CHAPTER TWO - Economic Development€¦ · Web viewEach case study report ... any cross-cultural tensions and community problems are addressed in a constructive and timely fashion

Chapter 2The Community Case Studies

TABLE OF CONTENTSLIST OF TABLES.....................................................................................................................3INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................... 4CASE STUDIES.......................................................................................................................5

SHEPPARTON.....................................................................................................................5General Description..........................................................................................................5Community Diversity and History of Immigration..............................................................5Developing the Interview Sample.....................................................................................5Values, Culture and History..............................................................................................6Inclusion and Exclusion....................................................................................................6

a) Economic............................................................................................................................7b) Social..................................................................................................................................8

Community Harmony and Social Capital..........................................................................9Economics........................................................................................................................9Conclusions.................................................................................................................... 10

GRIFFITH........................................................................................................................... 12General Description........................................................................................................12Community Diversity and History of Immigration............................................................12Developing the Interview Sample...................................................................................13Values, Culture and History............................................................................................13Inclusion and Exclusion..................................................................................................14

a) Economic..........................................................................................................................14b) Social................................................................................................................................15

Community Harmony and Social Capital........................................................................16Economics...................................................................................................................... 17Conclusion...................................................................................................................... 18

KALGOORLIE.................................................................................................................... 19General Description........................................................................................................19Community Diversity and History of Immigration............................................................19Developing the Interview Sample...................................................................................19Values, Culture and History............................................................................................20Inclusion and Exclusion..................................................................................................20



ROBINVALE....................................................................................................................... 25General Description........................................................................................................25Community Diversity and History of Immigration............................................................25Developing the Interview Sample...................................................................................26Values, Culture and History............................................................................................26Inclusion and Exclusion..................................................................................................27



QUANTITATIVE DATA..........................................................................................................32

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LIST OF TABLESTABLE 1: SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF SAMPLE REGIONS......................................................33

TABLE 2: SELECTED CHARACTERISTIC AGGREGATES...................................................................34

TABLE 3: EDUCATION LEVELS AND OCCUPATION OF SAMPLE REGION...........................................35

TABLE 4: EDUCATION LEVELS AND OCCUPATION AGGREGATES....................................................36

TABLE 5: THE TOP FIVE INDUSTRIES ACCORDING TO PERCENTAGE EMPLOYED..............................37

TABLE 6: THE TOP FIVE INDUSTRY AGGREGATES........................................................................37

Table 7: Socio-economic indicators........................................................................................38

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INTRODUCTIONThis chapter reports on the case studies in:

Shepparton, Victoria; Griffith, New South Wales; Kalgoorlie, Western Australia; and Robinvale, Victoria.

Each case study report considers:

Community Diversity and History of Immigration; Developing the Interview Sample; Values, Culture and History; Inclusion and Exclusion; Community Harmony and Social Capital; and Economics.

The case study data were primarily based on interviews conducted with participants in the sites.

The chapter also provides comparative quantitative data on the case study sites, which are also measured against state and national averages.

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CASE STUDIES

SHEPPARTON

General DescriptionShepparton is a large regional township in Victoria, located in the Goulburn river valley, 180 km to the North-East of Melbourne. It has a population of approximately 35,000 while Greater Shepparton has a population of around 57,000 people (ABS, 2001).

Shepparton is not a major international tourist destination and has few buildings of historical significance, but it has an attractive lake and lakeside accommodation, green open spaces and quiet, tree-lined streets. Its cultural diversity – evidenced in the variety of cafes and restaurants available in the shopping centre – also make it an attractive place to visit and stop. The main shopping centre is focused on the long pedestrian mall in Maude Street.

Greater Shepparton City has a robust economy based on transport, dairy, fruit growing and processing, and light engineering. The city is one of the fastest growing regional centres in Victoria and in Australia.

Community Diversity and History of ImmigrationShepparton has experienced several successive waves of immigration since the 1930s, beginning with the influx of largely European settlers – Albanians, Italians, Greeks, Macedonians, Dutch and Germans, followed later by Turks, and others from the former Yugoslavia. In the mid 1990s, significant numbers of Punjabi Indians began to arrive, followed in the late 1990s by a growing Arabic-speaking community, mostly from Iraq and Kuwait. In more recent years, the town has received a substantial number of Pacific Islanders, and small numbers of many other groups, such as African and Pakistani professionals.

