7/12/2011      

   

       

Professor  James  Freeman    

   Johannes  Shahinian  

Student  #  9244301      

   U  RBS    486       U  RBAN  PUBLIC  SPACE  :      BREAKING  THE  ICE      

   

     

                  Urban  Public  Space:  Breaking  the  Ice    

 Public  spaces  and  controversy  seem  to  come  hand  in  hand,  pleasing  a  wide  demographic  is  no  easy  

task  and  this   is  most  evident  throughout  the  analysis  of  determining  the  use  of  public  space.  A  case  study  

would   best   exemplify   the   underlying   issues   towards   the   controversies   that   typically   arise   when   a   space  

meant  for  public  use  is  in  question.  This  paper  will  take  into  context  the  Molson  Center  (currently  known  as  

the  Bell  Center  since  2002),  the  home  of  the  famous  professional  hockey  team,  the  Montreal  Canadiens.  To  

understand   the   factors   that   come   into   play,   it   is   best   to   revise   over   the   context   with   which   the  Molson  

Center  was  built  in,  in  1996.  The  political,  cultural  and  economic  state  of  the  city  of  Montreal  is  primordially  

analysed   through   the   use   of   such   tools   as   revitalization,   symbolism   and   identification   of   the   urban   public  

space  in  question.  In  addition,  two  more  paragraphs  will  elaborate  over  spatial  commodification  and  spatial  

representations  over  the  built  form  in  accordance  with  land  use  regulations  and  zoning  bylaws.    

    Montreal  was  not  in  a  stable  economic  nor  political  state  in  the  1990’s,  with  a  struggle  to  adapt  to  

the  post-­‐industrial  era.  The  after  effects  of  a  provincial  referendum  made  Montreal  anything  but  a  reliable  

place  for   investment  therefore  stalling   its  growth  and  progression.  Urban  public  spaces  best   illustrated  the  

transformations   that   took   place   in   this   multicultural   city   as   it   reassessed   the   built   environment   and  

thereafter  altering  the  utilization  of  public  spaces  in  question.    For  instance,  one  particular  project  was  the  

move  from  the  Forum,  an  old  sports  facility,  which  no  longer  held  the  potential  capacity  of  a  growing  hockey  

market,  thus  not  meeting  the  demands  of  the  owner  of  the  Montreal  Canadiens  hockey  club,  Goeff  Molson.  

He   decided   to   move   to   a   modern   facility   because   of   numerous   reasons.   These   were   of   financial   issues  

predominantly,   it  was  said  that  the  Forum  was  no  longer  viable.  It  did  not  exhaust  the  potential  profit  of  a  

town   where   hockey   is   a   religion   and   its   temple   was   no   longer   big   and   modern   enough   for   capitalistic  

accumulative   gains   (Belanger,   2000).   In   addition,   rebuilding   the   Forum   and   its   public   space  would   be   too  

costly  therefore  it  was  time  to  move  to  a  more  suitable  arena/  entertainment  venue.    

    In  the  process  of  deindustrialization  and  the  decreased  influence  of  local  political  pressures  upon  the  

public   developing   sector,   Montreal   commenced   to   privatize   its   urban   development   interests.   A   prime  

example  of  the  revitalization  caused  by  the  growth  of  the  private  sector  is  the  gentrification  of  the  Old  Port  

of  Montreal.    A  once  fully  functional  and  essential  trading  route  became  a  tourist   location  to  enjoy  the  old  

architecture  and  the  many  festivities  that  took  place  in  and  around  this  location.  More  of  the  same  is  seen  

with   the   opening   of   the   Museum   of   Just   for   Laughs,   the   Paramount   multi-­‐megaplex   and   IMAX   theatre  

invigorating   the   cultural   experience.   The   construction   of   the   Molson   Center   goes   along   with   these  

tendencies  towards  private  investment  in  the  attempt  to  rearticulating  the  economic  position  of  Montreal  as  

a   post-­‐industrial   city.   Molson   Brewery   Corporation   is   one   of   these   private   investors   that   used   to   be   the  

