RAPID ASSESSMENT ON CHILD SACRIFICE IN

UGANDA

“Informing Action”

ASSESSMENT REPORT

Submitted by:

Paul Bukuluki

Makerere University

Department of Social Work and Social Administration

P.O Box 7062 Kampala

pbukuluki@gmail.com

MINISTRY OF GENDER, LABOUR AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

NOVEMBER, 2009

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Acronyms ANPPCAN African Network for the Prevention and Protection against Child Abuse

and Neglect CFPU Child and Family Protection Unit of the Police CSO Civil Society Organisations DPC District Police Commander FGD Focus Group Discussion KII Key Informant Interview LC Local Council MoGLSD Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development NACOTHA National Council of Traditional Healers and Herbalists NGO Non-Governmental Organisations PROMETRA Promotion of Traditional Medicine in Uganda UPF Uganda Police Force

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Executive Summary Child Sacrifice‖ in Uganda has been identified by the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, National Council for Children, Ministry of Internal Affairs and other line ministries as well as Civil Society as a major child protection concern that demands more public attention. Data from Police records and media reports of cases of child sacrifice linked to ritual murders have been on the increase since 1999 when 15 cases of child sacrifice were reported. In 2006, there were 25 cases of child sacrifice linked to ritual murders. Between January and October 2009, 13 children died under circumstances suspected to be linked to human sacrifice. The rapid assessment was commissioned to document the nature and magnitude of the practice in the country and to review existing responses by different actors to inform the process of developing a National Action Plan. The study also attempted to examine the relationship between child trafficking and the practice of child sacrifice and explored other related risk factors. The assessment adopted largely qualitative approaches to gain an understanding of the phenomenon of the practice as well as the latent and manifest factors driving it. The key methods of data collection included informal discussions, focus group discussions, key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. The findings from the assessment indicate that community members perceive a higher level of prevalence of the practice of child sacrifice far beyond what has been documented and investigated by the Police. There is a belief within the community, that child sacrifice incidents usually involve collaboration between two or more parties. These parties include the person intending to sacrifice, an agent hired to execute the kidnapping or trafficking of a child to be sacrificed and a ritual facilitator who is almost in all cases a traditional healer who claims to be a spiritualist with supernatural powers. Although sacrifice is a common phenomenon within African indigenous religions and cultural practices and constitutes an important part of worship, prayers and thanksgiving, there was consensus that child and/or human sacrifice is a new phenomenon which is not necessarily linked to indigenous/traditional religious worship and cultural practice. There is a belief among community members that the practice is being propagated by ―foreign and fraudulent traditional healers who have introduced sacrifices that are alien to the prevailing beliefs and practices associated with sacrifice as they are conceptualized and articulated through the indigenous cultures in Uganda‖. The problem of child sacrifice is promoted by economic, social and structural factors including: desire for wealth, poverty, trickery by traditional healers, spiritual superstitious beliefs, lack of a regulatory framework for traditional healers, and inadequate mechanisms for child protection at the community and family levels. There is a low perception of personal risk to child sacrifice among community members. Although all children were perceived to be vulnerable to child sacrifice-ritual murders, it was reported that children without parental care including orphans, abandoned children, school drop-outs, children involved in child labour, and street children were particularly vulnerable to child sacrifice. This is however contrally to evidence from police case profiles which indicate that all children (including

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those being cared for by their parents) are susceptible to sacrifice. Some parents (especially fathers) have been found guilty of sacrificing their own children. Close relatives and neighbours have also been involved in some of the reported cases. Child trafficking and organ trade were identified as risk factors that have potential to compound the phenomenon of child sacrifice. Before becoming victims of sacrifice, children are kidnapped and or led away from their homes or schools. Trafficking manifests in kidnapping, elopement, and other forms of manipulation of children. It was observed that some organ trade protagonists may be disguising as traditional leaders. The media was identified as a main player with regard to the problem of child sacrifice. The Ugandan media has turned its attention to the problem of child sacrifice and has played a crucial role in creating awareness about the problem and highlighting the need for better protection of children. However, the media has also played a role in promoting and sustaining beliefs in superstition and spirits (supernatural powers) through the running of adverts for healers who claim to have great supernatural powers. Responses were found to be largely lacking, mainly attributable to inadequate knowledge about the practice. This notwithstanding, the assessment identified some interventions in the area of psychosocial and legal responses as well as prevention. The assessment findings indicate:

An urgent need for a comprehensive ethnographic study on the phenomenon of child sacrifice taking into account its socio-cultural, socio-economic and legal dimensions, within the broad context of child rights abuse

A need to review current psychosocial interventions to make sure that they address the needs of survivors, their families and families of children who have been victims of child sacrifice.

A need to build capacity of community and school based structures for both prevention and response interventions that address child sacrifice within the context of children rights violations

A need to develop a communication and advocacy strategy addressing issues of prevention and response to issues of child sacrifice. This should be developed within the context of child abuse but emphasizing issues of child sacrifice.

A need to develop a regulatory framework for traditional healers in Uganda as a means of developing checks and balances within the sector, and preventing entry of quack healers into the traditional medicine market. Given that Ministry of Health may not adequately handle the spiritual and socio-cultural related aspects of traditional healing, a semi-autonomous agency bringing together stakeholders from several line ministries and Civil Society Agencies provides the best option for tackling this.

A need to support the police anti-trafficking and anti-sacrifice units to effectively investigate reported incidents and hold perpetrators accountable.

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Glossary A traditional healer, also known as a traditional health practitioner is a person recognized by the community in which he lives as competent to provide health care by using plant, animal and mineral substances and other methods which may be based on social, cultural and religious backgrounds, as well as knowledge and attitudes that are prevalent in the community regarding physical, mental and social wellbeing and the causes of disease and disability. Child Sacrifice is an act where a child is offered to a god in a ritual. It involves killing the child as an offering to the god. Quack traditional healers are untrained persons who pretend to be healers and are involved in traditional medicine. These people are described by healers as impostors and self seekers Ritual sacrifice is defined as the act of sanctifying or dedicating an object to a god, as a religious act of self-denial. Through it the giver seeks to enter into communion with a supernatural being Sacrificer(s) are the key players in child sacrifice rituals. These are the people who expect to obtain blessings, favour or protection of the gods in exchange for the sacrifice. They provide the funds and means to agents and healers to perform the child sacrifice or rituals.

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Contents Acronyms ........................................................................................................................................... i Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................... ii Glossary ........................................................................................................................................... iv

SECTION ONE: INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY ............................................................. 1

1.0 Background ................................................................................................................................ 1

1.2 Methodology for the Rapid Assessment ..................................................................................... 4

1.2.1 Data Collection ................................................................................................................... 4

1.2.2 Data Analysis ...................................................................................................................... 5

SECTION TWO: FINDINGS OF THE ASSESSMENT ..................................................................... 6

SECTION TWO: FINDINGS OF THE ASSESSMENT ..................................................................... 6

2.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 6

2.1 Nature and Magnitude of Child Sacrifice in Uganda ................................................................... 7

2.1.1 What is the Meaning of Sacrifice?....................................................................................... 7

2.1.2 Magnitude and Manifestation of child sacrifice ..................................................................10

2.1.3 Organization and Execution of Child Sacrifice and Key Actors ..........................................13

2.2. Factors Contributing To Child Sacrifice ....................................................................................14

2.2.1 Economic Factors and Child Sacrifice ...............................................................................14

2.2.2 Inadequate Regulatory Framework and Child Sacrifice ....... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2.2.3 Child Sacrifice and Spiritual Factors ..................................................................................19

2.2.4 Inadequate family and community protection .....................................................................20

2.3 Children Likely To Be Affected By Sacrifice ..............................................................................21

2.4 Child Sacrifice and Child Trafficking ..........................................................................................22

2.5 Child Sacrifice And The Media ..................................................................................................22

3.0 Responses to Child Sacrifice ....................................................................................................24

3.1 Investigation and Legal Responses ......................................................................................24

3.2 Psychosocial Responses ......................................................................................................25

3.3 Responses in Health .............................................................................................................25

3.4 Responses in Prevention ......................................................................................................25

3.5 Challenges Associated to the Current Responses ................................................................26

4.0 Recommendations ....................................................................................................................33

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SECTION ONE: INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY

1.0 Background

Although Uganda has in place a legal framework for child protection, a number of children are confronted with sexual, physical and emotional abuse, as well as neglect on a daily basis. Child sacrifice is emerging as a new form of child abuse in Uganda. Child sacrifice in Uganda has been cited by the Media and Government of Uganda as a major child protection concern. In the past decade, there has been an increase in the reports of child sacrifice cases in the Ugandan media as well as in Police records. The practice of child sacrifice is rooted in traditional beliefs and a number of socio-economic and cultural factors have been put forth to explain the sudden increase in its occurrence in recent years. Analysts have attributed the practice to poverty, weak legislation and poor parenting1. According to the Uganda Police Force and child protection agencies these factors are being exploited by traditional healers who are responsible for most of the child trafficking and homicides related to ritual sacrifice. Children are more likely to fall victims to sacrifice compared to adults, because they are more easily lured and believed to be ―pure‖. In many of the cases that have been reported, ―children become victims of traffickers who kidnap or entice them from their parents or guardians using force, guile or bribery‖2. Police records indicate that interactions with survivors of child sacrifice and associated vices such as kidnapping reveal that they were exposed to these

phenomena due to a number of factors including: ―delay to go back home after school, going for

visits, changing employments without informing others, loosing way back home from school, and elopement of some young girls with men‖ (Binoga 2009:2). There is a close association between child sacrifice and beliefs in superstition and traditional religious and healing practices. It is worth noting that the current spate of child sacrifice has widely been attributed to activities of traditional healers. WHO defines traditional medicine is the sum total of knowledge, skills and practices based on the theories, beliefs and experiences indigenous to different cultures that are used to maintain health, as well as to prevent, diagnose, improve or treat physical and mental illnesses3. A traditional healer is a person recognized by the community in which he lives as competent to provide health care by using plant, animal and mineral substances and other methods which may be based on social, cultural and religious backgrounds, as well as knowledge and attitudes that are prevalent in the community regarding physical, mental and social wellbeing and the causes of disease and disability.4 There are six main categories of traditional healers namely: herbalists, bone setters, diviners, faith healers, spiritualists, and Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs). Herbalists treat using herbs and also sell herbal preparations, while spiritualists use spiritual means to diagnose and treat their patients. Faith healers are traditional health practitioners with strong religious faith. They evoke the power of the invisible to heal and solve problems. They are of any religious sect and use either the Bible or Quran in their healing activities.