Census data for the Greater Shepparton region indicate that after English (47,989 speakers), 65 different languages were spoken in the area. The major LOTEs spoken, in descending order were: Italian (2213), Turkish (655), Arabic (453), Albanian (378), Greek (298), Macedonian (264), Punjabi (106), Dutch (83), Tagalog (79), Cantonese (59) and Samoan (50). All other languages had less than 50 speaking those LOTE at home (ABS, 2001).

One participant noted that …’Greater Shepparton City Council is the home of a large number of people of Aboriginal descent who take an important role in the Greater Shepparton community’.

Developing the Interview SampleThe Shepparton sub-branch of the Ethnic Communities Council (ECC) was the starting point for sample generation. It is well connected to a range of

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agencies and service providers in the region through its provision of settlement and community development services. Further, interviewees were then identified through a process of ‘snowballing’ from the initial interviewees suggested by the ECC. Regional contacts held by the Department were followed up and included in the interview sample.

Fourteen face-to-face interviews were completed between May and June 2005. Six of these were with relevant service providers covering the areas of health, employment, welfare and ethnic relations; these were equally spread across federal and state agencies. The remaining eight interviews were conducted with community leaders from the areas of law enforcement, federal government, the ethnic communities, small business, youth and the Indigenous community. Occupations of the interviewees ranged from public sector professionals and welfare workers through to seasonal labourer, small business operator and retired worker.

In six cases, interviewees held leadership positions within the ethnic communities. Two others were community leaders from women’s and Indigenous organisations. The interviewees spanned a range of ethnicities and birthplaces: Italian-Australian, Pakistani, Tongan, Irish-Australian, German, Iraqi, Albanian, and Anglo-Celtic. Seven interviewees were female, seven male. Their ages ranged approximately from 30s to late 60s.

Values, Culture and HistoryMost interviewees described Shepparton as a welcoming, inclusive and thriving multicultural community. Some spoke very positively about this as a distinctive feature of Shepparton life, comparing it to a perceived lack of diversity and tolerance in neighbouring towns. Others emphasised that Shepparton had a long tradition since the 1930s of accepting diverse people from various cultures and religions. However, several identified a small proportion of the population (estimated as high as 30 per cent) who were less accepting of diversity and sometimes showed this in overt acts against others who were perceived as different, for example, through spitting or verbal abuse.

The lifestyle benefits of living in Shepparton were raised in almost all interviews – good climate, clean environment, quiet neighbourhoods, proximity to Melbourne and other regional centres. ‘Making money’ or entrepreneurship was another major theme in some interviews. A further theme was that of civic pride and loyalty to Shepparton.

Inclusion and ExclusionTwo schools of thought emerged among interviewees regarding issues of inclusion and exclusion of different groups in the community. About equal numbers of interviewees adhered to these views. The first group felt that over time most groups in the community had no problems with being included in the social and economic life of the community. The second group perceived systemic patterns of disadvantage and discrimination affecting two groups in particular: Indigenous Australians and more recent arrivals - particularly Iraqi

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refugees. The latter also perceived various levels of partial exclusion of other groups, such as Punjabi Indians, elderly Italians, Turks, and Albanians. Comments were also made about the exclusionary nature of ‘mainstream’ culture, such as intolerance towards homosexual, transgendered and transsexual people.

The first group is typified by the following comments made in interviewees:

‘Even if your first language is not English, you have no trouble getting work, if you really want to work, you can’.

‘The mayor and her councillors are very open. We have an opportunity to speak to them…they make ethnic communities feel they’re important to them’.

Comments from the second group included:

‘There’s a large percentage of the Iraqi community who are unemployed, I’d say the majority in mainstream employment, there’s very few…seasonally they have no problems, for example, picking fruit, but ongoing employment is different’.

‘Like every other group that’s come they (Iraqis) suffer from community ignorance, prejudice, bias from the broader community, and there is a perception that Iraqis don’t want to work.’

a) Economic

The more well-established immigrant communities – Italians, Greeks, Macedonians, Turks and Albanians – were thought to be prospering. After years of hard work and some early difficulties, most interviewees felt these groups had done exceptionally well economically. The combination of entrepreneurial spirit, strong family organisation and willingness to work long hours had paid off for these groups. Greek, Italian and Turkish families were said to own a large proportion of farming properties, providing significant employment in the area. Similarly, the Punjabi Indians, who had arrived more recently in the community, were thought to be faring well. A number of Punjabi families had bought farms, had established their own temple, and some had invested in business properties and shops in the town.

