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8/3/2019 Turkey's Middle East Policy Reloaded: Rise of Pragmatism?
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Summary: Prior to the Arab
Spring, Turkey was admired
as the rising star of the region
owing to its proactive foreign
policy agenda. But the oscilla-
tions observed in Turkeys policy
during the rst few months of the
Arab Spring led some analysts
to suggest that the countrys
regional role was in complete
disarray, not least because
Ankara failed to anticipate this
contingency. Such analyses
proved hasty at best, misjudged
at worst. Turkey demonstrated
exibility in adapting to the
rapidly evolving circumstances
and has managed to gain a say
in the political processes likely to
affect the future of the regional
transformation. As the pendulum
swings back, Turkey is againbeing praised as an important
regional player. Overall, Turkey
has increasingly moved in the
direction of putting pragmatism
above idealism in the conduct of
its regional policies. Yet, a corre-
sponding change has not taken
place in the rhetorical parlance
of Turkish leaders who continue
to advocate an idealist vision of
regional order.
Analysis
Turkeys Middle East Policy Reloaded:
Rise of Pragmatism?
bySaban Kardas
October 10, 2011
Washington, DC Berlin Paris Brussels
BelgraDeankara BuCharest WarsaW
O f f i c e s
Analysis
Te popular uprisings sweeping
through the Middle East have putthe dynamics o the regional orderin ux, orcing the local powers toredene their oreign policy priorities.As the revolutionary ervor subsides,o particular interest have been theimplications o recent developmentsor urkeys Middle East policies.Prior to the Arab Spring, urkey wasadmired as the rising star o the regionowing to its proactive oreign policyagenda. But the oscillations observed
in urkeys policy during the rst ewmonths led some analysts to suggestthat the countrys regional role was incomplete disarray, not least becauseAnkara ailed to anticipate this contin-gency. Such analyses proved hastyat best, misjudgedat worst. urkeydemonstrated exibility in adaptingto the rapidly evolving circumstancesand has managed to gain a say in thepolitical processes likely to aect theuture o the regional transormation.As the pendulum swings back, urkeyis again being praised as an importantregional player.
How has urkish oreign policy aredlately as it navigated the waves orevolution? While it might be wrongto announce the death o urkeysMiddle East policy, it would be equallyproblematic to argue that urkey has
emerged untainted rom this experi-
ence. Te Arab Spring has presentedsubstantial conceptual challenges tourkish oreign policy vision, whichraised serious questions as to therelevance o the idealist thinking thatundergirded urkeys regional poli-cies. Overall, during the course o theArab Spring, urkey has conductedits policy by the dictates oRealpo-litik, and pragmatically realigned itsexternal relations. Yet, a correspondingchange has not taken place in the
rhetorical parlance o urkish leaderswho continue to advocate an idealistvision o regional order.
Turkey as a Middle Eastern
Regional Power
urkeys assertive involvement inMiddle Eastern aairs has beenan outgrowth o its oreign policyactivism on a range o regional andglobal issues. As much as the struc-tural conditions creating a permissiveenvironment, Ankaras recent orienta-tion is underpinned by a strong senseo agency, and as such it reects aneort o its leaders to play leadershiproles in their regional neighborhoodsand beyond. Indeed, urkeys regionaland global ascendance has coincidedremarkably with the rise to power o anew elite, represented by the AK Party.
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Analysis
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Analysis
Turkish leaders have at times
adopted rather rigid and
categorical foreign policy positions
informed more by their own beliefs
about the right course of action
than the actual facts on the
ground.
Turkeys regional and global
ascendance has coincided
remarkably with the rise to power
of a new elite, represented by the
AK Party.
Te intellectual ownership o new oreign policy is usually
attributed to the views articulated by Ahmet Davutoluin his academic writings, where he justies activism withreerences to the geographic and historical depth. Tatsaid, Davutolu is not alone in believing that geographicand historic imperatives require Ankara to pursue a multi-dimensional oreign policy agenda, and Prime Ministerayyip Erdoan especially has been a keen advocate o thisambitious vision.
Te discussion o the AK Partys oreign policy oenrevolved around the provocative question o the role playedby the ideational actors. Analysts have debated whetherAnkara was experiencing a shi o axis away rom its tradi-tional Western orientation, toward a more Islamist direc-tion, triggered by the ideological makeup o the ruling elite.
