

25-6]

Titirus,

et

segetes

aeneiaque

arma

legentur

roma

triumphati

dum

caput

orbis erit

[The

Renaissance

editor

Andrea

Navagero

(1483-1529)

proposed 'segetes'

in

place

of'fruges'

in

Ovid, Amores,

.15.25,

which

may

provide

a clue as

to which edition

Quevedo

used.]

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

159

1.2

Epithalamion

n

Stellamet

Violentillam

Sivae Passage marked off by Quevedo sig. Quevedo's annotation

1.2.14

Dissimulata

deam

a5r

utitur et

marcialis

ex

primo

epigrama

I.

disimulatque

deum

et.

[Martial,

Epigrammata, 1.1.4:

'dissimulet

Delon',

with

'-que

deum',

a

variant

from

early

Italian

printed

editions. See

the

note

above

for

speculation

about which

edition

Quevedo

may

have

used.]

1.2.21

a5r thymbra

1.2.24

[dies]

aderat

parcarum

conditus

albo

a5r

dies

nuptialis

aluo uelere a

/

[Vellere]

parcis

notatur

1.2.47

feruent

agmine postes

a5v

1.2.61-2

cui

plurimus

ignis

/

Ore

a5V

1.2.130-3

Hanc si

thessalicos

uidisses

Phoebe

a7r

argutia

mire dicta

per

agros:

/

Erraret

Daphne.

secura

in

littore

Naxi / Theseum iuxta foret haec

conspecta

cubile:

/

Gnosida

desertam

profugus

liquisset

et

Euan.

1.2.148

Silex

...

Saxa

a7r

silex

et saxa

preciosi

lapides

uocantur

1.2.153-7

[Robora

dalmatico]

lucent

satiata

a7r-v

mire

dictum

et

poetice

de

metallo.

/

Excludunt

radios

syluis

Architectura

decussa

uetustis

/

Frigora.

perspicui

uiuunt

in

marmore

fontes.

/

Nec

seruat

natura uices: hic Sirius alget, / Bruma

tepet

1.2.166 Exerce

formam:

et

fugientibus

utere

a7v

donis.

1.2.185-7

ipsum

in

connubia terrae

/

Aethera

a7V-

mire

dictum

(cum

pluuijs

rarescunt

nubila)

soluo.

a8r

/

Sic

rerum

series,

mundique

reuertitur aetas

1.2.203-8

tumidae sic transfuga Pisae / Amnis, a8r

in

externos

longe

flammatus

amores:

/

[continued...]

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160

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND

CRAIG

KALLENDORF

Silvae

Passage

marked off

by

Quevedo

sig.

Quevedo's

annotation

[...continued]

Flumina demerso trahit

intemerata

canali.

/

Donec

Sicanios tandem

prolatus,

anhelo

/

Ore bibat

fontes

miratur dulcia Nais

/

Oscula: nec

credit

pelago

uenisse maritum.

1.2.222

a8v

thymbra

1.2.252-5

b

r

Philetas, Callimachus,

Propertius,

Naso,

Tibullus

1.2.263

b

r

Sebetus

[a

stream

at

Naples]

1.2.265

b 1r

Sarnus

[a

river

in

Campania]

I.3

Villa

Tiburtina

Manilii

Vopisci

Sivae

Passage

markedoff

by

Quevedo

s

ig.4

Quevedo's

annotation

I.3.

1

biv

Tibur

glaciale

1.3-5

Illum

nec calido

latrauit Sirius astro:

biv

1.3.23

auentes carmina somnos.

biv

1.3-47-8

uarijsque

metalla

/

Viua modis:

b2r

mire de

escultura.

et

poetice.

et

labor est auri memorare

figuras:

eleganter.

1.3-55-7

uarias ubi

picta per

artes

/

Gaudet

b2r-v

argute

et

[... ?]

de

ornatu

humus:

suberantque

nouis Asarota

Asarota

figuris.

/

Expauere gradus.

[The

reference here

is to

the

'Unswept

Pavement',

a

famous mosaic floor

by

Sosus;

Statius is

citing Pliny,

Historia naturalis,

xxxvI.

184.]

1.3.82 Qui

nunquam

uacui

prodistis

in

b2v

de

fecunditate

arborum

mire

aethera

rami?

dictum

1.3.85

uitreae

iuga perfida

Circes,

b2v

uitreae

iure Oracius et

declaratur.

quid

sit

a

Turnebo.