Iraqi and other Middle Eastern refugees, the most recent arrivals, were thought to be generally restricted to paid seasonal labour in the fruit industry, undertaking work which Anglo-Celtic Australians and the more settled immigrants did not want to do. Some Iraqis were employed by government or community agencies for their bilingual skills. Only one Iraqi business, a Halal butchery, was named in interviews. Generally, interviewees described the Iraqi community as struggling economically and relying on welfare payments, despite a number of them having professional qualifications.

Young Turkish men were described as being at risk from unemployment, but this was being addressed through youth programs and the growth of Turkish

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retail and hospitality businesses. Pacific Islanders were said to be concentrated in seasonal employment in agriculture. The Chinese were generally described as doing well, with many sending their children to university to train as doctors and nurses. A smattering of small minority groups – such as Africans and Pakistanis – were said to be employed mainly in skilled or professional employment such as medicine, academia and information technology.

The Anglo-Celtic majority in Shepparton were felt to dominate jobs in the private and public sectors and particularly the local council. Indigenous Australian residents, said to number as high as 6,000, were described as being largely excluded from participation in employment.1 Those who were employed were generally confined to Indigenous or government employment. This is supported by ABS data that show Indigenous people in Shepparton had three times the unemployment rate of non-Indigenous residents (20.3 per cent compared to 7.0 per cent). Indigenous Australian males had an even higher unemployment rate at 25.4 per cent.

b) Social

Some interviewees perceived no differences in the level of social and cultural participation between immigrant and locally born groups. Others felt there were significant differences. A small number of interviewees indicated that for cultural, religious or family reasons, immigrants did not always seek to participate in all facets of community life. Iraqis, particularly women, were said to be socially isolated due to the English language barrier, cultural and religious issues, lack of transport and childcare. However, several interviewees detailed a range of successful programs that had helped draw these women into education and cultural activities such as: cross-cultural awareness sessions for government employees; health screening workshops; English classes at TAFE2; group driving lessons; fashion parades (Muslim women parading their home attire to women-only audiences); and single-sex swimming sessions at the local swimming pool. For the Iraqi youth, interviewees mentioned successful camps organised by the police, an advanced driving course at TAFE, and inclusion in soccer teams. Iraqi girls were harder to organise due to prohibitions against mixing with the opposite sex.

The more established immigrant groups - Italians, Macdeonians, Albanians, Turks - and some of the more recently arrived, such as Tongans, were said to be contributing to a rich tapestry of multicultural arts, religious and community events as well as ethnic cuisine through restaurants and cafes. Examples of these have been given in chapter 1. These events were said to attract wide patronage among all community groups in Shepparton and did much to promote social inclusiveness and intercultural understanding.

1 During the feedback process it was noted, however, that ‘…many employers are prepared to engage Aboriginal people in full time work’.2 However, one participant noted the ‘…struggle with the overwhelming number of people who have already received their allocated 510 hours of TAFE English and are no better or only a little better than when they begun…Shepparton still has a gap in assisting newly arrived people enter the employment system because of our inability to provide English skills.’

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However, in terms of access to government services, many interviewees mentioned that immigrants, both established and more newly arrived, had trouble accessing at least some of the services on offer. This was particularly the case for elderly immigrants and young people. Services they did not access included aged care (for example, meals on wheels, health information), alcohol and drug counselling and mental health services which were said to be universally lacking. Generally, the reasons for this ranged from language and cultural barriers to lack of familiarity with services offered, the difficulties of negotiating bureaucratic structures, service jargon and fears about maintaining confidentiality in a small town.

Community Harmony and Social CapitalThe overriding impression gained was that Shepparton is rich in social networks and civic goodwill. Almost every interviewee mentioned one or more committees or task forces that had been set up for various purposes – new settler committee, post September 11 committee, women’s groups, multicultural events committee, ethnic communities council sub-groups, multicultural youth committee, economic promotion committee, skilled migration committee, and so on. It seemed there were committees for all purposes, both short and longer term, and these committees attracted involvement by both professionals, such as government and welfare workers, and community volunteers.