What was oen less addressed, however, was the conceptualramework that undergirded urkeys new oreign policyvision. urkeys regional policy had taken largely an idealistturn, in the sense that it was based on the assumption thaturkeys national interests and the conduct o its oreignpolicy must be inormed bya priori moralistic propositionsabout urkeys identity and international role. In line withthese role perceptions, urkish leaders have laid out severalprecepts painting an ideal picture o the Middle East andother regions urkey is a part o, such as the Balkans andCaucasus and urkeys place in it. More specically, theyhave acted on the belie that they are tasked to pursue aoreign policy that upholds peace, justice and reedom bothin immediate regional neighborhoods and the global level.Tough labeling them dogmatic would be wrong, they haveat times adopted rather rigid and categorical oreign policypositions inormed more by their own belies about theright course o action than the actual acts on the ground.
Turkeys Self-Perception as an Order-Instituting Country
Te leading theme in regional engagements has beenthe idea that urkey could act as an order-institutingcountry. Just as other emerging powers, urkey has aspiredto assume a greater responsibility in the creation o morestable and prosperous orders in surrounding regions. InDavutolus parlance, the concept o order instituting hasa broader strategic value as he relates it to the concept ocentral-country. In this view, the extent to which urkeysucceeds in setting up a regional order will be crucial orits emergence as a central country in regional and, conse-quently, global politics.
In addition to such Realpolitik justications, urkeys aspi-rations or order-instituting power also rested on severalinterrelated arguments, indicating the inuence o idealism.First, juxtaposing itsel to the U.S. hard power approach tointernational problems, urkey has prioritized so powerinstruments. Likewise, urkeys policy o penetrating newmarkets and initiating economic integration projects withneighbors, accompanied by the removal o visa require-ments, added a liberal touch to Ankaras recent activism.
Echoing the Wilsonian idealism, moreover, urkey hasemphasized cooperative policies and institution-building asthe best way to advance national interests, as well as to orgea peaceul regional and international order. urkey, morespecically, has come to value diplomacy, mediation, andengagement over orce, coercion, and exclusion, believingthat the United States stood or the latter. As a corollary,
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Analysis
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Analysis
Turkeys overreliance on soft
power instruments proved
problematic as Turkey addressed
the contingencies in Libya and
Syria.
under the rubric o regional ownership, urkey has advo-
cated or local actors assuming larger roles or the creationo a regional order, which, in eect, has increasingly under-mined the ground or coordinated action with the UnitedStates.
Ironically, the emphasis on an order-instituting role reachedits climax on the eve o the Arab Spring. In a January 2011lecture, Davutolu called or a proactive oreign policy,meaning urkey should be able to anticipate potential crisesand develop appropriate preventive measures. More impor-tantly, a proactive oreign policy meant that urkey shouldbe in a lead role in the resolution o regional and global
crises, abandoning the reactive policies that had character-ized the countrys international practices.
Post-Arab Spring: Rise of Pragmatism?
Te Arab Spring has starkly presented the limits to urkeysability to understand and shape the regional securitydynamics. First, it must have reminded urkish leaders thatthe element o uncertainty inherent in international rela-tions presents a major constraint to any attempt at devisingan ambitious grand strategy. Perhaps urkey may not becriticized or ailing to anticipate a contingency such as theArab Spring, as it caught many regional and global actors
unprepared. Judged by the earlier grandiose rhetoric odevising proactive policies to ride regional transormation,however, it captures the eye that urkey was not in the leadposition in eorts to address the uprisings, except or theortunate intervention in Egypt where Erdoans call onMubarak to leave power earned him applauds.
Erdoans knee-jerk rejection o the imposition o sanctionsagainst the regime o Col. Muammar Gadda, and his vocalquestioning o NAOs possible role in Libya, were drivenless by the actual acts on the ground than his belies aboutright course o action. urkey managed to avoid being side-
lined by the pace o events only through a pragmatic changeo course, simply disregarding its categorical objections.urkey, overall, reacted to the Western agenda, ratherthan proactively determining the policy instruments andplatorms that tackled the violent uprising in Libya.