     

majority   owner   of   the  Montreal   Canadiens   and   exemplified   capitalist   accumulation   (Belanger,   2000).   The  

combination  of  beer  and  hockey  is  a  golden  one  literally  and  Molson  did  not  hesitate  to  explore  its  potential  

profits  to  the  fullest.    In  his  attempt  to  build  the  new  home  for  the  city’s  professional  hockey  team,  Molson  

tried  to  present  himself  as  an  “urban  saviour”  (Belanger,  2000).    Moreover,  Molson  was  often  given  loads  of  

credit  due  to  taking  a  risk  by  investing  within  a  city  that  was  struggling  with  its  own  identity  causing  financial  

distress.   This   unpredictable   market   did   not   daunt   Molson’s   project   even   though   all   the   numbers   shown  

through   tendencies  or  by   financial   incertitude  amounted   to  a  noticeable   risk   factor.   In   the  past,  provincial  

and  municipal  projects  such  as   the  Olympic  Stadium  have   left  Montrealers  with  a  sour   taste   towards  such  

developments   making   public   use   of   space   a   pricey   one.   The   privatization   of   urban   development   could  

enlighten   the   commercial   element   yet   this   tendency   has   also   been   known   to   profit   and   destroy   urban  

communities  with  less  governmental  influence  (Zukin,  1991).  Molson  persisted  and  to  better  present  himself  

as   a   so   called   “saviour   of   urban   development”,   he   had   to   demonstrate   that   the   project   will   be   inclusive  

towards   the  people’s   heritage,  meaning   giving   importance   to   their   cultural   and  historical   background   and  

not  just  simply  be  a  corporation  after  profits.      

Moreover,  urban  development  of  public  space  modifies  cultural  experiences  giving  relevance  to  the  

case   of   the  Molson   Center   and   the   surrounding   urban   block   known   as  Wilson   station.   For   instance,   the  

hockey   franchise   belonging   to   the   francophone   city  was   very   attached   to   its   old   establishment   called   the  

Forum,  which  they  resided  in  since  1926.  The  most  winning  franchise  recalls  many  championships  and  even  

nationalistic  memories  such  as  the  Richard  Riot.  Molson’s  strategy  was  to  use  the  memories  that  had  grown  

with  the  Forum  and  the  population  to  market  its  new  home  (Belanger,  2000).  The  breweries  plan  was  to  let  

the  public  know  that  they  understood  the  importance  of  the  Forum  and  that  Molson  would  ceremoniously  

give   closure   to   an   almost   century   long   infrastructure   known   to  many   as   home.  However   in   1996,  Molson  

held  a  public  auction  selling  off  memorabilia’s,  for  such  reasons  Molson  was  blamed  and  controversy  arose  

on  the  fact  that  Molson  was  trying  to  make  profit  on  everything  it  possibly  can  and  did  not  care  as  much  for  

the  cities  team.    There  was  a  sense  of  nostalgia  growing  amongst  the  people  to  whom  the  Forum  was  more  

than  just  another  arena/  entertainment  complex.  The  Forum  was  vital  to  public  space  in  the  city  and  helped  

the  Atwater  block  commercially  but  more   importantly   its   symbolism  of  a  place  belonging   to  a  people   that  

fought  hard  for  recognition  (The  Quebecois).  Nonetheless,  the  relocation  was  going  to  happen,  planners  and  

contractors   alike   as   well   as   the   Molson   Corporation   needed   to   be   strategic   yet   effective   but   sensitive  

throughout  the  whole  project  (Belanger,  2000).  One  might  think  the  fact  that  Molson  was  in  charge  of  this  

project  is  the  ideal  scenario.  This  is  because  the  Molson  Corporation  is  a  grassroots  company  and  has  been  

part   of   the   city   just   as   long   as   the  Montreal   Canadiens   have   been   around.   Thus,   Molson   was   in   a   good  