[Horace, Carmina,

1.17.20:

'Penelopen

vitreamque

Circen'. The same

adjective

[continued...]

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QUEVEDO

AND

STATIUS

161

S

ilva7e

Passage

marked off

by Quevedo

Sig.

Quevedo's

annotation

[...continued]

appears

in 1.

73

of the

poem:

'uitreasque

natatu'.

Quevedo's

reference is to

the

commentary

of Adrien Turnabe

(1512-

65), professor

of

Greek at Toulouse

and

at

the

Collkge

Royal.

Turnebe's com-

mentary

on

the word vitream n his Paris

1604

edition

of

Horace,

p.

64,

reads:

'vel

splendidam

instar

vitri,

& ita

formosam:

vel

pellucidem, quales

ab

Epicuro

Deos

inductos esse scribit M<arcus>

Tull<ius>

de divin<atione>

2 ...'

I.4

Soteria Rutili Gallici

Si'lvae

Passage

marked

off

by

QuevedoSig.

Qvedo

nota

1.4-36-7

[Nec]

...

/

Sperne

coli tenuiore

b4r

lyra vaga cingitur

astris

/

Luna:

et

in

oceanum

riui

cecidere

minores.

1.4.66 Nam neque plebeiam aut dextro sub b4v

numine

cretam

/

[servo animam:]

11.2

Villa Surrentina

Pollii

Felicis

Silvae

Passage

arkedff

y

Quevedo

sig.

Quevedo's

nnotation

II.2.48

Cum

iam

fessa dies. et

in

aequora

c5v

de

occidua

die

montis opaci / [Vmbra cadit:]

11.2.52

His

fauit Natura

locis.

hic

uicta,

colenti

c5V

11.2.60

uatis manus: et

chelys

una

c6r

11.2.66-7

quod

ab

arte

Myronis:

/

Aut

Polycletaeo

c6r

iussum est

quod

uiuere

coelo:

11.2.76

Haec uidet Inarimen. illi

Prochyta

c6r

aspera paret.

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162

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND

CRAIG

KALLENDORF

II. 3

Arbor

Atedii

Melioris

Silvae Passagemarkedoff byQuevedo Sig. Quevedo'sannotation

...... • ...................• • • • @ • • ............................:,

s

................od

annota

11.3.11

improba

c7v

11.3.41

uiuamque

aggessit

c8r

riuulam

ages

11.3.66-9

Cui nec

pigra

quies:

nec

iniqua potentia:

c8v

nec

spes

/

Improba:

sed

medius

per

honesta,

et

dulcia

limes

/

Incorrupte

fidem:

nullosque experte

tumultus:

/

Et

secrete

palam,

qui

digeris

ordine

uitam:

II.4

Psittacus

Atedii Melioris

S i l v a e

P a s s a g e

m a r k e d

o f f

Q u e v e d o s i g . Q u e v e d o ' s

a n n o t a t i o n

11.4.20 Quique

refert

iungens

iterata uocabula

dir

Perdix

11.4-36-7

senio nec fessus

inerti

/

Scandet

dlv

odoratos

Phoenix

felicior

ignes.

1.5

Leo

mansuetus

Silvae

Passage

arked

ff

y

QuevedoSig.

Quevedo's

nnotation

11.5.15

totas duxere

in lumina

frontes.

d2r

111.3

Consolatio ad

Claudium

Etruscum

S i l v a e

P a s s a g e

m a r k e d

o f f

Q u e v e d o

S i g .I Q u e v e d o s

a n n o t a t i o n

111.3.19-20

animaeque supremum

/

Frigus

amat:

e4v

[at

top

of

page]

e5r

opponuntur

haec

signa

.69.

Iv.6

Hercules

epitrapezios

Novi Vindicis

Silvae

~~Passage

arked

ff

by

Quevedo sig.

Quevedo's

nnotation

IV.6.21

Atque

locuturas

mentito

corpore

Caeras

g4V

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

163

v.i

Epicedion

n

Priscillam

vqe

Passage marked off by Quevedo sig. Quevedo's annotation

v.

1.9

inque

omni te

quaerit

amare

metallo

hiV

lege

in

omni

te

querit

animare

metalo

/

dixit

supra

animare

figuris

[Cf.

