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Received 29 November 2009Received in revised form 11 April 2010Accepted 1 June 2010Available online 14 July 2010

Keywords:

Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 38

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Forest Policy an

.e l1. Introduction

Knowledge and practices concerning nature include knowledge,know-how, skills, practices and representations developed andperpetuated by communities in interaction with their natural envi-ronment. These cognitive systems are expressed through language,oral traditions, attachment to a place, memories, spirituality, andworldview, and they are displayed in a broad complex of values andbeliefs, ceremonies, healing practices, social practices or institutions,and social organization (UNESCO, 2007).

Traditional ecological knowledge represents experience acquiredover thousands of years of direct human contact with the environ-

elds. For example, in agriculture, pharmacology and botany(ethnobotany), research into traditional knowledge has a rich history.In fact, in comparison to these elds, the study of indigenousknowledge in ecology is relatively recent (UNESCO, 2007).

The scope and objective of the paper are to describe the differentknowledge systems for natural resources management in theCordillera, northern Philippines (Fig. 1) as practiced by the peoplethrough their different beliefs, culture and traditions. The papershowcases resource-conserving experiences like muyong and ala-asystems of the Ifugaos; lapat among the Isnegs and Tingguians; inum-an, gen-gen, day-og, balkah, kinebbah, tuping and pamettey of theIkalahans.ment (Armstrong et al., 2006). Although thspread use in the 1980s, the practice oknowledge is as old as ancient huntergatheto ecology, the study of traditional knowledge

Corresponding author. Tel./fax: +82 104109 2292.E-mail address: marilyn_sabalvaro@yahoo.com (M.S

1389-9341/$ see front matter 2010 Elsevier B.V. Aldoi:10.1016/j.forpol.2010.06.001CordilleraForest conservation technologiesGen-genIndigenous/traditional knowledgeLapatMuyongsystems, having been validated for their technical and scientic soundness by many investigators. It was in1992 that the Philippine government gave recognition to the potentials of indigenous knowledge systemsfollowing the Earth Summit in 1992. Prior to this, scientists/researchers, development workers andlawmakers in the Philippines were preoccupied with their craft seeking modern ways of doing andaccomplishing things. Cordillera in the Northern Philippines is a host to many indigenous cultures like Isneg,Kalinga, Bontok, Kankanaey, Tingguian, Gaddang, Ayangan and Tuwali, Kalanguya or Ikalahan, Ibaloy and Karaowhose traditional knowledge systems were subject of many studies and investigations.The paper describes the different knowledge systems for natural resources management in the Cordillera aspracticed by the people with different beliefs, culture and traditions. The paper showcases different resourceconserving experiences in these cultures like muyong and ala-a systems of the Ifugaos; lapat among the Isnegand Tingguians; inum-an, gen-gen, day-og, balkah, kinebbah, tuping and pamettey of the Ikalahans. Theseknowledge systems have been practiced by the indigenous peoples in the Cordillera and have beentransmitted from generation to generation, making their way of life in harmony with their physical andsocial surroundings. While culture is environment specic, adoption/transfer of some indigenoustechnologies that may be tting to other cultures and communities, with a little modication to suit theirneeds, can be done.

2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.e term came into wide-f traditional ecologicalrer cultures. In additionis valued in a number of

2. The Philippin

The Philippinreaching to abouendowed with acultures, and m(2004), the Phili. Combalicer).

l rights reserved.n recognized to contribute to sustainability of productionArticle history: In the Philippines, indigenous knowledge has beea b s t r a c ta r t i c l e i n f oTraditional forest conservation knowledgNorthern Philippines