     

position   as   a   cultural   entity   itself   to   understand   tradition   therefore   the  Molson   family   and   the   Canadiens  

needed   to   campaign   for   the  new  building  by   symbolically   demonstrating   that   it   is   simply   a  passing  of   the  

torch   and   not   the   end   of   an   era.   The   CBC   (Canadian   Broadcasting   Corporation)   even   broadcasted   the  

symbolic   passing   of   the   torch   from   former   elites   such   as   the   great  Maurice   Richard   himself   to   the   then  

current   captain   Pierre   Turgeon.   Another   symbolic   transition  was   the   big   parade   called   “The  Great  Move”  

main   roads  were   blocked   to   allow   the   Forum’s   Zamboni   to   lead   the   crowd   towards   their   new   home   the  

Molson  Center  making  it  official  in  1996.  The  Corporation’s  grand  scheme  was  to  give  the  public  a  sense  of  

participation,  whether   it  worked  or  not   is  debatable  but  the  owners  certainly  used  symbolism  as  a  tool  for  

public  space  transition  in  the  attempt  to  better  adhere  to  the  cultural  cause.        

    Once  the  ceremonious  transition  was  accomplished  the  opportunity  came  for  Molson  to  familiarize  

the  public  with  the  new  space  they  now  called  home  of  the  Montreal  Canadiens.  They  held  an  open  house  to  

strengthen   public   identification   and   ownership   towards   the   new   building.   The   people   were   always  

expressing   a   conservative   romanticism   towards   the   possibility   of   making   new   traditions   and   memories,  

values   that   they   held   dearly.   In   this   regard,   the   campaign  was   successful   enabling   certain   people   holding  

onto  the  past  to  let  culture  and  tradition  decorate  the  new  building.  Just  as  culture  and  history  isn’t  always  

easy   to   interpret   understanding   public   space   is   not   a   simple  matter.   The   contradictions   caused   by   critical  

analysis  of  the  project  gave  way  to  scepticism  as  a  mixed  discourse  started  to  take  place  over  what  the  new  

structure  actually  represented.  It  was  the  marketer’s  responsibility  to  ensure  a  sense  of  progress  in  terms  of  

civic  and  cultural  change.  Nevertheless,   it  was   inevitable   that  some  of   these  modifications  gave  way   to  an  

alternative  sense  of  public  space  than  the   initial  one   intent.  This  was  primarily  because  the  public  was  not  

accustomed  to  the  new  built  environment  that  encompassed  the  new  venue  (Belanger,  2000).      

“These  places  are  carefully  controlled  and  socially  homogenized  environments  specifically  orchestrated  

towards  the  spectacle  of  the  commodity  and  the  rationalisation  of  high  end  consumption…  repressing  or    

homogenizing  the  social,  cultural  and  economic  diversity  (Zukin,  1991).”    

In   short,   Zukin   is   elaborating   on   the   fact   that   the   public   had   a   choice   to   make;   savour   the   new  

commercialization   of   their   urban   space   and   let   it   redefine   the   unification   of   a   community   or   they   could  

continue   to   embrace   old   traditions.   Neither   commodification   nor   tradition   should   be   absolutely   blind  

towards   the   prospective   benefits   each   proponent   could   potentially   deliver.   This   was   most   evident  

throughout   articles   and   publications   in   the   press.   The   large   part   of   the   criticism   was   that   the   public  

participation  in  the  transition  towards  the  new  building  was  more  homogenised  since  accessibility  was  too  

costly   giving   public   space   a   constructed   feel   rather   than   an   authentic   shared   experience   of   the   people  

admiring  their  dynastic  franchise.  The  element  that  gives  Molson’s  sincerity  away  is  that  their  participation  is  

     

of   strategic   alliance   since   they   are   originally   a   brewery   profiting   off   beer   sales   during   games   as   well   as  

holding  the  media  rights  of  the  franchise  through  their  media  sector  named  Molstar  producing  games  on  TV.  