1 ANPPCAN Brief, The Independent, February 2009. 2 Child sacrifice is on the rise in Uganda, The monitor, Aug 2006. 3 Traditional Medicine Factsheet, Accessed on 31st October 2009 from http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/en/ 4 PROMETRA (2005)

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Traditional medicine still enjoys an important place in Uganda and other developing countries. A number of authors have stated that 80% of the population in developing countries has its health care needs met through the traditional medicine sector (WHO 1978, 2002; Luoga et al. 2000, Ventevogel 1996 in Bukuluki, 2006). Traditional medicine is acceptable, accessible and affordable by the majority of African people. Even though it was often denigrated as backward practice during the colonial era, it has continued to thrive because of its medicinal and cultural significance among the population as well as the inaccessibility of modern health care. Traditional medical explanatory models seem to fit squarely into the people‘s quest for illness explanations that are culture bound (Bukuluki, 2006). It provides acceptable answers to people who are attempting to question misfortunes that befell them and their families (Ibid). When they ask the question ―Why me?‖ the traditional healers provide them with answers that are rooted in their socialization processes, cultural expectations and relationships with both the living and the ―living dead‖ (Ibid). This is closely linked to the personalistic belief system which perceives misfortune and illness to be as a result of seen but more so unseen forces such as ancestors, spirits and enemies (also see Tabuti et al. 2003). Within this line of argument, misfortune and illness is associated with one‘s relationship with people (especially relatives and friends) and the ancestral spirits (b´ajjajja abawumula), the nature spirits (misambwa), and gods (balubaale). Although misfortune and illness may have a physical immediate cause, the ultimate cause is in a number of cases linked to relationships with people and the spiritual world (Bukuluki, 2006). Consequently, people may decide to go to healers to find not only therapy but also the culturally bound answers to their questions arising

from circumstances they cannot easily explain (Whyte, 1997). The paradox is traditional healing and illness explanations, and beliefs in spirits have continued to thrive alongside Christianity and modernity. This practice cannot be explained using the notion of dualism which is value laden with clear demarcations between good and bad or good and evil, Christian and unchristian. It can rather be better explained by the concept of syncretism5 which shows that people can find ways of balancing two opposing forces in their fused self. In the public realm, they exhibit that they are Christians and in the private realm, they still have strong beliefs in the traditional/indigenous religious practices and beliefs. This is at variance with the Olaniyan‘s moral notions of the sacred (as cited in Norval, 1999:7) which has a strong inclination towards dualism and the absolute truth: conceptualized in terms of a ―given totality, separated and separable from other cultures with exactness of a puritanical slide rule‖. In other words, elements of a culture are taken to be non-contradictory and non-antagonistic. This implies that the difference from other cultures is conceived as ―absolute, closed and impenetrable‖ (Norval 1999: 7-8).

5 Syncretism as defined by the American Heritage Dictionary is the reconciliation or fusion of differing systems of belief.

This is most evident in the areas of philosophy and religion, and usually results in a new teaching or belief system.

Figure 1: The three holy fires. Drawing by Armin

Prinz

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This syncretism paradox can be better explained by the profane discourse which ―is synonymous with non purity and/or hybridity of identity of any culture.‖ The profane discourse “ insists on the madness of culture and the eventedness of every identity. Culture is conceived as a complicated articulation of mutually contradictory and antagonistic elements‖. Norval adds that cultural identity from this perspective cannot be seen as closed and positive but it ―exists as fragile and vulnerable—as a hybrid and non pure‖ (ibid). The growing influence of the profane discourse, partly explains the sustained belief in spirits, superstition, and witchcraft alongside the dominant religions and modernity. This has fertile ground for practices that hinge on spirituality and personalistic belief systems that underlie the human sacrifice. This notwithstanding, there are other risk factors for child sacrifice such as organ trade which need further exploration. Child sacrifice and Emerging Responses To respond to reported incidents of child sacrificial murders, a committee has been set up within the Uganda Police Force to conduct investigations and 2,000 police officers have been trained to improve the detection and response to cases of trafficking in persons especially children. In addition parliament is working to pass the Prevention of Trafficking in Persons Bill, which contains some provisions for the prevention and response to the trafficking of children for use of their body parts. NGOs operating in Uganda have also designed a number of interventions to respond to child sacrifice. Despite these responses, there is no comprehensive plan and the interventions remain fragmented leaving major gaps in both the response to the various cases and in addressing the structural problems such as the socio-cultural factors that have a bearing on the practice. For example, the sensitization campaigns by civil society organizations are not linked to the work of the police or the traditional healers working to ensure the integrity of their traditional practice. Additionally, the law enforcement agencies and child protection agencies are not working together in a coordinated fashion to address both the safety, psychosocial and legal issues of the child victims/survivors and witnesses involved in these crimes. In addition to the above, the concluding remarks of the UN Committee of the Rights of the Child on Uganda‘s 2005 report on the implementation of the CRC identifies the absence of a comprehensive body of knowledge on the problem of child sacrifice as a major obstacle to fighting the vice. The MGLSD and the National Council for Children are therefore keen to bring the different stakeholders together to strategize on how best to engage on the issue of child sacrificial murders in a joint and collaborative manner. The ministry proposes to hold a National Workshop on child sacrifice in September as a first step towards developing and implementing a joint action plan. The purpose of the rapid assessment is to provide an update on perceptions regarding the practice and aggregate the different interventions being implemented so as to inform discussions during the National Workshop. .

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1.2 Methodology for the Rapid Assessment

An inductive and qualitative approach was used to obtain people‘s perspectives on child sacrifice and trafficking. This study was conducted at both national level (Kampala) and district level focusing on 5 districts which were purposively selected-, Masaka, Ntungamo, Jinja, Soroti and Oyam. It employed participatory research and learning methods, to facilitate generating descriptive and analytical case studies and general findings mainly from focus group discussions, key informant interviews, in-depth interviews and informal discussions.

1.2.1 Data Collection

Data was collected using a FGDs, KIs and documentary review. However, FGDs were the main method of collecting primary data. The FGDs targeted general community members in the study area. In order to enrich and to triangulate some of the data collected in FGDs, KIs were conducted mainly targeting government officials and relevant actors in Civil Society Organizations. Focus Group Focus group discussions were held with various categories of the population including boda-boda cyclists, traditional healers, parents and community members. Below are the details of the group discussions conducted per district.

District FGD Held

Jinja Traditional healers

Boda boda cyclists

Children in school

Masaka Traditional healers

Boda boda cyclists

Out of school Children

Ntungamo Women

Elders

Oyam Men (parents)

Children in and out of school

Elders

Soroti Adult men (fathers)

Children in School

Adult women (parents/mothers)

Key Informant Interviews Interviews were held with purposively selected key persons, at the national and district levels. The key informants were particularly useful in providing information on the emerging trends of child sacrifice, and existing initiatives. Below are the details of KII held:

District Key Informant and Indepth Interviews

Jinja Officer in charge of crime investigations

Ag. District Police Commander

Senior Probation and Social Welfare Officer

Masaka Probation and Social welfare officer

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Child and family protection Unit Masaka

Ntungamo Traditional Healer

Head of Anti Human Sacrifice Unit in Police

Child and family protection Officer

Head teacher-Ntungamo Primary School

Oyam Head of Anti Human Sacrifice Unit in Police

Child and Family Protection Officer of Police

Community Development Officer

Facilitation for Peace and Development

Father of a child sacrifice victim

Soroti Head teacher of 1 primary school

PSWO

CFPU

Head of traditional healers association

Kampala Head of Anti Human Sacrifice task force in the police

Commissioner in charge of culture/MGLSD

Director Gender

Uganda Human Rights Commission

Representatives from NGOs: o UCRNN o ANPPCAN o World Vision

1.2.2 Data Analysis

Qualitative data was analyzed using content and thematic analysis. Using data from the transcripts, a matrix was used to sort and assemble information and put it into relevant categories corresponding to study themes derived from the objectives. Information corresponding to particular themes was isolated, synthesized and presented.

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Theoretical perspectives This study is guided by four main theoretical perspectives: cultural storage units (Turner, 1969); Social perception of risk and response (Douglas, 1966); ritualisation (Tuton, 2000); and vengeance:6 Rituals as cultural storage units (Turner, 1969) with both expressive and creative functions. Turner views rituals as storage units constituted by symbols that are packed with cultural information. Each symbol can be regarded as a multifaceted mnemonic, with each facet corresponding to a specific cluster of values, norms, beliefs, sentiments, social roles and relationships within the cultural systems of the community. Based on Turner‘s postulation, the expressive element of ritualisation is a response to the demands placed upon an individual, a group of individuals or a community by the social environment. The creativity function is embedded in the various innovations that are entailed in the response to a given threat. Thus ritual sacrifice should be understood from the expressive and creative perspectives as social responses and/or coping mechanisms to the demands in the social environment. Sacrifice is one of the socially constructed responses to phenomenon perceived by individuals, groups or communities as grave and extra-ordinary. According to Tuton (2000) people are more likely to turn to ritualisation if they perceive that they are under persecution by a mysterious force leading to extreme undesirable social circumstances. These may include heavy and unexpected losses in business, losing a child or spouse under unexplained circumstances. Similarly according to Whyte (1997) when people experience such sudden and strange events, they always ask the question ―why me?‖ and they draw on cultural bound resources such as rituals to deal with these perceived persecutions.

In addition, Mary Douglas argues that ―individual notions of risk are influenced by a wider cultural and social context‖ (Douglas cited in Helman 2007: 388). In other words, appraisal of risk is culturally defined. Rituals are used as cultural buffers in response to issues that compromise social security and wellbeing. Seen from this perspective, rituals have a therapeutic and preventive function against perceived risk and vulnerability within specific cultural contexts. People are confronted with a myriad of unexplained social problems and they respond by engaging in human/child sacrifices (expressive function of ritualisation) manifested in different forms (creative function of rituals) including cutting off private parts, the head, the tongue, the liver etc based on the culturally bound definition of risk. The organ of the body used for the ritual sacrifice is perceived to have either a therapeutic or protective function against the perceived risk and vulnerability to that particular risk. The definition and extent of the risk determines the object to be sacrificed. If the risk is perceived as extreme within the mythology of ―traditional healer‖ or ritual facilitator and the ―client‖, it may call for human and/or child sacrifices.

SECTION TWO: FINDINGS OF THE ASSESSMENT

2.0 Introduction

This section presents the findings of the assessment. The rapid assessment was undertaken to generate information on the practice of child sacrifice including the nature and magnitude of child sacrifice as well as existing interventions and initiatives for handling child sacrifice.