Leni D. Camacho a, Marilyn S. Combalicer b,, Youn YAntonio P. Carandang a, Sofronio C. Camacho a, Cathea College of Forestry and Natural Resources, University of the Philippines Los Baos, Collegb International Cooperation Division, Korea Forest Service, Daejeon, 302-701, Republic of Kc Department of Forest Sciences and Research Institute for Agriculture and Life Sciences, S

j ourna l homepage: wwwtechnologies in the Cordillera,

-Chang c, Edwin A. Combalicer a,e C. de Luna a, Lucrecio L. Rebugio a

guna 4031, PhilippinesaNational University, 599 Gwanangno, Gwanak-gu, Seoul, 151-921, Republic of Korea

d Economics

sev ie r.com/ locate / fo rpo le indigenous people

es is composed of more than 7100 islands and isletst 1854 km from north to south. It is an archipelagobundant natural resources, a rich history, diverseany ethno-linguistic groups. According to Molintas,ppines is the only country in Asia that has ofcially

thni

4 L.D. Camacho et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 38used the term indigenous peoples. Of the more than 87 millionFilipinos, about 12 to 15 million are indigenous peoples, or about 1722% of the total population. The Episcopal Commission on TribalFilipinos distinguishes approximately 40 ethno-linguistic groups witha population of about 6.5 to 7.5 million. The National Council ofChurches in the Philippines estimates some 60 such groups. Accordingto Tunay ng Alyansa ng Bayan Alay sa Katutubo (TABAK) (Molintas,2004), there are more than 40 ethnic groups that comprise thePhilippine indigenous population, and these can be classied into sixgroups excluding the Islamic groups. The National Commission onIndigenous Peoples (NCIP) identies 95 distinct tribes, which includes

Fig. 1. Map showing the different locations of ethe Islamic or Muslim groups, in 14 regions of the country with anestimated population between 12 and 15 million members (Molintas,2004). The data of Kalipunan ng Mamamayang Katutubo ng Pilipinas(KAMP) roughly classied these tribes into seven groupings, namely:Mindanao Lumad, Cordillera People, Caraballo Tribes, Agta and Aeta/Negrito, Mangyan of Mindoro, Palawan Hill Tribe, andMuslim Groups.

Molintas further explained that indigenous peoples' communitiescan be found in the interiors of Luzon, Mindanao, and some islands ofVisayas. They either withdrew to the hinterlands in the face ofcolonization or they stood their ground successfully and have main-tained a close link to their ancestral past. These communities comprise adiverse collection of distinct languages and cultures. The indigenouspeoples in the Philippines continued to live in their relatively isolated,self-sufcient communities, at the time when most lowland commu-nitieshadalreadybeen integrated into a single colonyunderSpain in the1700s and 1800s. They were able to preserve the culture and traditionsof their ethnos or tribe as reected in their communal views on land,their cooperative work exchanges, their communal rituals, their songs,dances, and folklore. Instead of hierarchical governments, each of thesecommunities had its own council of elders who customarily settled clanor tribal wars to restore peace and unity.

But with the long years of colonial rule in the Philippines, from the1700s to the early 1900s, and the inux of migrants into indigenouspeoples' territories, many inuences have been introduced thatgradually changed the indigenous way of life. Indigenous communi-ties at present are still characterized by these phenomena but aredenitely no longer in their pure and natural state, showing varyingdegrees of inuence from outside culture (Molintas, 2004).3. The Ifugao's system of forest sustainability

3.1. The muyong system

The inhabitants of Ifugaos have developed a unique way of life,reected in the way they grow and tend forests. This unique system oftending forests has been referred to in the literature as the muyongsystem, coined from the local dialect meaning forest or woodlot(Butic and Ngidlo, 2003). The muyong system has been recognizedinternationally as an ideal forest management strategy that is deeplyingrained in the culture of the Ifugao people (Fig. 2).

c tribes in the Cordillera, northern Philippines.The muyong system can be viewed from different perspectives,either as a forest conservation strategy, a watershed rehabilitationtechnique, a farming system or an assisted natural regeneration(ANR) strategy. While the system can be viewed from differentperspectives, the role of culture in the development and continuedmaintenance of the system is pervasive. Although not readily

Fig. 2. Muyong as a traditional forest management of the Ifugaos for the long-termsustainability of the rice-based terrace cultivation system.

5L.D. Camacho et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 38apparent to the casual observer, an intricate web of relationshipsexists between the human and non-human resources of the system,which move to a higher sphere in the spirit world (Ngidlo, 1998).Ifugao culture and laws revolve around their physical environment,expressed in customs and taboos prescribing the treatment and use ofenvironment and natural resources.