As such, a number of interviewees expressed satisfaction with their opportunities to input to decision-making in the town and felt they were valued in society. Broadly speaking, there was a perception among interviewees that multiculturalism made life in the area better; people liked the community they lived in and spoke highly of it. Volunteering also seemed strong. Despite issues of social and economic exclusion identified in some interviews, there appeared to be a consensus that Shepparton was a harmonious community. Some tensions had occurred, for example, after September 11, but were described as ‘…isolated and passing’. Community leaders had successfully addressed these tensions through concerted community action.

Thus, it would appear that the interview data is consistent with the figures reported in the Department for Victorian Communities (DVC) Indicators of Community Strengths report.3 It is interesting to note that while the figures in the DVC report for Greater Shepparton are lower than the state average, on a couple of indices they are higher (for example, multiculturalism makes life in the area better, and attendance at community events). This certainly reflects the qualitative data. However, a number of interviewees rejected the widely-held perception - which is consistent with the figures in the DVC report - that it was not safe to walk through the Maude Street mall at night.

EconomicsShepparton was described in all the interviews as a thriving township and region based on a diverse economy and a number of key strengths, including

3 Department for Victorian Communities, Indicators of community strength at the Local Government Area level in Victoria, Melbourne: Department for Victorian Communities, 2005. Accessed www.dvc.vic.gov.au/spar.htm

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irrigation, good climate, critical mass, proximity to Melbourne and other major regional centres. Described as the ‘food bowl’ of Australia, it had grown from a strong agricultural base in fruit, vegetables and dairy since the introduction of irrigation in the area. The influx of immigrant labour from the 1930s onwards was said to have fuelled agricultural and civic expansion.

Agriculture is still a major employer in the area (1,228 employees), however, almost double the number of employees (3,057) worked in manufacturing in the area, mainly in food processing,4 such as canning, juice-making, dairy products, wine, and farming products such as concrete troughs. It was reported that a significant proportion of the region’s primary and secondary products are exported overseas and transported to markets around Australia. Strong population growth was said to have fuelled employment in the local construction industry, and this is reflected in ABS data showing similar numbers employed in construction as agriculture (1,098).

Retail and accommodation, cafes and restaurants are important industries (3,455 and 656 employees respectively), as is transport and storage (750 employees). Property and business services were reported to be strong, with a local range of services such as legal, accounting and finance being represented (1,259 employees), as were health and community services (2,043 employees) and education (1,260). Significant numbers also worked in personal services (575), finance and insurance (458) and government administration and defence (387).

The key drivers of the economy were described as being a strong entrepreneurial and investor ethos, particularly among the more established ethnic communities, continuing population growth and associated labour supply, an active local council, good community relations - other than the ongoing problems of the Indigenous community - and attractive environment for people to work and live. Factors which were thought to be constraining Shepparton’s economic development included: the lack of a comprehensive university and culture of ongoing education; shortages of skilled and unskilled labour; a perceived growth in the gap between rich and poor; bureaucratic inertia in relation to attracting new businesses; welfare dependency; and the lack of local tourism opportunities.

ConclusionsThe interviews provided a picture of Shepparton as a diverse, multicultural community that has experienced sustained and significant economic growth over several decades. Immigrants were perceived to have made a major contribution to such growth in a variety of ways. Just as importantly, the social infrastructure of the region, particularly the strong level of networking among service providers, volunteers and community leaders in the area of immigrant settlement, appears to have ensured that any cross-cultural tensions and community problems are addressed in a constructive and timely fashion.

4 During the feedback stage, a community member indicated that Greater Shepparton ‘…hosts the largest concentration of food processing industries in Victoria and within a 50km radius of Shepparton is Australia’s greatest concentration of food processing industries with in excess of 50 companies with a combined annual turnover of $3.3B per annum’.

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It seemed that the presence of well developed social networks in the region - both formal and informal - helped mitigate the effects of the more insular social bonding that occurs among groups that are more recently arrived or less willing to integrate into the social life of the region. The link between bridging social capital of this nature and economic success can only be surmised but seems to relate to: minimising social conflict and crime, creating a community atmosphere that is conducive to business investment, encouraging ongoing immigration and retention of new residents and ensuring that the region continues to attract new government funding to meet its developing needs.