The   two   spheres   of   agglomerative   profit   affects   the   urban   public   space   perspective   in   terms   of   its  

constructed   intention;   is   it   truly   for   the   people   or   is   it   for   the   purpose  of   better   capitalistic   accumulation  

(Belanger,   2000).     Molson   thus   failed   to   advance   the   process   as   he   had   marketed   and   therefore  

commoditized  every  article   that  crested  the   logo  of   the  Montreal  Canadiens,  which  explains   the  economic  

aspect  of  this  paper  in  relation  with  the  cultural  definition  of  public  space.  

The  following  paragraphs  will  add  to  the  previous  discourse  of  public  spaces  through  an  analysis  of    

spatial   commodification  and   representation.    A  more   recent  overview  on   the  situation  of   the   (now  called)  

Bell  Center  comes  to  show  some  interesting  turn  of  events  as  well  as  behavioural  patterns  in  function  with  

the   built   environment.   For   instance,   in   2002   the   Molson   Company   sold   the   hockey   club   and   venue   to  

entrepreneur  George  Gillett   Jr.   This  business  mastermind  enhanced   the  entertainment   sector  of  Montreal  

through  Gillett  Entertainment  all  the  while  strengthening  the  economic  situation  of  the  hockey  club  through  

marketing   its   own   traditions   and   past   glory   days   (Crawford,   1992).   It   is   known   that   no   other   hockey   city  

celebrates   hockey   like  Montreal,   their   pre-­‐game   entrances   and   ceremonies   represent   the   ardour   of   their  

loyal  fans.  So  what  does  all  this  have  to  do  with  public  space;  well  the  way  in  which  the  team  is  celebrated  on  

the  ice  (in  the  arena)  mirrors  the  behaviour  off  the  ice  (outside  the  arena).  The  hockey  crazy  town  decorates  

many   public   spaces   with   reference   to   the   glory   days   of   “Les   Canadiens”;   it   brings   francophone   and  

Anglophone  populations  together  in  one  co-­‐habitable  space  like  no  other  catalyst  (Pred,  1992).  To  exemplify  

such  an  area  we  would  have  to  look  at  the  recently  built  Centennial  Plaza  situated  on  the  western  portion  of  

the   Bell   Center.   This   area   holds   four   statues   of   legendary   players   such   as   Guy   Lafleur   and  Maurice   “The  

Rocket”  Richard.  In  addition,  just  last  month  the  Mayor  of  Montreal  Gerald  Tremblay  agreed  to  change  the  

name  of  the  street   facing  the  venue  from  De  La  Gauchetiere  to  Avenue  des  Canadiens  de  Montreal   (Pred,  

1992).  The  aforementioned  describes  how  the  commodification  of  space  gives  way  to  an  altered  utilization  

of  public  space  (Crawford,  1992).    Even  the  legendary  Ken  Dryden  famous  goalie  who  won  six  Stanley  Cups  

said  “the  last  year  or  so  with  all  these  celebrations  it  has  seemed  to  have  belonged  to  the  past,  it’s  too  much  

[…]  so  now  they  have  to  go  out  and  make  it  their  own  team  (MacLean,  2009).  “  in  his  quote  he  references  to  

the   commodification  of   the  past   and  how  with   the  100   year   anniversary   celebrations   that   have  now  past  

(December   4th,   2009)   it   is   time   for   the   fans   and  players   to   redefine  what   it   is   to   be   part   of   the  Montreal  

Canadiens  and  this  will  reflect  on  those  public  spaces  honouring  the  team.      