Commonly,muyongs are privately owned and inherited from theirancestors. This mode of ownership is highly recognized in thecommunity. Muyong plays an important role of providing fuelwood,construction materials, food and medicines (Butic and Ngidlo, 2003).Dacawi (1982) reported that the typical muyong consists of a fewhundred square meters to about 5 ha. In addition, Klock andTindungan (1995) discovered that in Mt. Amuyao (the second highestpeak in Ifugao) the standard muyong woodlot ranged from 0.6 to2.4 ha.

The muyong is a storehouse of both ora and fauna. Aninvestigation conducted by Rondolo (2001) found that the muyongcontained 264 species, mainly indigenous, belonging to 71 plantfamilies. Euphorbiaceae was the most dominant family followed byMoraceae, Meliaceae, Leguminosae, Poaceae, Anacardiaceae and Rubia-ceae. The number of species per woodlot ranged from 13 to 47 species,mostly endemic in the region. Out of the 264 species, 234 wereconsidered useful and the rest (mostly grasses) were reported to haveno known use (Ngidlo, 1998).

The muyong is a major component of the production systemserving as the primary recharge zone. It provides stable supply ofwater to the other components of the production system. The qualityof terrace cultivation and the condition of the entire watershed areadepend on the water that is coming from muyong. Ifugaos areresponsible for the proper management of muyong for the sustain-ability of the cultivation system.

Wood for carving is the other major rawmaterial derived from themuyongs. Items carved included religious relics like Bulul (the Ifugaorice god), household utensils and artistic gurines (Serrano andCadaweng, 2005).

Butic and Ngidlo (2003) strongly emphasized thatmuyong is livingproof of the Ifugao's knowledge of silviculture, agroforestry, horticul-ture and soil and water conservation. The Ifugaos successfullypracticed ANR before its recognition in the forestry sector as astrategy for forest regeneration. ANR is conducted to grow regenera-tions unhampered by other natural vegetations. The Ifugaos attributevalue to the forest on the basis of their cultural ways and practices.

3.1.1. Implications of muyong systemThe Ifugaos have aptly shown that ANR can be used effectively to

transform woodlots into multiple-use centers without disturbing thepristine condition of the natural forest. Butic and Ngidlo (2003)described factors related to the success of ANR within the Ifugaolandscapes that are linked with economic and environmental values.

ANR strategies are integrated with economic values. These can beenhancedwhen linked to the prospects of getting prots in the future.By modifying natural stands, the Ifugaos obtained benecial effects oftree-based agroforestry schemes. There is a need to consider theeconomic value of trees as the main goal of forest regeneration.

The ANR supports other environmental concerns. For example,ANR in the muyong serves to support both the economic activities ofthe inhabitants and the integrity of other agroecological zones de-pendent on the forests. Unlike many reforestation projects where therallying point is the support to macro-economic structures such ashydroelectric power sources and other concerns of general welfare,muyong caters more on local and community concerns as it is difcultfor local communities to see the values of such assertions. The Ifugaos'need for more wood raw material for the expanding wood carvingindustry which pose a threat to muyong stability could be addressedby demand-focused ANR activities. Such activities can be oriented

to assisting natural regenerations of trees demanded by woodcar-vers as well as supplemental planting of the same species as nec-essary. The traditional practice of selectively cutting mature treeswith careful regards to other young ones can further boost thesystem's sustainability.

3.2. The ala-a system

Aside from the privately owned muyong, communal forestmanagement system is also important in the context of traditionalforest management like the ala-a system. The ala-a is generallylocated on lands not cultivated as swidden; lands too far to be coveredby a private claim; or lands identied as hunting grounds. The ala-a iscommunally managed forest intended for collecting fuel, constructionmaterials, food, medicine and other products that may be used in thehousehold or farm. Unlike the muyong, ala-a forests are notsystematically maintained to improve the vegetation. Boundariesare not very clear, which can often be a source of conict. People whogo to the ala-a are expected to brush off weeds, cut branches whichhamper the growth of younger trees, remove debris and dry branches,which are prone to res (See and Sarfati, 2001). However, use of theala-a is controlledwith a consensus that the resource has to be shared.There are two basic rulesno burning, and no gathering beyond whatis personally needed. The ala-a was not perceived as sources of woodfor sale outside the village. No new trees are planted in the ala-a (Seeand Sarfati, 2001). With the commercialization of woodcarving,people started to harvest trees within the communal areas to generatecash income (Elazegui and Combalicer, 2004).