6 This is embedded in the grounded theory

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2.1 Nature and Magnitude of Child Sacrifice in Uganda

Child Sacrifice is a practice that has of recent gained a lot of attention in the country from both the general public and the country leadership. This practice however, has a long and quite unclear history. What is certain is the fact that it is part of African mythology. Because of the increasing magnitude of child sacrifice cases, the practice can no longer be ignored. Given its current level, the practice has assumed and joined the long list of forms of child abuse which need to be addressed. In many instances, the country has been informally fed on unsubstantiated statements that ritual practices are ―normally‖ performed (that involve child sacrifice) while constructing and commissioning heavy infrastructure such as roads, industries, big commercial building among others. However, until recently there was never evidence of the actual practice of child sacrifice in relation to these undertakings. 2.1.1 Towards understanding the cultural meaning (s) of Sacrifice

Giving up something highly treasured: it also denotes giving up something to which a high value is attached. Sacrifice in traditional healing involves killing an animal in a ceremony and The person undertaking the sacrifice should have a deep and personal attachment to the sacrificial object.

“Sacrifice- there must be an attachment to what you sacrifice. It must have value to you but not to another person. You cannot sacrifice what does not belong to you. You cannot go to the market to buy a cow or chicken and then present it as a sacrifice to the spirits. That is an acquired item. A sacrificial object must be something you already possess and value deeply” (KII PROMETRA)

Sacrifice in traditional practice involved offering animals to the gods as an act of thanksgiving, or in an effort to secure protection and long life.

“…. those days people would sacrifice to make life longer. Sacrifice was also common when young babies were born. Chicken and other animals would be slaughtered and some of the body organs like the hearts and kidneys which would be buried together with the removed part of the umbilical cord of the new born babies. But these days people say that chicken and animals do not work and that‟s the reason they have turned to child sacrifice‖ (Men‘s FGD, Oyam)

This illustrates that the current practice of child sacrifice, which involves abducting and killing children who are in most cases, non biological, and not connected to the ‗sacrificer‘ might be a form of manipulation by those involved. In traditional healing, the sacrificial object depends on the reason for the sacrifice. The object is however determined or dictated by the power or authority to whom the sacrifice is being made. In this regard, the sacrificial object must be clearly defined, by the spirits that demand the sacrifice. Sacrificial objects range from plants to animals, and each type of object has some significance attached to it. The sacrificial object also signifies the magnitude of the problem or issue for which the sacrifice is being made. (Purpose)

“Offering sacrifices is a cultural practice. The issue is: “how is the ritual carried out, what is sacrificed and what is the meaning?” Ritual sacrifice has been a part of our practice, right from the time of our grandparents. They would first of all establish why they have to carry out the sacrifice. They would start with chicken [enkoko] so as to get rid [okukokola = to take away calamities7] of all problems. They would then

7 Enkoko, a Kiganda word for chicken rhymes with okukokola, which means getting rid of calamities

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sacrifice goats [embuzi8] to eliminate [okubuza = to conceal] all problems. They would sacrifice sheep to stop all problems [okuliga9 = to defeat] that have afflicted an individual or the community. And finally they would sacrifice a cow [ente10] to discharge all problems affecting life of individuals and the community. That is how they used to follow each” (FGD with traditional healers, Masaka)

In all cultures, there are different animals that are offered to different spirits. For examples in the Kiganda culture, a white goat is sacrificed to the god ‗Mukasa‘, while black goats are reserved for spirits of the dead. A ‗hairy goat‘ is sacrificed for another spirit called ‗ekitambo‘, while doves and white chicken are sacrificed for ginis11. To the god Kiwanuka, a ‗red‘ sheep is offered as a sacrifice. In addition, all living things that are sacrificed are also eaten by those involved in the ritual, especially by the ritual facilitators. The traditional healers put forth the notion that whatever is sacrificed must be eaten to refute reports that human sacrifice is a part of traditional healing. (Form)

“In our indigenous practice, there is no situation requiring human or child sacrifice, and there is no one to eat the carcass, as is the case in sacrifices. Every sacrificial object must be edible and eaten. Those who sacrifice people are killers and not healers” (FGD, NACOTHA)

The sacrifice of human beings is viewed by traditional health practitioners as alien to indigenous knowledge and culture of worship and healing, and was considered a crime. For example the traditional healers from the Buganda region who participated in the assessment indicated that human blood is not permissible in a shrine.

“On our side as traditional healers our culture does not allow us to sacrifice human beings. Even when carrying out rituals you are not supposed to touch human blood. If you accidentally cut your finger while slaughtering an animal for sacrifice or preparing protective medicine we take it that the sacrifice or medicine won‟t work. So we do not involve human flesh or dead bodies in our operations. Some of us do not even attend burials. Those who do before you touch any medicine you must wash your hands properly. For that matter I would like to say human sacrifice is something new” (Masaka, Traditional Healers)

This illustrates that human blood is not a part of the traditional healing practice. Traditional healers denied that child sacrifice is a part of their practice. Traditional healers however, conceded that there were cultural practices in the past which involved killing people. These killings however, were not in the context of sacrifice. For example, twins were abandoned or killed in some cultures, but this was done because of the belief that twins are a source of bad omen and it was not as part of ritual sacrifices. There was consensus in all community discussions and interviews, that child and human sacrifice is a new practice, which is not recognized in indigenous traditional religious rituals and worship. Nonetheless, respondents acknowledged that the concept has always existed as a myth, but there was never any real evidence of actual occurrence of child sacrifice. Respondents reported hearing about the problem, in their communities when they were growing up, but could not recall any actual occurrence of this practice. Rumors of child sacrifice were in the past linked to ‗big‘ projects, such

8 Embuzi is a Luganda word for goat and sounds like okubuza, which means to make something disappear,

or to lose something 9 Okuliga is a luganda word for defeat, and rhymes with endiga, which is the word for sheep

10 Ente is the luganda word for cow but also sounds like entee which means, letting go

11 This is believed to be a spirit that sometimes manifests itself in human form

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as construction. It was generally said that projects of this nature required a sacrifice of human blood to be accomplished.

“Human sacrifice is a concept that has been prevalent in our human society…..it has always been said that all these roads you see, there are heads of people there. At the dam in Kiyira I understand they put there heads of people for it to allow that bridge to be built. We hear that when the Chinese are constructing, they always put heads of people so that they get blessings and so forth. When people are building big houses, they do those things so the concept has been there” (Commissioner for Culture, MGLSD)

Child sacrifice was perceived by respondents as a new practice currently propagated by alien ‗traditional healers‘ and quack traditional healers12. The motive of such healers is survival and financial gains through exploitation of unsuspecting clients. There are those who pass off as traditional healers, taking advantage of the fact that healers are trusted by the population. Many people approach healers seeking for help with their misfortunes. This is worsened by the fact that there is no well established system with checks and balances to regulate the practices of traditional healers. Because there are no clear procedures to regulate who practices traditional medicine, anyone can join an association and begin to practice. This lack of a system and proper procedures has provided a leeway for impostors to begin practicing traditional medicine. What is emerging is that it is these impostors who are responsible for the current surge in child sacrifice.

“Lack of regulation has given fraudsters and self seekers to use this opportunity to claim to be healers. They pretend to have a lot of powers and use this to exploit the unsuspecting public” (FGD, NACOTHA Healers)

One of the views emerging in this rapid assessment is that children are more susceptible than other age groups, because of the belief that gods prefer the blood of innocent people as sacrifice.

“I think the meaning and beliefs of child sacrifice is that those seeking wealth believe that children are clean and free from sin and of course are therefore holy. They have never committed any sins at all and gods treasure such and when those people looking for riches, they kidnap children and take them to gods through the witch doctors, that is what child sacrifice means, of course the children are killed definitely” (Men‘s FGD Oyam)

Child sacrifice is generally perceived as a crime. In all communities visited, respondents rejected the notion that people who engaged in child sacrifice could possibly be suffering from mental problems. The communities widely believed that people who engage in child sacrifice are normal and are not mentally disturbed. Although they may use drugs to gain the courage to carry out the act, individuals who are involved in child sacrifice were believed to be normal human beings.

“They are very normal. Extremely so, no body should deceive you that these people have got mental problems although they may use people who at times have to reduce their level sobriety, by taking some narcotic drugs..”

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Quack traditional healers are untrained persons who pretend to be healers and are involved traditional

medicine. These people are described by healers as impostors and self seekers

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2.1.2 Magnitude and Manifestation of child sacrifice There is growing concern among the Ugandan public and child protection practitioners on the persistent reports of child sacrifice and trafficking which are manifested through kidnaps, abduction, murder and disappearance of children. According to police records, in 1999, 15 cases of child sacrifice were reported. Between that period and 2005, there was no record of child sacrifice cases However, in 2006, there was a marked surge in the number of child sacrifice cases reported to the police. In that year alone, 25 cases ritual murders involving children were confirmed. In the same year, there were 230 cases of child abduction reported. According to Police records, 03 homicide cases of suspected human sacrifice were recorded in 2007, while 25 were recorded during the year 2008, of which 18 were children. Of the 18 cases of suspected ritual killings of children reported to Police in 2008, 15 cases have been conclusively investigated and suspects arrested and taken to court. Since the beginning of this year (2009) to date (October, 2009), there have been a total of 13 children who died under circumstances suspected to be linked to human sacrifice. It is possible that some of the incidents could have been ordinary homicides disguised to look like ritual murders (Uganda Police Records, 2009; Binoga, 2009). The scare of human sacrifice has led to some fears amongst the general public in the country and any least suspicions of missing persons have been reported to Police. Since the beginning of this year, a total of 862 children have been reported to have gone missing and thus suspected to be possible victims of human sacrifice. However, 739 of them have been traced and confirmed alive and safe and there is an ongoing effort to establish the fate of the remaining 123 children (Uganda Police Records, 2009; Binoga, 2009). Statistical Summary Information at a Glance for Jan– 31st Oct’ 09 Total of Reported Missing Persons

Suspected Ritual murders

Persons traced Persons fate yet unknown

Suspects arrested

Suspects taken to court

Adults Juveniles

Adults

Juveniles

Adults

Juveniles

Adults

Juveniles

253

862

11

13

167

739

78

131

111

44

Source: Uganda Police Records, 2009

According to ANPPCAN (2009), close to 3000 children disappear from their homes annually; the plight for the majority of these children is never known nor documented. There is suspicion among

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child protection activists that some of the children reported as disappearance cases are eventually sacrificed, although this information is never brought to public notice13. It is also believed that not all cases are actually reported to the police, and as such, the exact magnitude of the problem remains to be ascertained. The heinous practice of child sacrifice has been linked to a range of other forms of child abuses including trafficking, kidnap and abduction etc. The table below shows the statistics of the number of children who were victims of the above abuses, between January and July 2009.