Statius, Silvae,

v.1.:

'Aut

ebur,

impressis

Aurumve

ani<m>are

figuris'.]

v.1.48-53

Qualiter

aequaeuo

sociatam

palmite

h2r

[drawing:

ointing

hand]

uitem

/

Vlmus

amat:

miscetque

nemus:

ditemque precatur

/

Autumnum: et

caris

gaudet

redimita racemis.

/

Laudentur

Proauis: seu

pulchrae

munere

formae,

/

Quae

morum

caruere

bonis,

falsoque potentes

/

Laudis

egent

uerae. tibi

quanquam

et

origo

niteret:

v.1.67-70

Illa

uel

armiferas

pro

coniuge

laeta

h2v

cateruas,

/

Fulmineosque

ignes,

medijque pericula

ponti,

/

Exciperet.

melius

quodnon

aduersa

probarunt

/

Quae

tibi cura

tori:

quantus pro

coniuge

pallor?

v.1.123

sabino

h3V

ex

Horatio ubi

laudat

rusticam

vitam

[The

reference is to

Horace's

Sabine

farm,

the

inspiration

for

some

of

his

finest

writing,

and

specifically

to the

famous

Satires,

11.6,

his

contrast

between

country

and

city

life.]

v.-1.135-

Hactenus alma

Chelys.

tempus

nunc

h3V

Reyna

[137] ponere frondes / Phoebe, tuas:

moestaque

comam

damnare

Cupresso.

/

Quis

nam

impacata

consanguinitate

ligauit

/

[Fortunam,

Inuidiamque

Deus?]

v.1.152

igne

malo:

h4r

ignis

malus fulmen

uocatur

v.

1.

170-5

Iamque

cadunt

uultus:

oculisque

h4r

Reyna

nouissimus horror:

/

Obtusaeque

aures.

nisi

cum

uox

sola mariti

/

Noscitur.

illum unum media de morte reuersa /

[continued...]

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164

HILAIRE KALLENDORF

AND CRAIG KALLENDORF

Silvae

Passage

marked

off

by

QuevedoSig

Qeveds

tation

[...continued]

Mens uidet.

illum

aegris

circundat

fortiter ulnis

/

Immotas obuersa

genas.

nec sole

supremo

/

Lumina: sed dulci

mauult satiare marito.

v.1.176

unanimum

h4r

exanimem diuina

imprecacio

v.1.195

non

h4V

Non

[...

]

v.1.2o8

et maior amor:

quis

carmine

digno

h4v

[ ...?]

in

pietatem

laus

qua

vivat

v.2

Laudes

Crispini

Vetti

Bolanifilii

Silvae

Passage

marked off

by

QuevedoISig.

Quevedo's

annotation

V.2.7

[ab altis]

Rupibus:

atque

oculis

longo

h6r

mire

dictum

de

uisu

querar

aere

uinci.

v.2.21-7

Romulei qualis per iugera Circi, / Cum h6r Pulcra comparatio

pulcher

uisu,

titulis

generosus

auitis

/

Expectatur

equus:

cuius

de Stemmate

longo

/

Felix demeritos

habet

admissura

parentes:

/

Illum

omnes acuunt

plausus,

illum

ipse

uolantem

/Puluis:

et incuruae

gaudent agnoscere

metae:

/

Sic te Clare

puer,

genitum

sibi curia

sensit.

v.2.35

h6V

Corbulo.

[Gnaeus

Domitius

Corbulo,

a

military

leader under Nero.]

v.2.62-4

non dum ualidae

tibi

signa

iuuentae

/

h6V

Irrepsere genis,

et adhuc

decor

integer

aeui.

/

Nec

genitor

iuxta.

fatis

nanque

haustus

iniquis

v.2.69-7o

Libertas

properata

togae?

ceu

nescia

h7r

falcis

/

Sylua

comas

tollit:

fructumque

expirat

in

umbras.

v.2.80

atque omnes uultu placare nouercas? h7r admira stacii ingenium

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QUEVEDO

AND STATIUS

165

v.3

Epicedion

n

patrem

suum

S.i ae Passagemarkedffby

Quevedos••.-FQ-evedo'sannotation

v.3-50-1

et

magno

tumulum

praetexere

luco:

/

ilv

Illic et

Siculi

superassem

dona

sepulcri:

v.3-77

supremo

i2r

supremus

v.3.120

nobile

i2V

mobile

v.3.153-8

Obsitus: et

tetricis

Alcman

cantatus

i3v

Poetae

delos

Amyclis:

/

Stesichorusque

ferox:

saltusque

ingressa

uiriles / Non

formidata

temeraria

Leucade

Sappho:

/

Quosque

alios

dignata

chelys.

tu

pandere

doctus

/

Carmina

Battiadae,

latebrasque

Lycophronis

atri:

/

Sophronaque

implicitum,

tenuisque

arcana

Corinnae.

v.3.192

i4r

Phoenix

Achillis

v.3.261

Explicuit:

falsoque

tulit

sub tartara

i5r

Febre

somno id

est morte

somno.

v.3.287

In

quo

falsa

dies:

i5V

falsa dies

v.5

Epicedion

n

puerum

suum

Sivae

assage

arked

ff

y

sig. Queveds

a••

Psamnnotationk•••••

....i.......n

v.5.22 et te Natura pudebit. i6V aduerte

v.5-56-62

Non

tacuit.

nimius

fortasse,

auidusque

i7r Reyna

doloris

/

Dicor. et in

lachrymis

iustum

excessisse

pudorem.

/

Quis

nam

autem

gemitus,

lamentaque

nostra

reprendit?

/

O

nimium

felix,

nimium

crudelis,

et

expers

/

Imperij

fortuna

tui:

qui

dicere

legem

/

Fletibus: aut

fines audet

censere

dolendi.

/

Incitat

(heu)

planctus.

potius

fugientes

ripas

/

[Flumina devincas]

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166

HILAIRE

KALLENDORF AND

CRAIG KALLENDORF

Appendix

ii

List of

Quevedo's

Silvas

No.

(Blecua)

First

line

of

poem Eary

editions Date

1

(383)

Al

tronco

ya

la

fuente

NM

TM PE

1613-16

2

(138)

?D6nde

vas,

ignorante

navecilla NM

TM

SP

pre-1611

3

(201)

De tu

peso

vencido NM TM

1603-8

4

(400)

Aqui

la

vez

postrera

NM

TM

1613-16

5 (398) ?Con

que culpa

tan

grave

NM

TM

SP

pre-1611

6

(399)

iQu6

de robos han

visto del invierno NM TM SP

1603-8

7

(136)

Diste

credito a un

pino

NM

TM

SP

pre-1611

8

(139) ?Qu6

tienes

que

contar,

reloj

molesto NM TM

SP

pre-1611

9 (203)

iQue

alegre que

recibes NM TM SP

pre-1611

10

(137)

Esta

que

miras

grande

Roma

agora

NM

TM

1613-16

11

(144)

En

caircel de

metal,

loh

atrevimiento NM

TM

1613-16

12

(142)

Estas

que

ves

aqui, pobres y

escuras

NM

TM

1613-16

13

(135)

Esta

que

veis delante

NM

TM

1613-16

14 (401)

A

vosotras,

estrellas

NM TM

1613-16

15

(402)

O sea

que

olvidado NM TM

1613-16

16

(2oo)

Yace

pintado

amante

NM

TM PE

1613-16

17

(205)

Ti,

si en

cuerpo pequefio

NM

TM

1613-16

18

(12)

1Oh,

ti,

que,

inadvertido,

peregrinas

NM

TM

1613-16

19 (509) Voyme por

altos montes

paso

a

paso NM

TM PE

1613-16

20

(510)

iAy,

c6mo en

estos

airboles

sombrios NM TM PE

1613-16

21

(508)

Pues reinando en

tus

ojos

gloria

y

vida NM

TM PE

1613-16

22

(390)

iOh

vos, troncos,

anciana

compaiifa

NM

TM PE

1613-16

23 (403)

iOh

Floris,

quien pudiera

NM TM

1613-16

24

(143)

iOh,

ti,

del

cielo

para

mi

venida

NM TM

1613-16

25

(291)

El

instrumento artifice de

muros

NMt

TM

1613-16

26

(140)

El

metal animado TM

27

(420)

Este

polvo

sin

sosiego

TM

28

(141)

EVes,Floro,

que

prestando

la

Arism6tica

TM

29

(204)

Tti,

blas6n de los

bosques

TM

1625

30 (202) Este de los demais sitios Narciso TM post-1623

31 (236)

Esclarecidas

sefias da Fortuna TM PE

1623

32

(404)

Muere

porque

le mires

TM

33

(422)

Tiempo, que

todo lo mudas

TM PE

34 (385) ?C6mo

pudiera

ser hecho

piadoso

TM PE

?1611

35 (278)

Deja

l'alma

y

los

ojos

TM PE

36

(147)

Deja

la

procesi6n,

sibete

al

paso

TM

NM

=

Naples,

Biblioteca Nazionale MS

XIV.E.46.