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GRIFFITH

General DescriptionGriffith is a regional city located in the Western Riverina district of New South Wales. It is 620 km West of Sydney and 450 km North of Melbourne.5 Data from the region collected in 2001 Census stated that the population of Griffith was 24,604, an increase of 10.8 per cent since 1996 (ABS, 2001). During this period there was a large increase in the number of residents aged over 70 and those aged between 10 and 20 years. The first settlers were returned soldiers and Italian immigrants. Department of Transport and Regional Services data shows that currently Griffith comprises a wide variety of immigrant communities, including groups from Italy, India, New Zealand, the Pacific Islands and the Philippines.6 The community has sustained growth over the past decade and has developed a growth strategy for the next 30 years and there are at least 89 different ethnic groups resident in the community.

Griffith is a neat modern town surrounded by new expensive housing developments and vast irrigation and agricultural areas. The effects of the drought are clearly visible in that the surrounding countryside is very dry and dusty. The main shopping strip of Griffith reflects the economic success of the area with few vacant shops, expensive and varied goods on sale, and the many new 4-wheel drive vehicles on the streets. Cultural diversity of the town is evidenced in the variety of cafes and restaurants - especially Italian - which appear to be doing a good trade.

Griffith is not a major tourist destination in the state, but the region is building a reputation as a ‘place to visit’ and the large modern tourist information centre located in the centre of town reflects this.

Community Diversity and History of ImmigrationRegional data indicate that there are in excess of 70 first languages spoken in Griffith.7 In 1998 the majority of citizens (80 per cent) were Australian-born, 5 per cent were born in Italy, 2 per cent in India, 1 per cent in New Zealand, 0.6 per cent in Fiji and 0.3 per cent in the Philippines.8 The dominant ethnic group in Griffith is the well-established Italian farming and trading community who comprise 60 per cent of the total population. While the first non-Indigenous settlers were returned soldiers and Italian immigrants, the original inhabitants were the Wiradjuri people - as Griffith is part of the Wiradjuri nation.

More recently arrived groups include Indian Sikhs, Islanders - Samoan, Tongan, and Fijian - followed by the Turkish community as well as Chinese. Other groups include refugee groups – Iranian, Iraqi, Kurdish and Afghan -

5 Department of Transport and Regional Services. “Community Research Report- Griffith”, available from www.dotars.gov.au/regional/rwac/projects/Griffith/introduction.htm; accessed 12 August 2005. 6 ibid.7 Griffith City Council Social and Community Plan 2004-2007.8 Griffith City Council, Community Profile of Griffith, NSW. Environmental Services Department, 22.

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http://www.dotars.gov.au/regional/rwac/projects/Griffith/introduction.htm

and seasonal workers, such as backpackers representing a wide range of ethnic backgrounds. A number of different Indigenous Australian groups are also integral to the multicultural face of the Griffith community.

Italian immigrants were described as setting the foundation for the future growth of Griffith but were, according to some, not always welcoming of newer arrivals. Although some ethnic groups were perceived as keeping to themselves, it was the view of many of the participants that all social clubs and community activities were multi-national now, and open to all members of the community ‘...with no segregation like it used to be in the old days’.

Developing the Interview SampleThe face-to-face interviews were in the main conducted in the Riverina Area Consultative Committee (ACC) offices in central Griffith, a strategy that proved to be very useful because of additional background information and support made available to the consultant.

Fourteen interviews were conducted between May and June 2005. Four people representing an area health service chose to be interviewed as a group and one person was interviewed by telephone. Four participants, who were scheduled to be interviewed, did not keep their appointments and despite follow-up did not contribute. Those people interviewed included mainstream health service providers, an Indigenous health service worker, welfare agency personnel, community ethnic representatives, as well as local and regional government representatives. Interviews were also held with representatives from the higher education sector including a senior administrator, training and education officer. Representatives of a major local volunteer organisation as well as an office bearer from a national rural women’s organisation contributed to the study.