4. The Isneg and Tingguian's system of forest conservation

4.1. The lapat system

Lapat is a form of forest protection strategy implemented by theIsneg and Tingguian people of Abra Province. The lapat is a system ofregulating the use of natural resources among its upland tribes(Paredes, 2005) and is passed on from generation to generation sincetime immemorial (Enriquez, 2002).

The practice of lapat highlights the imposition of taboo within adesignated area, over a period of time, which prohibits the ex-ploitation of natural resources in these areas. These areas maybeforest stands where rattan vines and lumber are regularly gathered, ashing section of the river, a forest area where swiddening or huntingis carried out, or the prohibition of gathering the fruits of certain treeis practice (Prill-Brett, 1997). The declaration of forest areas underlapat enables natural recovery of the forest from earlier anthropogenicdisturbances allowing trees and other plants to regenerate andwildlife to reproduce.

A whole mountain can be put under the lapat for two years ordepending on the estimated time the mountain needs to regenerateand replenish. The ora and fauna in the area should not be touchedduring this period (Paredes, 2005). Examples of lapat includeprohibition of hunting female wild pigs and allowing only seasonalcollection of certain sh species and wild vegetables. Because of thispractice, the Tingguians are able to sustainably manage their naturalresources and continue to obtain benets for them and the futuregenerations (Paredes, 2005).

4.2. Protecting environment for lapat

In the Province of Abra, the town Bucloc is one of the areas thatrmly implement the lapat system, which is grounded on customaryand local laws. The residents are aware of the location of the areaneeding protection for a certain period of time and which plant oranimal species are to be conserved. While all stakeholders have theresponsibility to protect the lapat area, a sirin is designated to observe

and check that the law is observed.

6 L.D. Camacho et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 38To make sure that the lapat system is enforced, the communityresidents elect or sometimes informally recognize the elders calledlapat panglakayen to oversee the implementation of lapat for theagreed upon time frame. The lapat panglakayen crafts policies andregulations as well as sanctions and punishments for the offendersand impose nes depending on the nature and severity of theenvironmental "crime". In order for all the community members toknow which areas are nailapat, the bagawas ritual is performed. Theritual that is performed by an elder consists of a prayer, and offering ofbasi (sugarcane wine) and a white chicken. To make certain that thearea is known as nailapat by the nearby villages, cattle, carabao or pigis slaughtered and the meat is shared with them. Ban in the cutting ofnarra, Pterocarpus indicusWilld. trees for ve years in a certain area, isan example of lapat agreement to allow the trees to grow in the area.

4.3. Harmony between lapat and existing government policies

Paredes (2005) contended that the lapat system makes the jobs ofthe government personnel/ofcers easier and in areas where lapat isstrongly administered; forest protection is not a problem. The policiesimposed by the Department of Environment and Natural Resources(DENR) and the practice of lapat blend harmoniusly that makesimplementation of government policies on forest protection easier.Continuing the practice of this traditional system of taking care of theforest greatly complements the implementation of government forestpolicies.

In the Province of Abra, the permit to cut trees is issued by the lapatpangkalayen. This permit is issued to community members who needlumber as raw material for house construction or for makingfurniture. But when the lumber is transported outside the area forcommercial purposes, the DENR should issue the permit (Paredes,2005).

5. Traditional production and water conservationtechnologies/knowledge of the Ikalahans

The Ikalahans otherwise known as Kalanguyas is a subgroup of theIfugao tribe. They live in villages and settled comfortably in theCaraballoMountains located about 250 km north of Manila and 7 km of the SantaFe highway in Nueva Vizcaya Province. As a result of years of struggle indefending their land from greedy speculators since the early 1960s, theIkalahans have learned to love and value their farms and nurture theirproductivity (Dolom and Serrano, 2005).

The Ikalahans are also known for their traditional knowledge andpractices being employed to preserve the productivity of their lands.These include inum-an, gen-gen, day-og, balkah, kinebbah, tuping, andpamettey or pangkal ni bigih.

