7/12/2011
Professor James Freeman
Johannes Shahinian
Student # 9244301
U RBS 486 U RBAN PUBLIC SPACE : BREAKING THE ICE
Urban Public Space: Breaking the Ice
Public spaces and controversy seem to come hand in hand, pleasing a wide demographic is no easy
task and this is most evident throughout the analysis of determining the use of public space. A case study
would best exemplify the underlying issues towards the controversies that typically arise when a space
meant for public use is in question. This paper will take into context the Molson Center (currently known as
the Bell Center since 2002), the home of the famous professional hockey team, the Montreal Canadiens. To
understand the factors that come into play, it is best to revise over the context with which the Molson
Center was built in, in 1996. The political, cultural and economic state of the city of Montreal is primordially
analysed through the use of such tools as revitalization, symbolism and identification of the urban public
space in question. In addition, two more paragraphs will elaborate over spatial commodification and spatial
representations over the built form in accordance with land use regulations and zoning bylaws.
Montreal was not in a stable economic nor political state in the 1990’s, with a struggle to adapt to
the post-‐industrial era. The after effects of a provincial referendum made Montreal anything but a reliable
place for investment therefore stalling its growth and progression. Urban public spaces best illustrated the
transformations that took place in this multicultural city as it reassessed the built environment and
thereafter altering the utilization of public spaces in question. For instance, one particular project was the
move from the Forum, an old sports facility, which no longer held the potential capacity of a growing hockey
market, thus not meeting the demands of the owner of the Montreal Canadiens hockey club, Goeff Molson.
He decided to move to a modern facility because of numerous reasons. These were of financial issues
predominantly, it was said that the Forum was no longer viable. It did not exhaust the potential profit of a
town where hockey is a religion and its temple was no longer big and modern enough for capitalistic
accumulative gains (Belanger, 2000). In addition, rebuilding the Forum and its public space would be too
costly therefore it was time to move to a more suitable arena/ entertainment venue.
In the process of deindustrialization and the decreased influence of local political pressures upon the
public developing sector, Montreal commenced to privatize its urban development interests. A prime
example of the revitalization caused by the growth of the private sector is the gentrification of the Old Port
of Montreal. A once fully functional and essential trading route became a tourist location to enjoy the old
architecture and the many festivities that took place in and around this location. More of the same is seen
with the opening of the Museum of Just for Laughs, the Paramount multi-‐megaplex and IMAX theatre
invigorating the cultural experience. The construction of the Molson Center goes along with these
tendencies towards private investment in the attempt to rearticulating the economic position of Montreal as
a post-‐industrial city. Molson Brewery Corporation is one of these private investors that used to be the
majority owner of the Montreal Canadiens and exemplified capitalist accumulation (Belanger, 2000). The
combination of beer and hockey is a golden one literally and Molson did not hesitate to explore its potential
profits to the fullest. In his attempt to build the new home for the city’s professional hockey team, Molson
tried to present himself as an “urban saviour” (Belanger, 2000). Moreover, Molson was often given loads of
credit due to taking a risk by investing within a city that was struggling with its own identity causing financial
distress. This unpredictable market did not daunt Molson’s project even though all the numbers shown
through tendencies or by financial incertitude amounted to a noticeable risk factor. In the past, provincial
and municipal projects such as the Olympic Stadium have left Montrealers with a sour taste towards such
developments making public use of space a pricey one. The privatization of urban development could
enlighten the commercial element yet this tendency has also been known to profit and destroy urban
communities with less governmental influence (Zukin, 1991). Molson persisted and to better present himself
as a so called “saviour of urban development”, he had to demonstrate that the project will be inclusive
towards the people’s heritage, meaning giving importance to their cultural and historical background and
not just simply be a corporation after profits.
Moreover, urban development of public space modifies cultural experiences giving relevance to the
case of the Molson Center and the surrounding urban block known as Wilson station. For instance, the
hockey franchise belonging to the francophone city was very attached to its old establishment called the
Forum, which they resided in since 1926. The most winning franchise recalls many championships and even
nationalistic memories such as the Richard Riot. Molson’s strategy was to use the memories that had grown
with the Forum and the population to market its new home (Belanger, 2000). The breweries plan was to let
the public know that they understood the importance of the Forum and that Molson would ceremoniously
give closure to an almost century long infrastructure known to many as home. However in 1996, Molson
held a public auction selling off memorabilia’s, for such reasons Molson was blamed and controversy arose
on the fact that Molson was trying to make profit on everything it possibly can and did not care as much for
the cities team. There was a sense of nostalgia growing amongst the people to whom the Forum was more
than just another arena/ entertainment complex. The Forum was vital to public space in the city and helped
the Atwater block commercially but more importantly its symbolism of a place belonging to a people that
fought hard for recognition (The Quebecois). Nonetheless, the relocation was going to happen, planners and
contractors alike as well as the Molson Corporation needed to be strategic yet effective but sensitive
throughout the whole project (Belanger, 2000). One might think the fact that Molson was in charge of this
project is the ideal scenario. This is because the Molson Corporation is a grassroots company and has been
part of the city just as long as the Montreal Canadiens have been around. Thus, Molson was in a good
position as a cultural entity itself to understand tradition therefore the Molson family and the Canadiens
needed to campaign for the new building by symbolically demonstrating that it is simply a passing of the
torch and not the end of an era. The CBC (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation) even broadcasted the
symbolic passing of the torch from former elites such as the great Maurice Richard himself to the then
current captain Pierre Turgeon. Another symbolic transition was the big parade called “The Great Move”
main roads were blocked to allow the Forum’s Zamboni to lead the crowd towards their new home the
Molson Center making it official in 1996. The Corporation’s grand scheme was to give the public a sense of
participation, whether it worked or not is debatable but the owners certainly used symbolism as a tool for
public space transition in the attempt to better adhere to the cultural cause.
