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Children in Military Families Supporting Children During Deployment in Military Families: An Attachment Theory Perspective 1

Supporting Children During Deployment in Military Families

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Page 1: Supporting Children During Deployment in Military Families

Children in Military Families

Supporting Children During Deployment in Military Families:

An Attachment Theory Perspective

Jane SlomskiSSS 804: Social Work With Children

November 23, 2009

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Children in Military Families

Introduction

Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the lives of U.S. service

members and their families changed dramatically. Thousands were deployed to Iraq and

Afghanistan as the United States, along with its allies, waged the Global War on Terror

(GWOT) (Doyle & Petersen, 2005). Eight years later, Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) and

Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) have become part of the most sustained wartime

effort on the part of the U.S. military since the Vietnam War (Doyle & Petersen, 2005).

Due to the extended nature of the mission, some U.S. service members, particularly

members of the Army, have served as many as four tours of duty in these volatile areas of

the world.

The face of the U.S. military is changing. Today, sixty percent of U.S. troops have

family responsibilities. This was not always the case. Historically, the military was made

up of single men, so there was little to no need to be concerned about families or children

(Drummet, Coleman, & Cable, 2003). With the transition to an all volunteer military, this

changed but was not immediately accompanied by a change in military policy

surrounding family life. For the most part, families were expected to adapt to military

norms and to the demands of the military lifestyle. In recent times, these norms and

demands have been met with increasing intolerance and dissatisfaction (Drummet,

Coleman, & Cable, 2003), necessitating a reevaluation of military policies, procedures,

and services to make the military more appealing and to maintain an adequate national

defense.

Repeated deployments and exposure to trauma have been taxing for our troops

and their families. The effects of pre-deployment, deployment, and post-deployment

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stressors on service members and their families is well documented and should be

understood by helping professionals who work with children who may be affected by the

deployment of a close friend or family member (Murray, 2002).

Children and caregivers in military families commonly report problematic

symptoms due to experiences of stress, anxiety, separation from family members, loss,

and grief. As a theory that directly addresses these issues, attachment theory (Bowlby,

1969) which focuses on the importance of children’s attachment to caregivers for

psychosocial well-being, is uniquely suited to aid the mental health professional in

understanding the etiology of these symptoms. Further, interventions informed by

attachment theory may be helpful in treating children who present with these issues in a

social work setting.

Stressors in Military Families and the Effects on Caregivers

Military families are a unique population. In addition to the day-to-day stressors

that affect all families, military families contend with specific stressors that are unique to

the military lifestyle including repeated relocations, frequent separation, deployment of

service members-sometimes to dangerous locations, reorganization of family life, and

risk of service member injury or death (Burrell, Adams, Durand, & Castro, 2006;

Drummet, Coleman, & Cable, 2003). Not surprisingly, fear for soldier safety is the most

commonly reported stressor of spouses in the military, particularly when the service

member is deployed to a combat zone (Cozza, Chun, & Polo, 2005).

It is logical to begin any discussion of the psychosocial well=being of children

with a discussion of the psychosocial well-being of the adults who care for them. Ryan-

Wenger (2002) notes that children whose parents are deployed generally exhibit sub-

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clinical levels of psychological distress. The bulk of the literature suggests that overall,

children in the military learn to cope and adapt to the stressors placed on them by the

military. During the deployment of their parents military youth have demonstrated

significant resiliency and the ability to adapt, have demonstrated greater maturity than

their civilian cohorts, are aware of the dangers surrounding deployment, and feel a strong

sense of sacrifice and patriotism (Lemmon & Chartrand, 2009). However, children’s

psycho-social well-being is mediated by levels of parental psychopathology at home. If

the caregiver in the home does not react well to the deployment of the service member

parent, experiencing anxiety, depression, or stress, the children may also experience

clinically significant levels of distress, anxiety and depression (Chartrand, Frank, White,

& Shope, 2008).

In a correlational study between military stressors and a number of factors related

to psychosocial well-being, Burrell, Adams, Durand, & Castro (2006) surveyed spouses

of service members and found that fear for soldier safety was negatively correlated with

psychological well-being, physical well-being and satisfaction with the army.

Interestingly, this study examined the impact of separations. They found that impact of

separations was the single variable out of all of the variables investigated that predicted

all of the four outcomes, namely satisfaction with army life, physical well-being,

psychological well-being, and marital satisfaction. Impact of separations refers to the

effect that the soldier’s deployment has on the family life cycle. If deployment causes

separation during important life events or holidays, the spouse is likely to report

decreased physical well-being, decreased psychological well-being, decreased marital

satisfaction, and decreased satisfaction with army life.

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Attachment and Separation

Attachment theory, first proposed by John Bowlby (1969) expands on the idea

that human beings rely on emotional and physical connections with other people in order

to be psychologically healthy. The attachment system is immediately active in newborns.