In Libya, urkey bandwagoned with the international coali-tion, and did so only aer much bickering about UN-autho-rized sanctions and the use o orce. Despite Erdoansinitial rhetoric, which accused other powers o pursuing
neo-imperialistic policies and described urkey as the
only country with a morally-driven and righteous agenda,urkey soon recognized the rapidly changing circumstancesand redened its policy, which culminated in Erdoanstrip to the country. In Syria, again, Ankara lagged behindthe Western world which launched coercive measuresagainst the Baath regime and only recently moved inthat direction. What is also remarkable is that in both casesurkey moved to coordinate its policies with the UnitedStates, abandoning the early rhetoric o autonomous action.
Similarly, urkeys overreliance on so power instruments,which almost bred aversion to the use o coercion, proved
problematic as urkey addressed the contingencies in Libyaand Syria. On the issue o regime change, urkey basedon the idealist oreign policy vision, Davutolus earlierwritings, and the lessons learned rom Aghanistan and Iraq deended gradual transormation o existing regimes,standing against regime change through oreign interven-tion. However, urkeys so power tools were o no avail,as it sought to present an Ankara-based solution to Libyaand Syria. Syria, in particular, showcased how, aer havinginvested political capital or engaging the Assad regime,urkey ailed to turn its so power into political leverage.
Where Goes Pragmatism?Te major principles underpinning urkeys oreign policyvision beg reconsideration, having ailed to stand the test oevents sparked by the Arab Spring. At the core o urkeyspre-Arab Spring vision was a strong belie o its leaders intheir ability to understand and shape the region aer theirown image. Its leaders imagined a urkey that can leadby example and devise policies with oresight in order toprevent regional crises. Faced with ast-evolving contingen-cies, urkey rapidly responded to new conditions, though
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Analysis
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Analysis
About the Author
Dr. aban Karda works as an assistant proessor o international rela-
tions in the Department o International Relations at OBB University
o Economics and echnology in Ankara.
About GMF
Te German Marshall Fund o the United States (GMF) is a non-par-
tisan American public policy and grantmaking institution dedicated
to promoting better understanding and cooperation between North
America and Europe on transatlantic and global issues. GMF does this
by supporting individuals and institutions working in the transatlantic
sphere, by convening leaders and members o the policy and business
communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic
topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to oster renewed
commitment to the transatlantic relationship. In addition, GMF
supports a number o initiatives to strengthen democracies. Founded
in 1972 through a gi rom Germany as a permanent memorial to
Marshall Plan assistance, GMF maintains a strong presence on both
sides o the Atlantic. In addition to its headquarters in Washington,
DC, GMF has seven ofces in Europe: Berlin, Paris, Brussels, Belgrade,
Ankara, Bucharest, and Warsaw. GMF also has smaller representations
in Bratislava, urin, and Stockholm.
About the On Turkey Series
GMFs On urkey is an ongoing series o analysis bries about urkeyscurrent political situation and its uture. GMF provides regular analy-
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observers. o access the latest bries, please visit our web site at www.
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gmus.org/reaction.
its conduct was not always in tune with the idealist rhetoric.
Overall it was successul in adapting to a new MiddleEastern regional order in ux, but urkey was hardly theactor that proactively led the crisis management eorts inall cases.
urkeys change o course as observed in Libya is prag-matismpar excellence, and reects the ability to ollowdictates oRealpolitik in difcult times. What is needednow is a critical sel-reection o its leaders as to how theyreconcile the gap between rhetoric and practice. So ar,they have rerained rom engaging in a deliberate attemptat conceptualizing their practice. Instead, they insist on
the validity o the idealist vision and oer ad hoc justica-tions or their maneuvers. Erdoans presentation at the UNGeneral Assembly attests to urkish leaders belie in theirsel-righteousness and reluctance to subject the idealistvision to criticism. However, as the mismatch between therhetoric and reality becomes ever more apparent, urkeywill benet rom a more nuanced and healthy debate onthe idealist vision as the conceptual ramework guidingurkeys regional policies, since this has immense practicalimplications. At the very least, it raises questions about thegap between capabilities and expectations or sustainabilityo an idealist agenda in a uid international environment.
Tese questions are particularly relevant at a time whenurkish leaders aspire to apply the very same ideals at theglobal level.