Once the ceremonious transition was accomplished the opportunity came for Molson to familiarize
the public with the new space they now called home of the Montreal Canadiens. They held an open house to
strengthen public identification and ownership towards the new building. The people were always
expressing a conservative romanticism towards the possibility of making new traditions and memories,
values that they held dearly. In this regard, the campaign was successful enabling certain people holding
onto the past to let culture and tradition decorate the new building. Just as culture and history isn’t always
easy to interpret understanding public space is not a simple matter. The contradictions caused by critical
analysis of the project gave way to scepticism as a mixed discourse started to take place over what the new
structure actually represented. It was the marketer’s responsibility to ensure a sense of progress in terms of
civic and cultural change. Nevertheless, it was inevitable that some of these modifications gave way to an
alternative sense of public space than the initial one intent. This was primarily because the public was not
accustomed to the new built environment that encompassed the new venue (Belanger, 2000).
“These places are carefully controlled and socially homogenized environments specifically orchestrated
towards the spectacle of the commodity and the rationalisation of high end consumption… repressing or
homogenizing the social, cultural and economic diversity (Zukin, 1991).”
In short, Zukin is elaborating on the fact that the public had a choice to make; savour the new
commercialization of their urban space and let it redefine the unification of a community or they could
continue to embrace old traditions. Neither commodification nor tradition should be absolutely blind
towards the prospective benefits each proponent could potentially deliver. This was most evident
throughout articles and publications in the press. The large part of the criticism was that the public
participation in the transition towards the new building was more homogenised since accessibility was too
costly giving public space a constructed feel rather than an authentic shared experience of the people
admiring their dynastic franchise. The element that gives Molson’s sincerity away is that their participation is
of strategic alliance since they are originally a brewery profiting off beer sales during games as well as
holding the media rights of the franchise through their media sector named Molstar producing games on TV.
The two spheres of agglomerative profit affects the urban public space perspective in terms of its
constructed intention; is it truly for the people or is it for the purpose of better capitalistic accumulation
(Belanger, 2000). Molson thus failed to advance the process as he had marketed and therefore
commoditized every article that crested the logo of the Montreal Canadiens, which explains the economic
aspect of this paper in relation with the cultural definition of public space.
The following paragraphs will add to the previous discourse of public spaces through an analysis of
spatial commodification and representation. A more recent overview on the situation of the (now called)
Bell Center comes to show some interesting turn of events as well as behavioural patterns in function with
the built environment. For instance, in 2002 the Molson Company sold the hockey club and venue to
entrepreneur George Gillett Jr. This business mastermind enhanced the entertainment sector of Montreal
through Gillett Entertainment all the while strengthening the economic situation of the hockey club through
marketing its own traditions and past glory days (Crawford, 1992). It is known that no other hockey city
celebrates hockey like Montreal, their pre-‐game entrances and ceremonies represent the ardour of their
loyal fans. So what does all this have to do with public space; well the way in which the team is celebrated on
the ice (in the arena) mirrors the behaviour off the ice (outside the arena). The hockey crazy town decorates
many public spaces with reference to the glory days of “Les Canadiens”; it brings francophone and
Anglophone populations together in one co-‐habitable space like no other catalyst (Pred, 1992). To exemplify
such an area we would have to look at the recently built Centennial Plaza situated on the western portion of
the Bell Center. This area holds four statues of legendary players such as Guy Lafleur and Maurice “The
Rocket” Richard. In addition, just last month the Mayor of Montreal Gerald Tremblay agreed to change the
name of the street facing the venue from De La Gauchetiere to Avenue des Canadiens de Montreal (Pred,
1992). The aforementioned describes how the commodification of space gives way to an altered utilization
of public space (Crawford, 1992). Even the legendary Ken Dryden famous goalie who won six Stanley Cups
said “the last year or so with all these celebrations it has seemed to have belonged to the past, it’s too much
[…] so now they have to go out and make it their own team (MacLean, 2009). “ in his quote he references to
the commodification of the past and how with the 100 year anniversary celebrations that have now past
(December 4th, 2009) it is time for the fans and players to redefine what it is to be part of the Montreal
Canadiens and this will reflect on those public spaces honouring the team.