Infants seek food, warmth, and safety through proximity to attentive caregivers, and the

developing attachment system continues to be an important aspect of psychosocial

functioning throughout life (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007). A child’s first attachment

figures are usually their parents, and the primary attachment figure is usually the mother.

However, in the absence of a biological parent, an attachment bond may exist with a

significant person who spends quality time with and plays an important role in a child’s

life (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999).

Within the broad lens of attachment, there are several different attachment styles,

or patterns of relating between caregivers and children (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007).

Mary Ainsworth developed the Strange Situation Procedure to examine the effects of

separation from attachment figures on children. In the Strange Situation Procedure,

mothers and children are observed in a laboratory playroom. The mother leaves the room

for a short period of time and the child’s reactions to her leaving and returning are

observed. Based on her observations, she classified attachment into four basic categories:

secure, avoidant, anxious, and disorganized (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007).

In secure attachment, the child feels safe and secure with the attachment figure

and is comfortable turning to them in times of distress. They are comfortable exploring

the world with the knowledge that the attachment figure will be available for protection if

the external environment becomes stressful, dangerous or overwhelming (Mikulincer &

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Shaver, 2007). Upon separation from an attachment figure, the securely attached child

responds with crying and emotional distress, but is able to regain equilibrium and

continue exploring their environment. When the attachment figure returns, the child

greets the person with joy and proximity seeking behaviors, but quickly returns to

exploring the environment. The securely attached parent responds appropriately to the

child’s physical and emotional needs, providing the basic necessities of life when the

child is an infant and encouraging exploration as the child develops, always with the

understanding that they will be available if needed (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007).

Children with an avoidant attachment style seem to be somewhat uncomfortable getting

close to attachment figures. They do not trust easily, show little distress when separated

from an attachment figure and are uninterested when she returns (Mikulincer & Shaver,

2007). Avoidant caregivers are observed to be emotionally rigid and may become angry

or rejecting of their child’s bids for closeness. Anxiously attached children are extremely

distressed when separated from their attachment figures, but display conflicted or

ambivalent responses upon reunion. Anxiously attached caregivers do not give consistent

responses to their child’s proximity-seeking behaviors and the home environment is

characterized by a general lack of harmony (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007).

In disorganized attachment, children may switch rapidly from extreme distress

when separated from caregivers, to ambivalence. They might exhibit both proximity-

seeking behaviors and avoidant or ambivalent behaviors upon reunion. In some

situations, they may remain passive and not exhibit any outward signs of proximity

seeking. Caregivers of children with disorganized attachment are observed as

unpredictable and disorganized in their own behavior. They often “space out” when their

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child approaches them, or they may look frightened or confused. Researchers speculate

that adults with disorganized attachment styles most likely suffer from unresolved losses,

attachment injuries, or trauma (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007).

According to attachment theory, prolonged separation from these important

attachment figures, regardless of attachment style, causes marked psychological and

physical distress. The effects of separation from attachment figures on children’s well-

being has been the subject of much research and debate.

Deployment Separation & the Effects on Children

Prolonged separation from an attachment figure is one of the most stressful

events a child can experience, particularly when the caregiver (most often the

father) goes to war. Due to frequent relocations and deployment, children in

military families often experience separation from their parents and from their

communities, schools, and friends. If the deployed parent is a primary attachment

figure, children may exhibit various internalizing and externalizing behaviors

including fear, anxiety, aggression, and depression in response to the perceived loss

of the attachment figure (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999). Children experience and respond

to separation in different ways depending upon their developmental level.

Murray (2002) describes common age-specific reactions to separation.

Infants react to the emotions of their primary caregivers. If caregivers are stressed,

depressed, or anxious, infants may become inactive, unresponsive, hypervigilant, or

irritable. Spouses of deployed service members with children often report changes

in their infant’s behavior, including changes in eating habits, sleeping, and increased

crying. Toddlers who experience the deployment of a caregiver will often react with

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increased clinging, withdrawal, or depression. They may have difficulty sleeping and

may not want to associate with other children. Preschoolers may regress to earlier

developmental behaviors including bed wetting, fussing, crying for attention, and

increased aggression. Because they lack an understanding of cause and effect,

preschoolers may mistakenly believe that they caused the parent to leave and may

experience feelings of guilt as a result of this belief. Practitioners who work with this

age group should be aware that this belief may exist, as the child is unlikely to share

it with an adult (Murray, 2002).

Children who are 6-8 years old have a better understanding of cause and

effect, and may experience intense grief. Especially with a basic understanding of

terrorism, exposure to the media, and a basic understanding of the meaning of the

current war, children in this age group may fear for their own safety (especially if

they turned to the deployed soldier as a primary attachment figure for safety) and

fear that their caregivers will leave them. They may experience difficulty sleeping,

problems in school, and may show increased clinging behaviors (Murray, 2002).