The traditional farming practice of the Ikalahans is called Inum-an.In making an Inum-an several steps are being followed the rst ofwhich is the selection of the site whose main considerations include:the fertility of the soil, ease of clearing the site, and nearness of the siteto the owner's house. Second is clearing of the site usually done duringthe dry season which involves felling or cutting down of undesirabletrees, shrubs and other vegetations. The third step is burning of thefelled trees, shrubs and other vegetative usually done at the center ofthe clearing to prepare the area for planting. Barker (1984) explainsthat burning accomplishes three things: vegetation is cleared to allowplanting, ashes provide fertilizer and, a good seedbed can be prepared.The fourth step is the planting of ubi (Ikalahan term for sweet potatoor Ipomea batatas), cassava, corn, taro, beans, ginger, bananas, sayote,pigeon pea, and tiger grass (for making brooms) at the onset of therainy season, usually in the month of May. At about the same time, inan adjacent, usually smaller eld, women also planted upland ricewith the help of the male members of their households. Womendropped rice grains in holes punctured on the ground by the men. The

fth step is weeding which is done whenever the Ikalahan farmersnoted grass or unwanted vegetation growing around the plantedseedlings. The sixth step is harvesting of the crops particularly camoteor sweet potato four to ve months after planting which continues upto ten months with the use of a dopdopwell-rounded, pointed iron) aspecial digging tool used by the Ikalahans. The last step in making anInum-an is fallowingwhich is done by the Ikalahan farmers when theirswidden farms yield low crops. The low yield does not justify theefforts taken to dig for camote or other tubers. Thus, allow their areasto be left untilled for 1015 years depending on biological (soil andclimate) and management (re and pest management) factors andpopulation pressure.

The Ikalahanspractice soil conservation through terracing called gen-gen. This is combined with composting to ensure replenishment of soilnutrients through time. In their traditional farming, sweet potato is theirusualmain crop.When theplanted sweet potatoes are ready for harvest,Ikalahanwomenwill select the good stems that will be used as the nextseason's plantingmaterials, three days before the harvesting operation.These planting materials are cut and are stored in a shade to preventwilting and encourage sprouting. Then the sweet potato will then beharvested, roots, tubers, leaves and vines. The tuberswill be used as foodwhile the roots, leaves and vines will be used to make the gen-gen. Therest of the biomass is then buried in a contour trench dug across the faceof the eld resulting in a series of contoured humps that looks like amini-terraces and lled with composting materials which providefertility to the soil while preventing soil erosion (Dolinen, 1995). Today,the gen-gen has been improved by the Ikalahans by planting tiger grassor pigeon peas on the humps.

Day-og is another ancient practice of the Ikalahans similar tocomposting. According to Rice, 1997, the Ikalahan's way of makingday-og is to rst make a hole of 3 square meters and about ten inchesdeep. The hole is then lled with grasses and leaves and sometimesmanure, if there is any. The excavation will then be covered with thesame soil removed earlier. Planting of sweet potato and othervegetables is done immediately or a few days after the day-ogpreparation (Dolinen, 1995).

For soil and water conservation, the Ikalahans use Balkah or beltin the local tongue. It is a form of vegetative terracing plantedprincipally with tiger grass (Dolinen, 1995). Vegetative terracingrequires planting and growing of plant species for controlling soilerosion. The distance between each balkah depends on the slope ofthe area, hence, the steeper the area, the closer the balkah. The tigergrass is planted along the contours and through timewill form a semi-terrace structure. Tiger grass is a source of raw materials for makingsoft brooms and later provides additional income for the family.

Fallowing is also practiced by the Ikalahans. Kinebbah is theIkalahan term for fallow, which is literally leaving the elduncultivated and allowing grasses, shrubs and trees to proliferatethe area. In the traditional Ikalahan system, kinebbah takes 15 years(Rice, 1997). Kinebbah is practiced by the Ikalahan farmers to let theinum-an recover its fertility (Dolinen, 1995).

Another soil and water conservation practice is tuping a local termof the Ikalahan for riprap or rockwall. Rockwalls are structuresconsisting of stones and rocks piled up along the contour of a hillsideto provide barrier for downward movement of soil and water. Tupinginvolves mosaic-like tting and piling of rocks on top of each other toform a retaining wall (Dolinen, 1995).