13

ANPPCAN Uganda Chapter (2009) Statement at a Press Briefing During the Launch of the Child Abuse

Awareness Week, June 8 2009

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Table 1 Child Homicide and Crimes Related to Child Sacrifice Committed During January and July 2009

Nature of Offence Committed Against Children

Month

Attempts to sell, sacrifice or traffic a

child

Total number of children reported

missing

Kidnap and abduction attempts

January 1 63 1

February 3 59 13

March 1 96 11

April - 92 1

May 2 94 2

June - 115 7

July 1 76 3

Total 8 595 38 Source: Anti Human Trafficking/Human Sacrifice Task Force in the Uganda Police Force

Discussions with study participants at national and community level, revealed a higher perception of the magnitude of child sacrifice than what is reported to police. They believe that some cases of child sacrifice are not reported; and as such the statistics that are available within police records, may not reflect the actual magnitude of the problem. Review of newspaper articles relating to child sacrifice reveals a grimy picture of cases of children murdered under the context of ritual murders: The story of a 12-year old boy, Joseph Kasirye, from Masaka who was allegedly murdered in a classic case of ritual sacrifice continues to evoke the emotions of those who value and respect mankind. Court in Masaka recently heard that Kasirye lost his life after city tycoon Kato Kajubi allegedly connived with a witchdoctor, Mr Umar Kateregga a.k.a Bosco and his wife Ms Mariam Nabukeera to murder the child so that its body parts could be buried in a house which Mr Kajubi is constructing in Kampala14 In another incidence, Ms Jalia Katusiime, a hair dresser from Njeru town, Mukono District left her five-year-old daughter Shammim Muhammed with a neighbour, Mr Francis Muwanga, to go and attend to a customer. When she returned, both Shammim and Mr Muwanga were missing. Shammim‘s decomposing body was later found, her two fingers chopped off, and her tongue plucked out. Her private parts were also missing. Police arrested Mr Muwanga as a key suspect and he later confessed that a witchdoctor, Mr Yunus Samanya had asked for the body parts in exchange for riches.15 Isaac Kyanakyayesu, was brutally murdered by his father, six months after his birth (in Nakinyuguzi village in Makindye, on the outskirts of Kampala city. Upon returning, home from the market one afternoon last October, her mother found the headless body of her baby in a polythene bag. Overwhelmed, she collapsed. Police later said that the 30-year-old father beheaded his son in a witchcraft-inspired ritual (Mubatsi, 2009) In another incident a child [Dan Makubuya] was traded to be used in ritual sacrifice. He narrated:

My uncle sold me to two men and women. I heard them go aside and haggle over the price. I heard my uncle say that he wanted 4.5 million shillings (or $2,700 US dollars), but the buyers insisted that they would pay only four million shillings. After agreeing on the price, my uncle grabbed me by the neck and with the help of a woman bundled me up

14

Lirri and Nafula (2009). Weak laws responsible for child sacrifice. The Monitor, January 10, 2009. Available at: http://www.monitor.co.ug/artman/publish/news/Weak_laws_responsible_for_child_sacrifice_77995.shtml 15

Ibid

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into the car through the window. I was then sedated and on gaining consciousness I found myself in a witchdoctor‘s shrine. Makubuya says he managed to escape after the buyers determined he would not suit their needs. He said his body was scarred, which made him unsuitable for the ritual. It required someone who had not shed blood before, and to those who‘d purchased him, the scars indicated that he had.‖16

All the stories above are linked to murders inspired by strong beliefs in spirits and witchcraft for quick wealth, promises of riches, pleasing ancestors and protection from evil spirits. The story of the survivor indicates a growing belief that children who are scarred could escape being used for ritual sacrifices. This may partly explain the growing popularity of circumcising and piercing of children ears (adorning them with earrings) as a form of protecting them from becoming victims of child sacrifice. 2.1.3 Organization and Execution of Child Sacrifice Child sacrifice incidents usually involve collaboration between two or more parties. These collaborations are informal and between individuals who feel the need to sacrifice a child, agents contracted to identify and acquire the sacrificial child, and the ‗witchdoctors‘ who carry out the rituals. Child sacrifice networks are solely established to secure the victim for the ritual.

“We do not have people stationed to kidnap children for sacrifice, but if a person comes and says, „can you get me a child of such and such characteristics?‟ they can not fail to get such a person”. (Crime Intelligence, Jinja)

“So many people may be involved in a child sacrifice/trafficking case, but not as a racket. Witch doctors give directives that I want a human being. Witch doctors may hire or use a stranger to catch the children”. (DPC, Jinja)

“The rich people who want wealth use the poor in the village; they get to know how your head is by first befriending you and then they get used to you. They then make that move and plan together with this poor person and then send him to go and look for a child so that they can sacrifice”. (Elders FGD, Oyam)

The informal and short term nature of these contracts possibly makes it difficult for the community and law enforcement agencies to detect their presence, and take action to counter the impending activities. Victims Victims are usually known to the agents or the sacrificers. In many cases the agents know the victim or the victims‘ family and take advantage of conditions in the family such as lack of parental supervision or poverty. Agents Agents are a key player in child sacrifice transactions. These are usually poor people who are paid by the witchdoctors or the sacrificers to identify and abduct children for sacrifice. In some cases, the witchdoctors are also the agents. It has been reported that family members, including parents are also agents; parents particularly fathers, have been reported in the sale of their children for sacrifice.

16

Source: http://www.voanews.com/english/archive/2007-07/2007-07-31-voa70.cfm?moddate=2007-07-31

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Sacrificers These are the main players in child sacrificial rituals. The sacrificers are the main beneficiaries of the sacrifice and provide funds to facilitate transactions. Sacrificers are an engine in child sacrifice transactions. Traditional healers The traditional healers execute the actual sacrifice rituals. They are the mediator between the sacrificer and the deity. The traditional healer is required in order to carry out the sacrificial ritual in a way that is acceptable to the gods.

2.2. Factors Contributing To Child Sacrifice

Child sacrifice is attributed to a range of factors including economic, social, and spiritual factors as well as ineffective structures. Respondents unanimously agreed economic motives are the main driver for child sacrifice. 2.2.1 Inadequate Legislation and Policy Framework on Traditional Healing and Medicine Uganda‘s 1957 Witchcraft Act prohibits acts of witchcraft that involve threatening others with death. According to this Act, ―any person who directly or indirectly threatens another with death by witchcraft or by any other supernatural means commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for life.‖ The Act also prohibits acts of witchcraft. Accordingly, ―any person who practices witchcraft or who holds himself or herself out as a witch, whether on one or more occasions, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a period not exceeding five years‖. The Act also forbids hiring of an individual to practice witchcraft or who for evil purposes consults with another person who practices witchcraft. However the law has rarely been enforced, reducing its deterrent and retributive functions against those involved in witchcraft practices, particularly those which involve human sacrifice. Moreover, the emerging policy framework (as reflected in the new policy on Traditional and Complementary Medicine) on traditional healing and medicine in Uganda has largely focused on issues of patent rights relating to herbal products, protection, cultivation, propagation (of medicinal plants), environmental protection to ensure sustainability of the supply of herbal products, and research into the medicinal properties of medicinal plants. There has been limited focus on regulation of traditional practitioners‘ practice and putting in place minimum standards for ethical practice. This problem is compounded by the lack of a systematic body of knowledge on ethical principles on the practices of traditional healing. There has also been conspicuous failure to focus on aspects of traditional medicine beyond herbal remedies such as the socio-cultural aspects and spiritual aspects related to traditional healing and medicine. The beliefs in superstition, spirits and witchcraft have created an enabling environment for vices such as human sacrifice to thrive. Many unscrupulous people are also taking advantage of the weak legislation as well as the prevailing beliefs in spirits to engage in human sacrifice as well as organ trade under the guise of traditional healers. The lack of a regulatory framework means that unscrupulous traditional healers easily engage in child sacrifice, without any close supervision or monitoring into their activities. While the MoGLSD through the directorate of culture has the mandate to regulate the traditional healers, the ministry lacks capacity to effectively carry out this role. At the district level, there are no cultural officers to oversee the activities of traditional healers. The lack of supervisory capacity

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within the MoGLSD and structures at district and community levels means that traditional healers are not regulated. For example the Local councils do not have the capacity to screen and assess traditional healers living in their areas of jurisdiction. This is compounded by the fact that many traditional healers‘ activities are shrouded with mystery. The assessment revealed that there are a myriad of associations to which traditional healers subscribe. These associations lack a central commanding point. It was observed that there is conflict among these various associations. This state of affairs enables traditional healers who are involved in illegal activities to hide away from the public eye and engage in horrendous practices such as human sacrifice. The problem of child sacrifice is also linked to immigrant traditional healers. Study participants observed that the lack of a regulatory framework for healers has enabled foreign traditional healers to work unregulated in the country. It was reported that the local population favored traditional healers from places like Tanzania and South Africa, who are perceived to possess unequalled power. The respect for the power possessed for healing is translated into blind trust:

“We have a problem like for us in Masaka here; we have people who normally come from Tanzania. When they come here, people think that they are the best; they regard them to be having all the powers, so when they come here they try also to manipulate their own (people‟s) ignorance and do whatever they wish”. (CFPU, Masaka)

In addition, there are also traditional healers from Uganda who, from their interactions with healers from other countries learn new ways of practicing traditional and spiritual practices including those that involve human sacrifice. It was observed that traditional healers were more likely to engage in human sacrifice in areas away from their home communities. In other words, traditional healers engage in human sacrifice in areas where they are less known.

“The people who carry out ritual murders are not indigenous people. They come from distant places like Kampala. For example Kateregga who murdered the child was not from Njumaga village he came from elsewhere….there are times when we get new comers in the village but we do not know what they think or what brought them to the village”. (FGD Boda boda‘s Masaka)

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2.2.2 Economic Factors and Child Sacrifice The assessment identified four key economic factors which play a role in offsetting and sustaining child sacrifice. The actors in child sacrifice rituals usually have economic interests. The factors are:

Desire for wealth and business prosperity

Insurance

Poverty and

Trickery by traditional healers Desire for Wealth and business prosperity Desire for wealth and business prosperity is the main reason those for involvement in sacrificial rituals by those seeking for wealth. The economic motives of such people are behind the origin of child sacrifice. Under this, sacrifice is conducted in order to gain favour in the form of protection and blessings and to appease the gods. In all the districts visited during the rapid assessment, child sacrifice was blamed on rich people who wanted to increase their wealth.

“My son, for me I think it‟s mainly the rich people in town who want to get more richer quickly who are involved in this acts of child sacrifice. What they do is they go consult witch doctors who demand for heads of children or even other parts so that they become more richer and live in their houses for a longer period of time without anyone in that family dying”. (Men‘s FGD, Oyam)

The perception that many Ugandan communities have embraced materialism as a core value was expressed by respondents. People earn respect and recognition in their communities because of the wealth they possess. The adoption of wealth as a value has driven some people to seek means of acquiring possessions at all costs. This value has overridden the value that emphasized the sanctity of life. Study respondents expressed the perception that contemporary society attaches more value to money and wealth than it does to human life. The high value for wealth makes it possible for individuals to carry out child sacrifice, if doing so, is perceived as a gateway for acquisition of elusive riches.