When   fans   are   as   passionate   as   they   are   here   in   Montreal   it   is   not   out   of   the   ordinary   to   see  

celebratory   riots  and  other   such  delinquent  behaviour   consuming   the   fans  and   there   is  no  better  place   to  

     

perceive  these  emotional  up  roars  known  as  hooliganism  than  through  public  spaces  (Lefebvre,  1991).  The  

most   recent   celebratory   riot  was   two  years  back,  as   fans  hoarded   the   streets  and  pillaged   local  boutiques  

along   Sainte   Catherine’s   Street   West.   This   was   after   the   Habs   advanced   to   the   semi   finals   of   the   NHL  

(National  Hockey  League)  playoffs  by  beating  their  rival  team,  the  Boston  Bruins.  In  regards  to  a  solution  to  

these  undesired  behaviours,  it  would  be  interesting  to  see  the  utilization  of  the  Centennial  Plaza  in  relations  

to   such   events   in   the   future   (Whyte,   1988).   The   Plaza   is   conceived   as   a   place   of   celebration   and   honour  

therefore  it  might  be  a  place  fans  would  consider  celebrating  in  an  orderly  fashion  (Lefebvre,  1991).  The  fact  

that  fans  go  pillage  the  streets  is  a  form  of  resistance  to  an  urban  format  that  does  not  deliver  an  area  where  

fans   could   rejoice   and   celebrate   after   a   big   game   (Pred,   1992).   The   surrounding   areas   of   the   Bell   Center  

should   incorporate  perceivable  elements  of  public  space  pertaining  to  hockey,  so  that  the  fans  may  create  

and  define  new  memories  of  their  cherished  team.      

In   addition   to   spatial   representation,   it   is   very   intriguing   to   consider   the   prior   usage   of   the   Bell  

Center  through  land  use  regulations  and  zoning  bylaws.  Before  construction  began,  the  area  was  known  as  

Gare  Wilson,  which  was  strictly  an  access  point  on   the  map   for   those  who  would  get  off   the   train  coming  

from   the   suburbs   as   well   as   those   who   got   off   the   metro   stop   Lucien   Lallier.   Today   it   holds   a   dualistic  

demeanour   as   it   satisfies   both   entertainment   and   transportation   purposes.   To   many   Canadians   the   Bell  

Center  might  even  be  perceived  as  a  landmark  in  the  core  of  downtown  Montreal  (Lynch,  1960).  Today  we  

see   that  height   restrictions  have  all   but  been   ignored  as   the  over   commodification  of   the   venues   site  has  

brought  new  economic   venture   in   the   form  of   sky   towers.  However,   new  development  has  brought   in   an  

enriched   urban   format   through   mixed-­‐use   semi   residential   and   commercial   infrastructure.   (Refer   to  

Appendix  3)  

      To  conclude,  special  attention  is  needed  to  find  the  balance  of  respecting  urban  development  and  its  

sense   of   community   through   cultural,   economy   and   the   urban   form.   As   aforementioned,   revitalization,  

symbolism  and  identification  are  some  of  the  many  tools  that  demonstrate  this  balance.  In  addition,  spatial  

commodification   and   spatial   representations   exemplify   the   problems   and   solution   within   the   built  

environment.  Thus,  through  the  case  study  of  Molson/Bell  Center  and  the  municipality  of  Montreal,  one  can  

grasp   a   better   understanding   of   the   situational   factors   leading   to   the   decisions   taken   in   the   attempt   to  

ameliorate  the  social  and  economic  state  surrounding  the  hockey  team.  In  regards  to  the  future,  the  Molson  

Corporation   regained   official   ownership   of   the   team   just   last   week.   Moreover,   on   a   personal   note,   in  

consideration  of  solidifying  the  representation  of  the  team  in  public  spaces  I  have  worked  on  a  proposal   in  

another  one  of  my  undergraduate  classes  to  extent  the  Centennial  Plaza  to  the  vacant  parking  lot  facing  the  

Bell  Center.  The  image  in  the  appendix  illustrates  the  proposed  urban  form  of  the  area  in  question.    

     

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Appendix  1    

Current  Centennial  Plaza    

   

   

   

   

   

   

 

       

                                     

                         

     

 Appendix  2  

 Proposal  

Centennial  Plaza  

   

   

   

Current  

 Centennial  Plaza  

     

Appendix  3      

Proposal    

Land  use,  zoning  and  urban  regulations.