Values, Culture and History Most interviewees expressed the view that Griffith was a town built on the Australian and Italian traditions of solid hard work and family values. Some said that people in Griffith value their cultural identity, their history and are proud of the multicultural tradition that has been established over many years. Some participants noted that Griffith was a microcosm of the Australian population at large. The Italian community in particular was nominated by most interviewees as having played - and continuing to play - a significant role in shaping the values and culture in the region.

However, it was the opinion of many interviewees that even though most people were welcomed into the economic and social fabric of the community, some groups were perceived as not yet sharing in the benefits of economic development or social activities in the community because of their low socio-economic status. The groups that fell into this category included people who come to the region to find work as seasonal labourers as well as people from Indigenous and Islander backgrounds. As some people indicated ‘...Islanders do unskilled work – Italians don’t do that anymore – there is a hierarchy in this town’.

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A common view was that while some new arrivals might come and go, only staying a season or two, they all added - in their own way - to the cultural diversity and contributed to the economic development of the region. However, it was also emphasised by most people that there is at all times a stable heart of people who are building the social, economic and diversity that is the town of Griffith. Griffith, as a town of choice, was described as ‘...offering a good life style and was a good place to bring up kids’.

Inclusion and Exclusion

a) Economic

Interviewees pointed out that over the last 60 years the expertise and knowledge of all ethnic groups, regardless of origin, has contributed to the development of a vibrant community and successful economy. In the Griffith community there is ‘...a will to do good, and diversity ensures there are more ideas from different people and this in turn leads to a more effective economy’.

There are around 11,518 people in the workforce in Griffith, and of these, Indigenous Australians account for 3.6 per cent of the total population with 64 per cent of the population working full-time and 28 per cent working part-time. At the time of the last ABS census only 5 per cent of residents were unemployed. Indigenous unemployment is higher in the Griffith shire than the average for the Riverina or NSW at 24 per cent, being more than four times the unemployment rate for the total population. The three largest employers in Griffith are the agriculture (18.0 per cent), retail (16.2 per cent) and manufacturing (15.2 per cent) industries.

With full employment and the availability of a wide range of work the point was made by most participants that Griffith will always need a pool of people who will do agricultural or unskilled work. These people ‘...bring money into the town through spending and consuming and they also add to the social fabric of the town’. Most people who come to Griffith do so to work, but it was acknowledged by those interviewed that because there is more to life than work, the community must continue to find ways to build the social fabric of the town and in this way ensure social harmony through more leisure and cultural activities. It is these activities people said that link the community more than work. Many people thought that the continued economic success of Griffith will then follow naturally because ‘...if people want to work then there is work for them’.

There was a general consensus that regardless of ethnic background, people can only be productive when they feel they can be themselves and are accepted. Economic development is also related to different people having a sense of themselves and the contribution they can make to the productivity of the town regardless of different work ethics. New immigrants are seen as ‘risk-takers’ because they will always ‘have a go’, and have a different attitude. They will undertake work that more settled residents will not do. People from

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ethnic backgrounds were described as being resilient and eager to contribute to the cultural and economic life of Griffith.

Pacific Islander people, however, were singled out as having different work ethics and values. They were described in terms of how their approach to life, family and work was seen in a negative light by many members of the community. Some participants pointed out that their physical size was intimidating and accordingly Islanders were automatically presumed by some people as being more violent than other groups. Islander people undertook the most poorly paid unskilled jobs and that Islander people – along with Indigenous groups – are not doing as well as others socially or economically. However, they do fill the role of unskilled labourers and undertake jobs that others in the community will not, for wages substantially lower than what others receive.

b) Social

Despite the atmosphere of tolerance and harmony it was the opinion of most of the interviewees that there is really not much mixing between groups even within the local school environment. Schools were seen as places where most acknowledged ‘...good work on promoting social harmony and acceptance of one another can be done’. There are a number of primary and secondary schools in the Griffith region and they are located in very specific parts of the town. Islander and Indigenous communities live within close proximity of each other and so their children attend the same schools.

While the church works hard to develop an atmosphere of community inclusion and provides opportunities for people to come together through their churches and cultural festivals, according to some, generally there are no visible strategies in place to promote social harmony. However, there was general agreement that it is the nature of Griffith that as people settle into the town they encounter a high level of acceptance despite their cultural backgrounds. This can be illustrated by the following comment: ‘People bring with them family, friendships and networks of their own and these encourage like cultural groups to come settle and in this way extend the community through their work and networks’.