9-12 year-olds may experience a whole range of emotions related to the

deployment of a parent. They can feel a compelling sense of loss and feel happy,

troubled, angry, or sad, all within a relatively short period of time. Boys in this age

group may feel a sense of responsibility for taking on the role of the deployed

parent, particularly if the father is deployed. Simultaneously, they may feel anger

toward the deployed parent and feel abandoned. These feelings may manifest in

increased aggression, antisocial behavior, or in increased involvement in extra-

curricular activities in an attempt to hide their emotions (Murray, 2002).

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The Effects of Deployment on Attachment Bonds

The Internet and modern technology have made it possible for deployed

troops to stay in contact with their families like never before. E-mail, instant

messaging, and web cams help to maintain the psychological presence of the soldier

in the home and in the minds of his/her family members. Nevertheless, attachment

bonds between parents and children and between spouses are tested by

deployment. Troops are often in areas of the world where Internet access is not

available. In some cases, the deployed parent may not be able to tell his/her family

where they are. (Huebner, Mancini, Bowen, & Orthner, 2009).

In addition, 40% of U.S. service members who are currently deployed have

children under the age of 5 (Chartrand, Frank, White, & Slope, 2008). Particularly in

the Army, where the average deployment cycle is 12-18 months, a soldier may leave

an infant and come back to a young child who does not remember or recognize

him/her (Allen & Staley, 2007). He/she has missed a year of the child’s life and of all

of the developmental milestones associated with that year. The parent must then

attempt to catch up, to reestablish a relationship, and to rebuild attachment bonds

that were disrupted by deployment. Children may experience fear, anger, and

sadness as a result of their attachment figure’s perceived unavailability due to

deployment and these emotions can become clinically significant if left untreated.

Depending upon the child’s age and the amount of contact during

deployment, a child will react differently to attempts by the parent to seek

closeness. If the soldier has sustained injuries, the child may be initially fearful or

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uncertain about how to approach their parent, which may impact how attachment

bonds are repaired (Doyle & Petersen, 2005).

Attachment Based Social Work Intervention

Military and civilian social workers are in an ideal position to help families

and children of deployed service members. Attachment theory directly address

concerns surrounding children and separation from caregivers and is therefore very

useful for intervening with children whose parent is deployed (Cassidy & Shaver,

1999). Children who have experienced deployment of a parent often experience

hyperactivation of the attachment system. The normal emotions that accompany

threats to an attachment figure’s availability: fear, anger, and sadness, can manifest

as pervasive depressive symptoms, anxiety disorders, aggression, disassociation,

and anti-social behavior (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999). Intervention for children who

present with behavioral or emotional problems related to the deployment of a

parent should focus on the strengthening of attachment bonds between children

and the caregiver at home, reassurance of safety and security, the maintenance of

the attachment bond between children and the deployed parent, and the

strengthening or repair of attachment bonds when the soldier returns home

(Cassidy & Shaver, 1999). Otherwise disruptions in secure attachment relationships

can lead to anxious feelings and anxious attachment (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999).

For very young children, play therapy may be the only appropriate modality

for attachment-based treatment. The clinician should be aware of the presence of

themes in children’s play including war, violence, separation, control, and death that

may signify underlying attachment issues. For older children, more direct

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conversations about fear, sadness and anger related to deployment and war can be

helpful. Children should be encouraged to express their emotions related to

deployment (Lemmon & Chartrand, 2009). In addition, clinicians can work with

parents to promote healthy attachment to caregivers in the home and on

deployment. Parents should be encouraged to listen to their children about their

feelings regarding war and deployment. Whenever possible, the family should

maintain regular contact with the soldier. Regular and predictable contact can be a

great protective factor for the attachment relationship, but may not always be a

realistic possibility given the location of the soldier and the mobility of the soldier’s

unit (Drummet, Coleman, & Cable, 2003).

Rituals are another concrete way to strengthen attachment bonds between

parents and children while a parent is deployed. Often when a parent goes to war,

family responsibilities are rearranged and family schedules become unpredictable

and erratic (Drummet, Coleman, & Cable, 2003). A way to alleviate stress of

deployment on the family, and to strengthen attachment bonds, is to engage in

meaningful rituals that are concrete and predictable (B. Bailey, personal

communication, October 23, 2009). Possibilities include bedtime rituals, morning

rituals, and rituals surrounding talking to the deployed parent while the parent is

away. The deployed parent might always begin the conversation the same way

when talking on the phone, or the caregiving parent might always read the same

story before bedtime. Rituals add predictability and stability to the home

environment, build attachment bonds, and can be continued when the deployed

parent returns (B. Bailey, personal communication, October 23, 2009).