TM

=

Las

tres musas ultimas

castellanas,

ed.

Pedro

Aldrete,

Madrid

1670.

(We

have used

'TM'

to

designate

all

except

one of the

poems

whose first lines

appear

in

the 'Indice

intercalado',

regardless

of

whether

or not the

poems

themselves

ctually ppear

n

Aldrete's

dition. See

above,n.

78.)

PE

=

ElParnaso

espafiol,

d.Jusepe

Antonio

Gonzdilez

de

Salas,

Madrid

1648.

SP

=

Segundaparte

de

lasflores

ilustres,

d.

Juan

Antonio Calder6n

[dedication

signed

1611

],

Seville

1896.

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QUEVEDO

AND

STATIUS

167

Appendix

III

Silvas

of

Quevedo

Linked

to Poems

of Statius as

Pairs

No.

(Blecua)

Quevedo's

silva

Poem of

Statius

Theme

1

(383)

Al

tronco

y

a la

11.4

Psittacus

Atedii

a bird

that dies

fuente

Melioris

2

(138)

jD6nde vas

III.2

Propempticon

Maecio

farewell to one

departing

ignorante

navecilla

Celeri

on

ajourney

3

(201)

De tu

peso

vencido

11.3

Arbor Atedii Melioris

tree

bending

down

to

the water

5 (398)

jCon

qu6 culpa

tan

v.4

Somnus

sleep

grave

29

(204)

Tfi,

blas6n

de los

1.5

Leo mansuetus

death

of

a

large,

fierce

bosques

animal

30

(202)

Este de los

demais

I.3

Villa

Tiburtina Manilii

country

home

sitios

Narciso

Vopisci

11.2

Villa

Surrentina

Pollii

country

home

Felicis

31 (236) Esclarecidas sefias Iv.1 Septimus Decimus homage to a ruler

da

Fortuna

Consulatus

Imp. Aug.

Germanici

34

(385)

?C6mo

pudiera

ser

1II.4

Capilli

Flavi Earini lock of

hair that must

hecho

piadoso

be cut off

35 (278)

Deja

l'alma

y

los

v.

1

Epicedion

in

Priscillam death of

a noble

woman

ojos

Notes to Appendices II and III

For

considerations

relating

to

the selection

and order

assigned

to the

poems

listed in

Appendix

ii

see

above,

p.

149.

For

ease in

cross-referencing,

the numbers

used in the most

recent modern

edition

(Blecua

1996,

cited

above

n.

1)

are

given

in

parentheses

after the

number

of

each

poem

in

our own

sequence.

For

the

dates

given

in

Appendix

ii

we

have relied

upon

Pablo

Jauralde

Pou's article 'Las

silvas de

Quevedo'

(as

in

n.

6,

pp.

176-9).

The

table also

indicates which of the

silvas

appeared

in

Quevedo's

early

autograph

manuscript

(NM);

in Pedro

Aldrete's

'Indice

intercalado'

(TM);

and

in

two

early

collections

in

which

Quevedo's

poetry

was

included-although

only

a few

of

the

silvas were

labelled as

such-El Parnaso

espafiol

PE)

and

Segvndaparte

de

lasflores

ilvstres

SP).

Appendix

iii

uses the

same

system

of

numbering

as

Appendix

ii. Poems of

Statius

are identified

by

number and title, according to modern convention.

t

(see

Appendix

ii,

no.

25).

This is the

only poem

that is described

by

Blecua as found

in the

Naples

manuscript

but

which was not

subsequently

transcribed

by Ettinghausen,

who indicated

that

one

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168

HILAIRE KALLENDORF

AND

CRAIG KALLENDORF

poem

was

missing,

but

that

he

did

not

know

which it was. See

Blecua,

ed.

(as

in

n.

5),

1,

p.

483;

and

Ettinghausen,

'Un nuevo manuscrito'

(as

in n.

14),

p.

222

n. 10.

Our own

examination of the manu-

script

confirms that

'El

instrumento artifice de

muros' is

absent

from it. We

have also learned that

the

manuscript

underwent

preservation

work

in

1961.

It

may

be that

the

now

missing

poem

became

lost

in

the

process

of

that

work,

and between

the times

when

the

manuscript

was examined

by

Blecua

and

Ettinghausen.