Lastly, the Ikalahans has this homemade pesticide used to remedyplant pests and diseases. It is called Pamettey or pangkal ni bigih. TheIkalahans use ash, red chili and certain local plants with bitter andunpleasant taste as ingredients. Some of the local plants used toeliminate pests and diseases are opey (a woody vine), lahwik (a tree),tuwal (a tree), and hallingaw (a shrub). Also, a valuable weed locallycalled panawel (Agerentina adephora) is a good and tested pesticidethat when composted and applied as a fertilizer to sweet potato,eliminates the potato weevil that destroys their crops by as much as

40% (Dolom and Serrano, 2005).

7L.D. Camacho et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 386. Threats, issues and concerns

The muyong owners are now practicing enrichment planting toenhance depleted muyong areas. While many would like to useindigenous tree species, muyong owners have no other recourse thanexotic species, since seedlings of native species are rare to nd.However, some muyong owners are deliberately using fast-growingspecies for ANR or enrichment planting to take advantage of the shortrotation periods. The use of fast-growing species like Gmelina arboreaSwietenia macrophylla and Cassia spectabilis is a threat to muyongbiodiversity. It is recommended that research be conducted on themass propagation of native tree species for enrichment planting inmuyong areas.

There have been instances of inappropriate approaches beingencouraged by development projects, supposedly to help muyongowners cope with the various problems besetting the wood carvingindustry of the Ifugaos. For instance, there have been cases wheremuyong owners were tempted to clear portions of their woodlots forreplacement with exotic tree species. In some cases, local people weretaught to clear muyong forests for tambo or tiger grass production, orto implement sloping agricultural land technology (SALT), which iscompletely alien to what the people have been doing in the area.

The world's famous Ifugao Rice Terraces (IRT) are integralelements of the muyong system. The rice terraces are dependent onthis system for its source of irrigation water. The Rice Terraces of thePhilippine Cordilleras, inscribed in 1995 as a cultural heritage, wereincluded in theWorld Heritage in Danger list in 2001. The rice terracesare a concrete evidence of the Ifugaos sustainable communal system ofrice production, based on harvesting water from various muyongsystems that have survived the test of time. Over the last 50 years,however, the size of the cultivated terraces had signicantly shrunk,from 15,000 ha to just about 5000 ha today, and the reasons arealarming. In 2003 survey, local ofcials mentioned that one-third ofthe rice terraces in the Barangay of Bangaan in Banaue is alreadydamaged (Cagoco, 2006). Some of the threats to the IRT include thelack of an effective site management authority and adequatelegislation; lack of a nalized strategic site management plan;declining interest of the Ifugaos in their culture and in maintainingthe terraces; and the lack of human and nancial resources (UNESCO,2005). The changing system of muyong management that impacts onthe integrity of watersheds supplying water to the terraces alsoundermines its sustainability.

In the case of the lapat system forest conservation in the provinceof Abra, it is recognized by the Philippine DENR as a forest protectionstrategy, and is more effective than imposition of governmentpolicies. The occurrence of pilferage in the area by those who werenot informed that the area has been nailapat is a threat to the forestprotection policy.

In the past, according to Dolom and Serrano (2005), the biggestthreats in the Ikalahans were the conversion of their ancestral landinto other land use and maintaining their cultural identity. However,these were resolved through legitimization of their rights over theancestral lands and through establishment of Kalahan EducationalFoundation (KEF), respectively. The legitimization of their rights gavethem complete control and authority to manage natural resourceswithin their reserve while KEF inculcated Ikalahan history, mores andtraditional practices effectively to the students to prepare them inmanaging their forest resources. The Ikalahan has successful tradi-tional forest management practices that are still being practiced nowand they became a role model in some of the programmes of thegovernment like community-based forest management (CBFM). TheIkalahans have a sophisticated system of forest management wherethey delineated the forests into different functions, such as conser-vation, income-generating and environmental service purposes. Thewater conservation technologies practiced through time by the

Ikalahans have been improved by intercropping tree crops in swiddento expedite fallow, gen-gen, day-og, carbon sequestration, and ForestImprovement Technology (a systematized cutting method patternedafter indigenous processes to expedite forest growth) (Rimando,2006). The community members are encouraged and supported tocontinue their organic farming methods. They also run a foodprocessing unit where they sell harvested fruits from their productionforests to generate cash for their basic needs (Corpuz et al., 2009). Allthese practices were found to be effective in improving theproductivity of the land and in enhancing the quality of forest growth.The main challenge now is to maintain these practices and to ensurethat these will be transpired to the next generation.