When fans are as passionate as they are here in Montreal it is not out of the ordinary to see
celebratory riots and other such delinquent behaviour consuming the fans and there is no better place to
perceive these emotional up roars known as hooliganism than through public spaces (Lefebvre, 1991). The
most recent celebratory riot was two years back, as fans hoarded the streets and pillaged local boutiques
along Sainte Catherine’s Street West. This was after the Habs advanced to the semi finals of the NHL
(National Hockey League) playoffs by beating their rival team, the Boston Bruins. In regards to a solution to
these undesired behaviours, it would be interesting to see the utilization of the Centennial Plaza in relations
to such events in the future (Whyte, 1988). The Plaza is conceived as a place of celebration and honour
therefore it might be a place fans would consider celebrating in an orderly fashion (Lefebvre, 1991). The fact
that fans go pillage the streets is a form of resistance to an urban format that does not deliver an area where
fans could rejoice and celebrate after a big game (Pred, 1992). The surrounding areas of the Bell Center
should incorporate perceivable elements of public space pertaining to hockey, so that the fans may create
and define new memories of their cherished team.
In addition to spatial representation, it is very intriguing to consider the prior usage of the Bell
Center through land use regulations and zoning bylaws. Before construction began, the area was known as
Gare Wilson, which was strictly an access point on the map for those who would get off the train coming
from the suburbs as well as those who got off the metro stop Lucien Lallier. Today it holds a dualistic
demeanour as it satisfies both entertainment and transportation purposes. To many Canadians the Bell
Center might even be perceived as a landmark in the core of downtown Montreal (Lynch, 1960). Today we
see that height restrictions have all but been ignored as the over commodification of the venues site has
brought new economic venture in the form of sky towers. However, new development has brought in an
enriched urban format through mixed-‐use semi residential and commercial infrastructure. (Refer to
Appendix 3)
To conclude, special attention is needed to find the balance of respecting urban development and its
sense of community through cultural, economy and the urban form. As aforementioned, revitalization,
symbolism and identification are some of the many tools that demonstrate this balance. In addition, spatial
commodification and spatial representations exemplify the problems and solution within the built
environment. Thus, through the case study of Molson/Bell Center and the municipality of Montreal, one can
grasp a better understanding of the situational factors leading to the decisions taken in the attempt to
ameliorate the social and economic state surrounding the hockey team. In regards to the future, the Molson
Corporation regained official ownership of the team just last week. Moreover, on a personal note, in
consideration of solidifying the representation of the team in public spaces I have worked on a proposal in
another one of my undergraduate classes to extent the Centennial Plaza to the vacant parking lot facing the
Bell Center. The image in the appendix illustrates the proposed urban form of the area in question.
Bibliography
Belanger, Anouk. (2000). “Sport Venues and the Spectacularization of Urban Spaces in North America: The
Case of the Molson Center in Monteal”. ISSA and SAGE publications, Vol. 35, No. 3, pp: 378-‐397.
Retrieved November 13, 2009 from SAGE database.
Crawford, Margaret. (1992). “The World in a Shopping Mall,” in Variations on a Theme Park: The New
American City and the End of Public Space, Michael Sorkin, editor, New York : Hill and Wang, pp
330.
Lefebvre, Henri. (1991). The Production of Space. Translated by D. Nicholson-‐Smith. Cambridge, USA:
Blackwell. Ch 1, pp 1-‐67
Lynch, Kevin. (1960). The image of the city. Cambridge [Mass.]: Technology Press, Ch 1: pp 1-‐13, Ch 3: pp 46
-‐90, Appendix B: pp 140-‐144
MacLean, Ron (Reporter). (2009, December 4).Hockey Night in Canada [Television Show] Montreal, Canada:
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.
Pred, Allan. (1992). Languages of Everyday Practice and Resistance: Stockholm at the End of the Nineteenth
Century. In Reworking modernity: capitalisms and symbolic discontent, Pred and Watts, eds. New Brunswick,
N.J.: Rutgers University Press. pp 118-‐154
Whyte, William Hollingsworth. 1988. City : rediscovering the center. 1st ed. New York: Doubleday. Ch 10,
“The Undesirables”, pp 156-‐164 Pred, Allan. 1992. Languages of Everyday Practice and Resistance:
Stockholm at the End of the Nineteenth Century. In Reworking modernity: capitalisms and symbolic
discontent, Pred and Watts, eds. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. pp 118 -‐154
Zukin, S. (1991). Landscapes of Power: From Detroit to Disney. Baltimore and New York.
Appendix 1
Current Centennial Plaza
Appendix 2
Proposal
Centennial Plaza
Current
Centennial Plaza
Appendix 3
Proposal
Land use, zoning and urban regulations.
Recommended