“Actually these days we are living and managing a different life in society where people value riches more than life. That is why at times people say, „I rather die of a may be a bullet but not poverty. So you find when they are valuing riches more than life itself so that is why I say because of that kind of thinking they end up committing such crimes”. (CFPU, Masaka)

“Of recent times, there is too much materialism. People have become very greedy and every one wants to be rich under all costs. It does not matter whether the wealth is to obtained through sacrifice”. (KII)

“Among the men, sacrifice will be done because they want money. It is love for quick money that has caused the escalation of this problem”. (KII)

It is believed that the practice of child sacrifice has slowly turned into a clandestine business involving traditional healers and business men. Both parties are after obtaining quick wealth.

“Child sacrifice has become a business, with demand and supply. Here is a business man who wants his business to thrive, he is advised that if you want the business to thrive you need to sacrifice a child. Then other business men including traditional cultural healers discover that there is money in this; when you tell a businessman that they need to sacrifice, they actually do it. The traditional healers have also started getting the children for the rich men at high amounts of money. It has become a trade but to me the biggest factor is

17

the love for money but of course underlying it all is the firm belief that when you sacrifice, you can have immense opportunities”.

Traditional healers have realized that child sacrifice is a lucrative business opportunity. It was reported that some traditional healers are taking advantage of the fact that a number of businessmen and women have a strong belief in child sacrifice. Some traditional healers have fuelled the practice, through encouraging the business people and acting as their allies; they offer to acquire for them children who will be sacrificed, in exchange for huge sums of money. These traditional healers engage in the child sacrifice transactions, not because of the belief in the effectiveness of the sacrifice, but because they see an opportunity to make quick money from the business men. In this way, the traditional healers are themselves driven by economic motives. Poverty Poverty was identified as a factor underlying the growing wave of child sacrifice. People who are trapped in the poverty cycle, with little or no hope of escaping their circumstances, are easily lured into kidnapping children for sacrifice. Discussions with the respondents revealed that poor people accept to connive with traditional healers and business men. The role of the poor in child sacrifice rituals is to identify and kidnap children. Poor people do not join the transaction as potential beneficiaries of the blessings anticipated from the ritual sacrifice. Unlike the rich and business people who seek wealth and blessings from the gods and spirits, poor people‘s interests are the quick gains anticipated from payments handed down by the ‗sacrificers‘. The poor are agents who seek to benefit from money paid to them by the businessmen. Witchdoctors and businessmen have taken advantage of the poverty that characterizes the lives of many young people; they promise them money and other material benefits in exchange for a child, or a given body part that is needed for ritual sacrifice.

“For me I think, child sacrifice is due to poverty. Many young people can easily accept to be paid some little money (even as low as 100,000) and they can murder someone. Many youth are unemployed, so a traditional healer does not have to pay much money to such a person in order for him to murder someone. There are some people who have never earned 100,000/= in their life or 200,000/=, if such a person is given 500,000/=, they won‟t hesitate because it will look like it is a lot of money compared to human life. People are capable of doing anything if they are promised money”. (Boda Boda FGD Masaka)

Child Sacrifice: A Form of Insurance?

Child sacrifice is carried out as a measure to protect against future risks and loss. Discussions with respondents revealed that those who were involved in child sacrifice were motivated by the need to protect their investments against future risks.

“You cannot construct a building to its completion and have it make money without pouring blood in it. I do not think so myself”. (FGD Boda boda cyclists, Masaka)

“…they say if you don‟t sacrifice a child while constructing a big building, you will note live in that house for long because the gods will be demanding until you finally die…‖. (FGD Men, Oyam)

From the forgoing, the lack of a developed insurance sector could possibly be a key factor behind child sacrifice. Sacrifice of children becomes an indemnity to prevent against future losses of wealth. Instead of insuring their properties and business through the insurance sector,

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businessmen rely more on superstition and belief in divine protection, which involves sacrifice, including that of children.

Trickery by Traditional healers Traditional healing has over the years evolved from a service rendered to the community, into a lucrative business, benefiting mainly the traditional healers.

“What is happening today is quite different from that of the times of our grandparents. Our grandparents were not so much hungry for wealth. They used to heal people using traditional herbs and medicine but they would not ask for money. They would treat people from different areas indiscriminately. It was not a job meant to earn money. But today our culture has changed; it is becoming a job meant to earn money. In trying to get money, there are our people who have taken it that they have to do such and such a thing in order to become rich. Like saying that if you sacrifice such and such a thing you will become rich. That happens in other cultures and our people are learning from them”. (Traditional Healers, Masaka)

The high returns from traditional healing have attracted people seeking work to join the business. The lack of regulation makes it possible for those without any knowledge or qualification to join traditional healers. Traditional healing in Uganda is an informal profession, without any checks and balances. Additionally, it was also believed that the communities place a lot of trust in traditional healers, especially those who charge exorbitantly.

“For us who have been in the practice of healing for a long time we know that people no longer value the help they get from traditional healers who charge little money. They think traditional healers in Kampala who charge UGX 3 million are the ones who are effective”. (FGD Traditional Healers, Masaka)

The nature of the market and the beliefs of the population have provided leeway to conmen and fraudsters to make empty promises to their clients in exchange for money and other goods. Respondents in the assessment reported that traditional healers extort huge amounts of money and material items from businessmen who come to them seeking help, but fail to deliver the change they promise to their clients. When the circumstances in the life of the person seeking help do not change, the traditional healers keep asking for different forms of offering in order to please the gods. Ultimately, in a bid to rid themselves of the clients, the quack traditional healers, make demands for child sacrifice. Respondents observed that the traditional healers use this as a trick to get themselves out of a difficult situation, especially after they have extorted and taken a lot of money from their clients. Traditional healers sometimes ask for obscure sacrificial objects such ―a two legged goat without fur‖. The clients however interpret these obscure terms to mean human beings. Traditional healers underestimate the desperation of their clients, who at times are willing to do anything, to solve their problem.

“The traditional healers used to ask chicken with patches („rujumba‟) or a goat with patches, which were very difficult to find and the intention was to confuse the clients having eaten a lot of their money. In the past it was very difficult to get that type of chicken but today somehow you can manage because there are people who rear these animals because of availability of a market. Since chicken can be got they now ask for human heads because they know it is difficult to get and if you are to get it you need a lot of money which you may not be having. But because some people want money and they have faith in traditional healers they go ahead and kill thinking that their businesses will thrive”. (Boda Boda FGD Masaka)

The assessment reveals that traditional healers use child sacrifice as a ploy to divert clients from demanding a refund of their money. This happens after the clients‘ problems do not cease, even when they have offered a lot of money and possessions to the gods.

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2.2.3 Child Sacrifice and Spiritual Factors Belief in supernatural powers and the metaphysical world was identified as one of key factors responsible for child sacrifice. Individuals with strong belief in supernatural powers, have unquestionable faith in traditional healers. It was observed that it is easy for such people to engage in acts of child sacrifice, as long as they believed it was required by the spirits and or gods. There is a lot of respect and obedience towards the gods. Individuals are interested in appeasing the gods for protection, good luck, blessings, and fortune. It was reported that whatever the gods asked for, is availed by faithful followers. If the agents of the gods asks the followers to sacrifice, it is likely that they will comply, out of respect and fear of annoying the gods.

“When people have beliefs about the supernatural world, they attach these beliefs to what they do. How do I get that protection? I need to sacrifice. Now, in some instances someone will say, „just get a white duck cut the head and that blood go and put it under the desk that will do. Others will say, well, that is a big project you need a head of a human being. That is why they say „ensi egula mirambo nga temuli gugwo‟ [That in struggle lives must to be lost]”.

This creates a setting of unquestioned obedience, which leads to criminal activities such as child sacrifice. For example during the elders‘ group discussion in Oyam, one respondent said:

“Sometimes it‟s the gods who demand for children‟s parts through witch doctor and this happens when we don‟t bury our relatives well so they keep coming as ghosts”. (Elders‘ FGD, Oyam)

Blind faith in the supernatural renders people incapable of doubting what is perceived as instructions from the deity. Beliefs such as these are capable of motivating people to engage in inhumane acts.

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2.2.4 Inadequate family and community protection The growing culture of individualization as opposed to collectivism undermines the community child protection structures that were a feature of the African society. In traditional Africa, a child did not only belong to his biological parents, but to the entire community. Every community member was obliged to protect children within the community. This value has however been eroded over time and has been replaced with individualism, leading to a situation where children are less protected within their communities. According to the discussions held, in the past, there was universal concern for every child, and all community members looked out for the interests of every child. Today however, individuals are concerned about their biological children and do not show any interest in other people‘s children.

“To some extent our modern families have contributed to the problem. You see when you say my child, no one else should touch, when someone is touching your child and I am your neighbour I will say it is your problem. When I was growing up seven miles from my home they knew me, son of Mugira and even if someone found me doing something wrong on the way he would take responsibility and even punish me. So, there was collective responsibility over our children as parents irrespective of whether I am the Biological father, the child belonged to the community. For me that was a very good security mechanism for our children. But it has now faded away”.

The interviews held with families whose children had been killed through ritual sacrifices also indicate that inadequate child protection presents major risks for children. In addition to inadequate protection at the community level, families do not provide protection for their children at the household level. In the two interviews with victims‘ families, the assessment notes that there was a degree of negligence on the part of the families which provided the kidnappers an opportunity to abduct children for sacrifice.

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Case Narrative: Victim‘s Father in Oyam District On the 20/6/2009, my wife went to collect firewood, leaving me and my 3 daughters at home. I was sleepy and decided to take a nap in my hut. I left the children playing outside in the compound. When I woke up, my youngest daughter was dozing and her sisters brought her to sleep as well. When I came out of the house, I found my neighbour (a lady) standing in front of the hut. She asked me where my wife was and I told her. She went back to her house and I followed her to borrow an axe, spade and a panga for building my other hut. However, when I reached her home, I did not find her, but her children were home and they gave me the tools I wanted. I went back home and did a little construction of my hut while the baby was still sleeping and the other two sisters were playing outside. When I got tired of the construction, I decided to go to the well to collect drinking water for the cow. I instructed my two children not to leave their sister sleeping. I went with the tools so that I could leave them at the neighbours place, before proceeding to the well. This time, I found the lady (neighbour) at her home and I gave her the tools. On giving her, she started moving towards my home again, I followed her but stopped at another neighbours home along the road to the well. After a short time she had disappeared along the road. I decided to proceed to the well and I found 4 people there also collecting water. On my way back I passed by my neighbors place again but I did not find her. When I got home, I found my door open. I thought my daughter had woken up and they had gone with her siblings to their grandmother‘s place to play. But when I was giving the cow water I saw my two daughters and I asked them where their sister was and they told me they left her sleeping. I was confused because she was not in her bed. I went and informed my other neighbour and then headed to the forest to inform my wife. We mobilized people and started searching for the baby all over the village by following foot marks and it led us to the other neighbours home where I had borrowed the tools. When we asked her, she said she had been sleeping the whole day. We even found the foot marks of the baby and also that of gum boots near the main road. We also found tyre marks of a vehicle parked near her place near the main highway. The LC1 gave me a letter and I went with the police the following morning and they collected all people again to trace the whereabouts of the baby. It took almost one month before we found the skeleton of my daughter near by a forest no so far from home. So that is how my daughter was kidnapped and sacrificed.