7. Comparative/common perspectives among different traditionalforest conservation technologies in the northern Philippines

Among the different indigenous peoples in the northern part of thePhilippines, several variations of agroforestry management anddevelopment have evolved. In the Ifugaos, the concept of sustainableforest management based on terrace cultivation system eitherprivately (muyong) or communally (ala-a) owned is being practiced.In case of the Isnegs and Tingguians, they adopt the strict form ofgovernment to guard and preserve their environment and to regulatethe use of their natural resources. On the other hand, the Ikalahans useseveral indigenous practices to protect their forests and to earn aliving. The settlement patterns, climate, socio-political organization ofthe settlements and the vegetation in the area have something to dowith these variations. But according to Dolom and Serrano (2005),among the ethnic tribes in the northern part of the Philippines, theIkalahans are distinct because of their strong sense of entrepreneur-ship. They see immense opportunities in their own resources andcreatively pursue these with ingenuity. In addition, while many ethniccommunities are known to live harmoniously with nature, beingcontent with their traditional knowledge system, the Ikalahans havegone a step further by learning about and practicing more ecologicallyfriendly and sustainable agroforestry skills, e.g. planting alnos (Alnusjaponica (Thunb.) Steud. to restore soil fertility and to use as fuelwoodand quality timber.

As a whole, the community groups in the northern part of thePhilippines have developed a system of caring for the land and forests.This occurrence is rooted in their common concept of land. The land,forests, rivers and other natural resources were held in common bythe tribe or indigenous inhabitants of a specic area since timeimmemorial.

8. Conclusions and recommendations

Indigenous cultural communities in the Cordillera are increasinglybeing inuenced by the larger and mainstream Philippine societyaffecting themanner by which theymanaged resources and distortingthe natural balance between the community's needs and the capacityof their resource to produce these needs. Thus, there are threats to theintegrity of their communal resources. Coupled with increasingpopulation, the demand for resources soars while the xed quantityof resource barely copes with the increasing needs. Nevertheless,without much intervention from the government, the communitieswere able to sustain the practices. As there is now a law in thePhilippines respecting the customary laws and traditions of indige-nous peoples, it is but proper to seek the consent of these people whenintroducing new technologies aimed at further improving someaspects of these traditional systems.

Likewise, it would be wise for the government to look into thesesystems and see how they can be applied in other areas where otherupland settlers can benet from this knowledge. While it is true thatculture is environment specic, adoption/transfer of some, but not all,indigenous technologies that may be appropriate to other cultures

and communities, with a little modication to suit their needs, can be

done. For example, the practice of swidden farming can be transferredto other mountainous regions within the country. However, such apractice will involve highly specialized techniques requiring intensiveskills training. Therefore, exposure to areas where it is practiced andsupported by relevant institutions are necessary. Moreover, the lapatsystem of forest management is relatively easy to replicate and itstransfer to other communities to regulate the use of natural resourcesis feasible only if there's a strong political will.

Indigenous forest management systems as practiced in theCordillera could be very good models in promoting forest sustain-ability. Perhaps it is time for government ofcials to listen to thepeople in the hills, like the indigenous peoples who obviously possesstime-tested solutions to some problems. The forest managementapproach adopted by local people treats forest as a lifeshed wherehuman existence is connected with land, forest and water.

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Traditional forest conservation knowledge/technologies in the Cordillera, Northern PhilippinesIntroductionThe Philippine indigenous peopleThe Ifugao's system of forest sustainabilityThe muyong systemImplications of muyong system

The ala-a system

The Isneg and Tingguian's system of forest conservationThe lapat systemProtecting environment for lapatHarmony between lapat and existing government policies

Traditional production and water conservation technologies/knowledge of the IkalahansThreats, issues and concernsComparative/common perspectives among different traditional forest conservation technologies in the northern PhilippinesConclusions and recommendationsReferences