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Implications

Mental health treatment in the military is still an evolving field. As more

soldiers return from Afghanistan and Iraq, more of the American community is

taking notice of the needs of military families and their children. Many veterans are

being diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and it is estimated that

many others live with subclinical symptoms of the disorder (Drummet, Coleman, &

Cable, 2003). Veterans living with untreated mental illness have more difficulty

integrating back into family and civilian life. Because children’s symptomology is

inextricably linked to parents’ psychopathology, children may begin to exhibit

behavioral and emotional symptoms that are indicative of family issues (Doyle &

Peterson, 2005).

The military has come a long way in its treatment of soldiers’ families and

children. More services are available in the military community and there is less of a

stigma attached to the seeking of behavioral health and counseling services (J.

Patrick CW2, U.S. Army, personal communication, September 28, 2009). As

children’s psychopathology is linked to parental psychopathology, it is imperative

that military and civilian social workers encourage soldiers to get mental health

treatment when needed.

Limitations

Attachment theory is informed by relational and psychodynamic theories

and so may not adequately address the impact of environmental aspects on the

child’s behavior. In situations in which a child’s maladaptive behaviors are severe

enough to warrant intervention, the clinician would benefit from examining the case

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through a behavioral lens. Behavioral interventions including the setting of

behavioral limits, and a more structured environment may help children to cope

with deployment of a parent.

In addition to attachment theory and behavioral theory, clinicians would

benefit from examining the family from a family systems perspective. Examine the

micro and macro systems surrounding the family unit, as well as the boundaries

between systems. Is the family an open or closed system? Are they willing to go to

the community for support? Has deployment placed undue financial strain on the

family? Are adult members of the family currently suffering from mental illness? Are

there co-occurring stressors such as the birth, death or illness of a family member

that might make the deployment particularly difficult?

The unique advantage of the social work profession is the ability to examine

the family from the person-in-environment perspective. Other important variables

that might affect the well-being of the deployed family member or of the family itself

include availability of social supports and community connectedness. If the family

has just relocated, they may not be familiar with the surrounding area and resources

and will be far away from supportive friends and family members. If the children

have just started at a new school, academic performance and social adjustment may

be negatively affected not only by the deployment, but by the move itself. For these

reasons a social worker should not limit examination of a case to a single theory

base. Attachment theory may only address part of the problem in psychosocial

functioning experienced by the family and the soldier.

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As the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan continue and more soldiers are returning

home to their families, military and civilian social workers and other mental health

professionals will be increasingly called upon to provide their services to a growing

number of military and civilian personnel. It is therefore imperative that social work

practitioners advocate effectively and implements successful treatment models for

military families and children.

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References

Allen, M. & Staley, L. (2007, January). Helping children cope when a loved one is on

military deployment. Retrieved from

http://www.naeyc.org/yc/pastissues/2007/january

Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment and loss. Basic Books.

Burrell, L.M., Adams, G.A., Durand, D.B. & Castro, C.A. (2006). The impact of military

lifestyle demands on well-being, army, and family outcomes. Armed Forces &

Society, 33(1). 43-58.

Cassidy, J. & Shaver, P.R. (Eds.).(1999). Handbook of attachment: Theory, research,

and clinical applications. New York: The Guilford Press.

Chartrand, M.M., Frank, D.A., White, L.F., & Shope, T.R. (2008). Effects of parents’

wartime deployment on the behavior of young children in military families.

Journal of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine, 162(11). 1009-1114.

Cozza, S.J., Chun, R.S., & Polo, J.A. (2005). Military families and children during

Operation Iraqi Freedom. Psychiatric Quarterly, 76(4). 371-378.

Doyle, M.E. & Petersen, K.A. (2005). Re-entry and reintegration: Returning home

after combat. Psychiatric Quarterly, 76 (4). 361-370.

Drummet, A. R., Coleman, M., & Cable, S. (2003). Military families under stress:

Implications for Family Life Education. Journal of Family Relations, 52, 279-

287.

Huebner, A.J., Mancini, J.A., Bowen, G.L. & Orthner, D.K. (2009). Shadowed by war:

building community capacity to support military families. Journal of Family

Relations, 58, 216-228.

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Lemmon, K.M. & Chartrand, M.M. (2009). Caring for America’s children: Military

youth in time of war. Pediatrics in Review, 30(6). 42-48.

Mikulincer, M. & Shaver, P.R. (2007). Attachment in adulthood: Structure, dynamics,

and change. New York: Guilford Press.

Murray, J.S. (2002). Helping children cope with separation during war. Journal for

Specialists in Pediatric Nursing, 7(3). 127-130.

Ryan-Wenger, N.A. (2002). Impact of the threat of war on children in military

families. Journal of Pediatric Health Care, 16, 245-252.

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