As can be seen in the case narrative, a child was left under the care of her siblings who were also children. This provided an opportunity for the kidnappers to snatch her, as the older children wandered off to play. In Masaka, although the grandmother dictated that her grandchild was missing, she was unable to look for him and lacked the support of other household members to search for the child, who had been kidnapped and kept at the neighbor‘s house, a distance of about 60 meters away. Generally, families are unaware of the potential child abuse risks to their children. As a result, children are left on their own or under the care of people who later take advantage. The lack of day care centers for children within the communities further accentuates the problem. Families have few alternatives for child care and supervision, other than relying on family members.

2.3 Children Likely To Be Affected By Sacrifice

Although all children are considered to be susceptible to child sacrifice, those who lack parental care were identified as the category most likely to be sacrificed. The specific categories identified included: orphans, abandoned children, school drop-outs, children involved in child labour, and street children.

“There are those children who look for petty jobs. Someone picks a child for child labour to give manpower where he is going to pay very little money. So such a child is likely to be sacrificed. Then street children that are are living on and working on streets. Those ones are also likely to be sacrificed. There are those children who are not accompanied, you find when children are just moving lets say moving at night say „you go and buy salt at the neighbours place, go and buy a b c d at the neighbour‟s shop. It is already dark – such a child can also be got from there and taken away. There are those missing children – the chair always get missing children, when you ask where are you from, „I am from Kasese‟. Someone was moving in a vehicle and left the child here. If such a child lands in the hands of a bad person, he can end up being sacrificed”. (CFPU)

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The communities interviewed in this assessment did not have specific evidence on children who were sacrificed but used their common understanding to identify those specific categories who lack protection, and therefore are vulnerable to risks of kidnap, trafficking and child sacrifice. Available evidence however, indicates that the children who were sacrificed were living with their parents. This demonstrates a low perception of risk on the part of the community. This also shows the need for community awareness in order to create awareness on the risks of child sacrifice.

2.4 Child Sacrifice and Child Trafficking

While the respondents generally agreed that there is a relationship between child trafficking and sacrifice, there is inadequate information to back up this assertion. The lack of information not withstanding, the two child rights violations were considered to be complementary to each other.

“Yes there is a linkage between child trafficking and sacrifice, because if someone can traffic a child, then in the long run he ends up even sacrificing that child. So there is a linkage. One comes before the other. First of all you take the child, then later you end up sacrificing. So they are connected. Right now we have children in our custody who were brought by their step mother from Kyenjojo, and abandoned in Nyendo. They were got by a good samaritana in the night last Saturday. They lost both biological parents and they were staying with a step parent who got them in Kyenjonjo and came and abandoned them in Nyendo. What happens if such children were found by a bad person”. (CFPU)

The relationship between child sacrifice and trafficking was not evidently visible from the respondents‘ perspective. This notwithstanding, this assessment observes that the two phenomena are closely linked. Available literature indicates a growing wave of child trafficking for purposes of organ trade. While there is no evidence of this in Uganda, it is important to take note of this emerging criminal activity, particularly in light of the increased incidence of child sacrifice and migration of children from the north-eastern region.

2.5 Child Sacrifice and the Media

The media is a key actor with regard to child sacrifice, playing both positive and negative roles. On the positive side, the media highlights and brings to the attention of the public and policy makers, the problem of child sacrifice. The Ugandan media has turned its attention to the problem of child sacrifice and has played a crucial role in creating awareness about the problem and highlighting the need for better child protection.

“The media has assisted to open the eyes of people that a b c d is happening, there is child sacrifice going on, please protect your children. The media has actually assisted us to calm down the problem‖. (Commissioner, Culture)

“The media has played a positive role to a great extent. Even for most organizations to come up it was because the media reported cases. However, when you go to the communities there are many other cases of sacrifice that are never reported. Children are found dumped along the road and because it is never reported in the media, you will not hear any debate about child sacrifice. These debates and our current interest in child sacrifice will be sustained for as long as the media reports these cases. Once the media stops, we stop. I mean when was the first case of child sacrifice reported in the media? And interestingly its 2009 and it is now that we are getting into research and saying can we do something? Yet we have always known it was there”. (KII, World Vision)

The media however, was also reported to be promoting the practice of child sacrifice, through allowing traditional healers to freely advertise their services. Some traditional healers reportedly paid for radio programmes during which they would pay the media personnel to popularize their services, through allowing callers to provide evidence about the great power possessed by those healers.

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“Traditional healers who have money are now using the radio to market themselves. They give some money to the radio producers for airtime. And if you listen to the programme, you will notice that the presenters are comprised. I would like to suggest that traditional healers should be stopped from advertising themselves on radio. There is a lady who has a program on radio and this one has gone very far. Where someone says you need to engage “kinene” if you do not do so, you won‟t become rich. These traditional healers are on radio telling people that if you have not sacrificed to such and such a spirit you won‟t be rich. Among those spirits they are promoting is “kinene”. This is walumbe (death) – this spirit did not exist in Buganda before. But now whoever becomes a traditional healer says I have “kinene” – the aim is to get money. But if you investigate how “kinene” is made you find that it has a component of human blood and human flesh”. (Traditional healers, Masaka)

Some of the issues promoted by traditional healers in the media may potentially lead to child sacrifice. Media practitioners may not have a clear understanding of some of the issues that are discussed by traditional healers in the studios. Inadvertently, the media may contribute to promotion of child sacrifice.

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3.0 Responses to Child Sacrifice

With respect to the responses to the problem of child sacrifice, few actors from the public and civil society sector have attempted to respond to the problem. It was observed that inadequate knowledge about the problem of child sacrifice is one of the main limitations for interventions to the designed to address the problem. Current responses to child sacrifice and trafficking can be categorized into four main areas namely:

Investigation and legal responses

Psychosocial responses

Health responses

Responses in prevention

3.1 Investigation and Legal Responses

Legal responses were evident in all districts where child sacrifice cases were reported. This involved investigation of suspected cases and presentation of cases before the courts of law for prosecution. Investigation is the mainstay of interventions by the Uganda Police Force (UPF). UPF set up the anti human sacrifice and trafficking task force, to respond to the increasing cases reported. This task force is mandated to monitor, coordinate and spearhead intelligence, investigations and public sensitization on handling human trafficking and sacrifice. The task force is established at all levels of police. The objective of this task force is to prevent human trafficking and sacrifice through enhanced timely detection, public sensitization and effective investigations. The specific tasks of the task force are as follows:

To establish well coordinated criminal intelligence networks throughout the country and make the best use of the criminal intelligence received to fight the crime\to enhance expeditious investigations into all cases reported to police

To establish effective operational working partnerships with all relevant parties including government organs, NGOs, churches, and individuals to fight these vices

To develop guidelines for effective and professional handling of incidents, suspects, witnesses and victims related to human sacrifice/trafficking

To develop easy and quick communication systems between the police task force and members of the public

To develop a national data bank about the crimes related to human sacrifice and trafficking in the country

To spearhead the sensitization of the general public and members of the Uganda Police force about effective detection tips and preventive measure against the crime

To liaise with INTERPOL and make the necessary follow up of criminal intelligence and investigations from other foreign counties\to develop and effective system of following up all reports of missing persons and suspected kidnaps to the logical conclusions

To keep the public informed of the relevant information concerning the operations of the task force through regular press briefings

To develop a mechanism of monitoring the country‘s border entries/exits and airports with the intention of identifying and arresting these people who deal in human sacrifice and trafficking though those points

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At the district level, this task force has been operationalised within the police force, with membership from a range of relevant stakeholders. It was however established that although the task force was formed, members of the task force have not been oriented on their specific roles. It was therefore not possible to establish the specific tasks that the task force at the district level has been involved in since its inception at the beginning of the year.

3.2 Psychosocial Responses

Families that have been affected by child sacrifice require psychosocial support to enable them cope with the effects of sacrifice. It was however observed that generally this service is not available. Families affected by child sacrifice are largely dependent on informal social networks for counseling and psychosocial support. Among those organizations with responses to child sacrifice, only ANPPCAN Uganda chapter was providing this service. ANPPCAN is involved in provision of counseling services for victims in districts where it has programmes. The support given by ANPPCAN has a limited scope and cannot meet the existing need for those affected by child sacrifice. ANPPCAN‘s support is limited to families whose children have survived sacrifice. Families whose children are sacrificed do not receive psychosocial services. This assessment observes that there is lack of institutional capacity for psychosocial services. Many of the victims come into contact with the police. The police however lack the capacity to provide such services and limit their interventions to education and investigation. It was observed that the police had received a consignment of dolls from USAID to support the anti human sacrifice and trafficking task force. While these can be a tool for psychosocial support, these dolls were however still packed and unused. 3.3 Responses in Health Child survivors of sacrifice are sometime mutilated and require medical and rehabilitative assistance. The assessment found that ANPPCAN Uganda chapter was the only organization providing this service.

3.4 Responses in Prevention

A number of actors are involved in provision of information to the public and policy makers, aimed at curbing and preventing the practice of human and child sacrifice. NGOs have developed public education campaigns and designed messages and information materials for dissemination to the public and policy makers. In our interaction with the communities, it was observed that many of such messages did not reach the communities.

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3.5 Challenges Associated to the Current Responses

Inadequate Legislation Responses to child sacrifice are also greatly hampered by inadequate legislation. While the police endeavor to investigate child sacrifice cases, this assessment observes that individuals suspected to be involved in child sacrifice are charged with the offense of murder. The nature of child sacrifice is different from murder, but Uganda currently lacks a definition of child sacrifice in the law. Challenges related to investigation of cases It was also observed that the police force lacks adequate facilitation to follow up reported cases of child trafficking and sacrifice. An effective response to child sacrifice and trafficking requires a police force that is well facilitated and resource with trained personnel, transport, and effective communication for effective coordination. However the police sometimes fail to respond to cases due to ill facilitation.

“Police has the capacity, they can try there level best but they don‟t have a lot of facilitation, it is not enough. When we receive a report that may be a child has been taken sometimes you find when there is no where you can get facilitation to follow up either in Kampala or where to follow that information so you end up failing to get information about that report”. (Crime Intelligence, Ntungamo District)

“….. as police at times we fail to investigate those cases because they require some inputs. When I say some inputs you can find that a child is abducted here and taken either to Fortportal or somewhere else, and a big number or victims of child sacrifices you find that they are either orphans or vulnerable people who cannot help themselves. And when they come to police they expect us to help them a lot and for sure this office as you can see it we fail at times to get fuel to put either in our vehicle or motorcycle to follow such cases. That is the problem which we have with us”. (CFPU, Ntungamo)

“There is only one vehicle at the station. This is a vehicle used for all activities. There could be a case but the vehicle is out station. This hinders our quick response”. (DPC Jinja)

The assessment further observed that police investigations are hampered by lack of cooperation by the communities. Individuals within the community withhold information from the police due to various reasons. These include fear of reprisal from those who are suspected of engaging in child sacrifice, lack of trust in the police‘s commitment to investigate crimes, as well as lack of confidentiality. The following quotations are illustrative:

“People are unwilling to give information. People fear the police. Others say those who may have useful information fear to testify a person might come out of police or court and revenge. People may want to talk in the community but do not want to appear in court to provide evidence. The court complicates cases asking for evidence and many questions to the witnesses so that scares them off from attending court sessions”. (DPC, Jinja)

Discussions with the community revealed a high level of dissatisfaction with the police investigation of cases involving child sacrifice. There was suspicion that the police tended to collude with suspects of child sacrifice, in order to hide evidence. However, in the discussions with the police force, it was observed that practical limitations such as lack of transportation were a main hindrance to the police force in relation to investigation of child sacrifice cases.

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Lack of National Database on Traditional Healers According to the commissioner for culture in the MoGLSD, there is lack of a national database for all traditional healers in Uganda. The MoGLSD does not have adequate resources to map and register traditional healers. It is acknowledged that having this information is a key prerequisite to regulation and monitoring of traditional healers and their activities, including issuing them with practicing licenses. In addition, there are potential difficulties of identifying and tracking down healers, especially those who practice in rented premises in the urban areas.

“We would have wanted to do to carry out a national mapping and registration but we do not have the resources; it is very expensive exercise to undertake. In order to regulate traditional healers, all we need to have is a data base and a registration mechanism and know who is where. I have cultural officers in all districts of Uganda, we have LCs, they know where they are, the issue is that if you are going to practice we must give you a practicing license which they get like a diver, like a pharmacist so that we know that so and so is practicing like it used to be in those days when we were a bit more organized. But now they are unfortunately too many, new ones working in urban centres, someone has a small rented room and night he is getting clients, so some of these things we need to do”. (Commissioner, Culture)

Lack of Capacity within Local Governments Although there are culture officers within the local governments, culture is a distant appendage to their main responsibilities. The responsibility for culture is usually given to government officials whose main brief is other areas other than culture. In addition, many activities related to culture are not funded; as such, there are no activities including support to and regulation of traditional healers. It is evident that local government structures lack the capacity to support and regulate traditional healers‘ activities. The lack of this capacity ultimately provides cover for those with intentions of child sacrifice and trafficking.

“There is a Community development Officer in charge of culture at the district level. But if you go into the districts looking for a cultural officer, you will not find one. However, there is always an officer in charge of culture although some of them are combining different offices. These officers may not be very keen about culture because it does not have money”. (Commissioner, Culture)

Although the staff within the culture department possesses necessary knowledge and skills, they are unable to develop and implement programmes targeting the traditional healers due to funding constraints. Government funding commitments to the cultural sector are low. At the national level, the sector receives an annual budget of 80,000,000 Uganda shillings (equivalent to $43,000). The sector has not been able to attract substantial funding from development partners, due to a dearth of local and international donors willing to fund activities related to culture. .

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Existing interventions and initiatives for handling child sacrifice

Name Type of service Programme Activity

Promotion of Traditional Medicine in Uganda, PROMETRA P.O. Box 16465Kampala Tel: o414566762/0772403900

Registration of members Monitoring activities of members

No specific programmes

Uganda Human Rights Commission P.O. Box 4929 Kampala 0414

Documentation and Research

Uganda Police Force P.O. Box 2973 Kampala 0414 232359

Community sensitization Investigation and arrests of suspects

Formation of Anti Human Sacrifice/trafficking task force

African Network for Prevention and Protection Against Child Abuse and Neglect (ANPPCAN) P.O. Box 24640 Kampala Tel: 0414254550

Prevention through public education and advocacy Psychosocial support for affected families Education support for survivors

Awareness campaigns

World Vision Uganda P.O. Box 5319 Kampala Tel: 0414345758

Protection services for children

Action Research Capacity building for National level actors and CSOs and community Public education campaign

Save the children Uganda P.O. Box 12018 Kampala Tel: 0414341693

Advocacy Public education campaign

Action for the Rights of Children

Advocacy

Plan International Uganda P.O. Box 12075 Tel 0414305000

Advocacy Support services to children and their families

Public education campaigns Working through partnerships

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Synthesis and Conclusion The rate at which ritual murders targeting children is increasing is high. Apart from the evidence in the Police records (Binoga, 2009), every week, there is a case of murder related to child sacrifice that is mentioned in the Ugandan media. Interactions with stakeholders at all levels especially the community level indicated higher perception of the prevalence and magnitude of child sacrifice cases compared to what is currently being reported and investigated by Police. There is a belief within the community, that child sacrifice incidents usually involve collaboration between two or more parties. These parties include the person intending to sacrifice, an agent hired to execute the kidnapping or trafficking of a child to be sacrificed and a ritual facilitator who is almost in all cases a traditional healer who claims to be a spiritualist with supernatural powers.

There is concern with the terminology used to describe child ritual murders—―child sacrifice‖. To many stakeholders, the concept sacrifice carries a positive value and meaning. Sacrifice is a common phenomenon in the African indigenous religions, cultural practices as well as in the dominant—conventional religions. It constitutes an important part of worship, prayers and thanksgiving. The Luganda term Sadaaka which means to give up something very valuable and close to an individual. This meaning of sacrifice is similar to that of Mbiti (1975) cited in McKenny (2002: 2) who argued that ―sacrifices are defined as blood offerings. There is mention of sacrificing in time of need an animal of one colour, belonging to an upright person. What has been sacrificed may be consumed by priests, by participants in the ritual, left at the ritual site, or returned to the owner. There are intermediaries, gods and spirits, between God and humans‖.

The term sacrifice as used in this African religious theology has been contested as not appropriate to be used in the context of ritual murders or killings of children. There was consensus however, that historically, there has been human and child sacrifice in the African and Uganda cultural mythology, but child and/or human sacrifice as an actual practice is new phenomenon, not recognized as a ritual in indigenous/traditional religious theology. Child/human sacrifice was perceived to be alien to the prevailing beliefs and practices associated with sacrifice as they are conceptualized and articulated through the indigenous religious and healing cultures in Uganda.

This argument notwithstanding, it was noted that the prevailing strong beliefs in spirits, gods, superstition and relationship with the living dead and their supernatural has created an enabling environment for ritual murders involving children to thrive. As noted by Mbiti (1975) Africans are notoriously religious. Everything an ―African‖ does including planting, harvesting, sex, producing children and naming them, fertility and bareness, wealth and wellbeing, leadership, moving from one stage of life to another (liminality and initiation from childhood to adulthood) etc have a religious dimension. For a typical African, there is an intimate relationship between the living and the living dead. When in a room a lone, in a thick forest, in the dark, a cave or a mountain, a typical African will consciously or sub-consciously believe that though physically alone, he or she is connected with the spiritual world of the living dead. According to Mbiti (1975: 55-56), common routines like ―good health, healing, protection from danger, safety in traveling or some other undertaking, security, prosperity, preservation of life, peace and various benefits for individuals‖ have religious connotations. Mbiti adds that ―for the community at large, prayer may ask for rain, peace, the cessation of epidemics and dangers to the nation, success in war or raids, the acceptance of sacrifices and offerings, and fertility for people, animals and crops‖ (see McKenny 2002: 2)

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The growth in influence of conventional religions and modernity have done very little to reduce the beliefs of people in superstition, witchcraft, supernatural powers of gods and spirits and their mediums. In the public—political realm people tend to confess and even swear that they are totally Christian or Muslim but the private realm they very conservatively adhere to their indigenous personalistic belief systems. Thus the concept of dualism and sacredness of religion seem to have less application in the religious practice of typical Africans and Ugandans in particular. Although in theory and ideal situations, they embrace dualism and sacredness of one particular religious discourse say Christianity, in reality, they subscribe more profoundly to the profane discourse (Norval 1999: 7-8) which is syncretism and ―is synonymous with non purity and/or hybridity of identity of any culture‖ and or religion. The profane discourse conceptualizes religion and culture “as a complicated articulation of mutually contradictory and antagonistic elements‖. As Norval argues, t cultural identity [and/or religion] from this perspective cannot be seen as closed and positive but it ―exists as fragile and vulnerable—as a hybrid and non pure‖ (ibid). Thus one can argue that such a fragile and vulnerable religious and cultural system is amenable to abuse and manipulation creating a fertile ground for undesirable vices such as ritual murders targeting children. There are many beliefs around children that conceive them as pure, innocent and a powerful source of cleansing and healing. Until recently, children were perceived by some groups of people and sub-cultures as having the potential to cleanse and cure adults from HIV and AIDS. Thus ritual murders related to healing and protection targeting children are an extension of such beliefs about the purity and power embedded in children in the mythology around traditional healing and religion. Other drivers of child sacrifice economic, social and structural in nature. They include desire for wealth, poverty, trickery by traditional healers, lack of a regulatory framework for traditional healers, and inadequate mechanisms for child protection at the community and family levels. Although it was reported that children without parental care including orphans, abandoned children, school drop-outs, children involved in child labour, and street children are considered to be particularly vulnerable to child sacrifice, evidence from review of previous ritual murders involving children shows that all children, even those under custody of their parents are susceptible to ritual murders or ―child sacrifice‖. This is because in some cases, parents especially fathers have been found guilty of offering or even selling their own children to be used for ritual murders. Close relatives and neighbours have also been cited in some children ritual murders rackets. Child trafficking and organ trade were identified as risk factors that have potential to compound the phenomenon of child sacrifice. Before becoming victims of sacrifice, children are kidnapped and or lead away from their homes or schools. Thus trafficking manifested in kidnapping, elopement, and other forms of manipulating children make them susceptible to ritual murders-child sacrifice. Some participants argued that the growing demand for organ trade is a key risk factor that could exacerbate vulnerability of children to murders. It was observed that some organ trade protagonists may be disguising them by staging them to seem like ritual murders in order to confuse police investigations. There is also growing suspicion from Police Criminal Investigation Departments that children being trafficked from Uganda to other countries are susceptible to being used for organ trade. Thus organs may not be directly harvested from children while in Uganda but are being harvested from children after they leave Uganda. This issue however requires further exploration.

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The current legal framework offers some opportunities for retributive and deterrent measures against ritual murders targeting children. The Uganda Constitution, the Penal Code, the Children‘s Act and Anti-trafficking in Persons Act are relevant and can to some extent be applied as retributive and deterrent legal provisions against ritual murders. However, ―child sacrifice‖ is currently being prosecuted as murder. Much as this approach is quite useful, ritual murders have intentions and processes that extend far beyond murder. To reduce them to murders is to ignore these processes and intentions. Furthermore Uganda lacks a clear, comprehensive and robust policy and legal framework for regulating processes, internal workings and practices of traditional healers. Attempts by Ministry of Health have largely concentrated on herbal and bio-chemical aspects of traditional healing rather than conceptualizing and responding to this phenomenon in a holistic way. The very critical components of spirituality and super-natural powers that characterize this indigenous traditional culturally constructed medical institution have been at most marginalized. During the

period when Uganda was a British colony, traditional medicine was frequently outlawed (Obbo 1996; Dialo and Paulsen 2000) and until recently, traditional medicine was only being tolerated but not recognized (Bukuluki 2006).

Collaborations between modern medicine and healers are more visible among some non-government organizations. Notable among these is ―Traditional and Modern Health Practitioners Together Against AIDS‖ (THETA). THETA mobilizes traditional healers for training in HIV/AIDS related issues, facilitates testing of herbs that healers claim cure AIDS and serves as an information sharing between healers and the willing health workers (ibid). Some of these interactions are simply at a level of sensitizing healers and researching on herbs but not mutual and equal partnerships. This is similar to the categorization made by Ventevogel (1996) that the interactions between Western medicine and traditional medicine are characterized by antagonism, cooperation and pragmatism. In Uganda, aspects of pragmatism and cooperation between healers and Western medical practitioners are largely in respect to research on the medical properties of herbal medicine and training of traditional birth attendants. There is very little or no tolerance for aspects of spiritual healing involving traditional healing rituals and divination. These practices are viewed as inhibitive to and incompatible with scientific, technological, economic and philosophical development which biomedicine espouses (see Gyeke 1997, Horton 1997). The one sided interest of many scientists attracted criticism from various scholars (Last and Chivunduka 1986). These scholars see the tendency by scientists to ignore the social and spiritual aspects of the healers‘ work in preference for herbal aspects as a form of exploitation through robbing of the healer‘s indigenous knowledge (Bukuluki 2006). The media was identified as a main player with regard to the problem of child sacrifice. The Ugandan media has turned its attention to the problem of child sacrifice and has played a crucial role in creating awareness about the problem and highlighting the need for better child protection. However, the media has also played a role in promoting and sustaining beliefs in superstition and spirits-supernatural powers through running adverts and radio jingles for healers who claim to have great supernatural powers that can fundamentally transform people‘s lives and misfortunes. With respect to responses, this assessment observes that there is inadequate knowledge about the problem of child sacrifice, which is a key limitation for interventions to the problem. This notwithstanding the assessment identified interventions in the areas of psychosocial responses, legal responses and prevention. However, these interventions are sporadic, fragmented and exhibit very minimal coordinated.

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4.0 Recommendations

Recommendations and Key Action Areas Short term (6mnths -1 Yr )

Long term (1-5 years)

1. There is an urgent need for a comprehensive ethnographic study on the phenomenon of child sacrifice taking into account its socio-cultural, socio-economic and legal dimensions. It should also look at child sacrifice within the broad context of child rights abuse. Action areas Key line ministries such as MoGLSD, Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Ministry of Health in

partnership with UNICEF and other stakeholders should take the lead in coming up with a research proposal on the socio-cultural, socio-economic and legal dimensions of child sacrifice within the framework of child abuse

2. Current community and institutionalized interventions are weak in addressing psychosocial for survivors and families of victims of child sacrifice. There is need to review current psychosocial interventions to make sure that they address the needs of survivors, their families and families of children who have been victims of child sacrifice. Action areas MoGLSD, other line ministries and civil society agencies and UNICEF should mainstream and prioritize psychosocial interventions for

survivors and their families, and families of children who have been victims of child sacrifice. Given the limited capacity of formal prevention and response structures/institutions, there is need to build the capacity of community and

school based structures in aspects of prevention/protection and care and support for survivors and families of children who have been victims of child sacrifice.

There is need to develop a functioning referral systems are essential to ensure that survivors, their families and families of children who have been victims of child sacrifice linked to psychosocial support services.

3. There is need to build capacity of community and school based structures for both prevention and response interventions that address child sacrifice within the context of children rights violations Action Areas MGLSD, line ministries, UNICEF and CSOs should design a capacity building plan for community structures such as Village Health

Teams, Local Councils, Cultural structures and community health workers in prevention/protection of children and care and support for survivors and families of children who have been victims of child sacrifice.

Minimum standards for both prevention and response in respect to child sacrifice should be developed by relevant line ministries in collaboration with UNICEF and child focused CSOs

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4. Communication and advocacy strategy: There is need to develop a communication and advocacy strategy addressing issues of prevention and response to issues of child sacrifice. This should be developed within the context of child abuse but emphasizing issues of child sacrifice. Action Areas UNICEF, and NCC and line ministries in consultation with child focused CSOs should work in partnership to develop a national

communication and advocacy strategy that addresses issues of child sacrifice within the context of children‘s rights. Information, education and communication (IEC) materials with both national and context specific issues should be developed and

disseminated. There is need to make use of the existing school based clubs including peer educators, child rights clubs, behavioural change clubs,

teacher change agents etc to strengthen provision of information, education and communication that addresses issues of prevention and response in the context of child sacrifice and children‘s rights

Need to collaborate with the media to produce documentaries and handouts on child sacrifice Holding regular roundtable meetings of line ministries and CSOs to bolster advocacy. Networking and information sharing on issues of

child sacrifice as aspect of child rights abuse.

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REFERENCES ANPPCAN Uganda Chapter (2009) Statement at a Press Briefing During the Launch of the Child Abuse Awareness Week, June 8 2009 Binoga, M. (2009). The State of child sacrifice in the country (Uganda). A paper Presented at national workshop on child sacrifice at Imperial Royale Hotel, Kampala, 5th November 2009 Bukuluki, P. (2006). Traditional healing practices among the Baganda in the context of Christianity and Western Medicine Viennese Journal of Ethno medicine 9 (1), 7- 18 Diallo, D. and Paulsen, B. (2000). Pharmaceutical research and traditional practitioners (healers and herbalists) in Mali: Experiences with benefit sharing. In Svarstad, H. and Dhillion, S.S. (eds.) Responding to Bioprospectin. From Biodiversity in the South to Medicines in the North, 133-143. Douglas, M. (1966). Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo, London: Routledge. Gyeke, K. (1997) Philosophy, culture and technology in the postcolonial. In: Chukwudi Eze E. (ed.) Postcolonial African Philosophy – A critical Reader. Blackwell Publishers, UK and USA. pp 27-42. Helman, CG (2007). Culture, health and illness (5th ed.). Oxford: Butterworth-Heineman. Horton, R. (1997) African traditional thought and Western science. In: Grinker, R.R. and Steiner, C.B. Perspectives on Africa – a Reader in Culture, History and Representation. Blackwell Publishers, UK, 327-333. Last, M. and Chavunduka, G. L. (1986) The Professionalization of African Medicine. International African Seminar, New Series (1), Manchester University Press. Lirri and Nafula (2009). Weak laws responsible for child sacrifice. The Monitor, January 10, 2009. Available at: http://www.monitor.co.ug/artman/publish/news/Weak_laws_responsible_for_child_sacrifice_77995.shtml Luoga, E.J., Witkowski, E.T.F and Balkwill K. (2000)Differential utilization and ethnobotany of trees in Kitulanghalo forest reserve and surrounding communal lands, eastern Tanzania. In: Economic Botany 54, 3: 328–343.

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MacCormark, C. (1981) Health care and the concept of legitimacy. In: Social Science and Medicine, 15, 4:423-8. Norval, A. (1999). ‗Hybridization‘: The Im/Purity of the Political. In Sovereignty and Subjectivity, Ed. Edkins, Persram, and Pin-Fat. 99-116. London: Leine Reiner Publishers.

Tabuti, J.R.S., Dhillion S.S. and Lye K.A. (2003) Traditional medicine in Bulamogi County, Uganda: its practitioners, users and viability. In: Journal of Ethnopharmacology 85: 119-129. Turner, V.W. (1969). The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company. Ventevogel, P. (1996) Whiteman‘s Things: Training and Detraining of Healers in Ghana. Health, Culture and Society. Studies in Medical Anthropology and Sociology. Het Spinhuis, Amsterdam WHO (2009). Traditional Medicine Factsheet, Accessed on 31st October 2009. Available at: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/en/ WHO (1978) Promotion and Development of Traditional Medicine. Technical Report Series, No. 622, WHO, Geneva. Whyte, S.R. (1997). Questioning Misfortune; the Pragmatics of un-certainty in Eastern Uganda. University of Copenhagen. Cambridge University Press.

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APPENDIX

3.2 Trend of Suspected Ritual Murders per Month and District, and Arrests Made / Taken to Court S/no

Month

Murders District Arrests Made

Adults Children Total Court

01 Jan 01 m/a Kampala (01) 06 03

02 Feb 03 m/a 01 f/a

02 f/j 01 m/j

Kampala (03), Mityana,(01), Kamuli (01), Soroti (01), Ntungamo(01), Bushenyi (01)

27 11

03 Mar 01 f/a 01m/a

01m/j, 01f/j

Pader (01), Kaliro(01), Kiboga(01) Rukungiri (01)

18 07

04 April - 01m/j Gulu (01) 04 03

05 May - 01 m/j Jinja (01) 06 05

06 June 01m/a 01f/a

- Jinja (01), Mbale (01) 10 03

07 July - 02m/j Mukono (01) & Oyam (01) 11 04

08 Aug 01m/a 01m/j 01f/j

Jinja (01), Kitgum (01), Apac (01) 06 02

09 Sept 01m/j 01f/j 01f/j

Mpigi(01), Mityana (01), Ibanda (01)

19 06

10 Oct - - - 04

Total

11

13

111

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