Although people from different ethnic groups did tend to mix within their own groups there is some intermarriage between second and third generations, and people meet in church and in religious communities, at community festivals and sporting events. The church in Griffith, as people indicated, plays a real role in building community harmony. It offers support where there is social dysfunction, and it is through church volunteering and support that people interact and connect.

Some interviewees held the view that there were some people in the community who held racist views towards new groups who were becoming more and more visible in the region. It was also the perception of a minority of the participants that while there is minimal racism, that is expressed in public, it must be there, because ‘...negative issues about groups are pushed away’. It was also the case that as some indicated, there were racist attitudes and

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cultural stereotyping held by Griffith people about certain groups and that these attitudes did in some way, work to exclude people from participating in mainstream community life.

Contrary to these views people from Indian or Sikh backgrounds were seen by many citizens in the mainstream community to be ‘the new Italians’ - enterprising, very astute/sharp business people and with similar family values as those held by the older and more established Italian community. Indian communities, according to some participants, placed the same emphasis on education of their children and family enterprise as do the Italian community: ‘...they help each other, educate their children and then they buy their own farms’.

Nearly all of those interviewed expressed the view that the highly successful multicultural sporting day organised by the Indian community was not only an economic success, but it was an event that brought the whole community together because ‘...everyone shares the love of sport in this place’.

The excellent work ethic of many of the culturally diverse groups was admired and respected by most of the long-standing residents and participants said that this sentiment was conveyed to new arrivals. According to one participant ‘...having work promotes inclusion in this town’.

Community Harmony and Social Capital Griffith appeared to be a town that historically has nurtured an environment that has encouraged individuals to participate in the life of the community to the best of their ability. This trend, people pointed out, started with the Italian community, and now continues to include people from other ethnic backgrounds.

The majority of participants clearly identified the importance of community life. As one participant pointed out ‘...without participation in the life of the town then people from all groups suffer and in the end the town would cease to exist’.

Participants indicated that the local council was attempting to improve community understanding and acceptance of diversity. This was primarily in the form of a 10-year social plan that included an active multicultural policy, as well as an Indigenous advisory committee. An example of their proactive approach is that they encouraged public art and specifically sought Indigenous participation. Some people specifically cited the highly successful public works program such as mosaics in the street that included young Indigenous people.

Indigenous community leaders also discussed how public events were open to all members of the community and cited the NAIDOC ball and Kids Disco as strategies designed to promote good relationship with the broader and Indigenous community. Indigenous workers were also cited as developing programs that alert other ethnic communities about cultural sensitivity.

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The music, sport and cultural festivals that Griffith is known for continue to be supported and funded by local government and the community alike, and it is these activities that encourage people to ‘...celebrate difference in public places’. Despite these activities many of the participants indicated that education at schools, and through public events, about different cultural practices remains a key long-term strategy to ensure community harmony and economic success. While it was suggested by one participant that there are no visible strategies in place to promote social harmony – which is in contrast to the views of several other participants – it is the nature of the place that as people come into the community and stay for longer periods of time there are increased levels of acceptance.

‘People bring with them family, friendships and networks of their own and these encourage like cultural groups to come settle and in this way extend the community through their work and networks’.

Other participants pointed out that neighbourhood houses have policies and practices in place and that they work closely with crisis and multicultural centres to identify the needs of the community, especially around domestic violence and ongoing language and education needs. The efforts of these agencies also included strategies for connecting with ethnic women who live in temporary accommodation during the picking season.

Medical and ancillary health services that in the past have not been seen as particularly culturally sensitive are being encouraged to translate important information into several languages and there are active strategies to employ and train GPs and outreach workers in culturally sensitive practices.

Resolving structural barriers to participation in the social and economic fabric of the town remain central to the economic and cultural development of the region. Interviewees specifically nominated access to transport, health services and language and continuing education as barriers to be overcome before full participation could be expected from specific sectors of the community (for example, women, Indigenous people and unemployed youth).

EconomicsThe three largest employers in Griffith are the agriculture (18.0 per cent), retail (16.2 per cent) and manufacturing (15.2 per cent) industries. In order for Griffith to thrive and develop most people recognised the importance of attracting people to the community with a range of different skills. Many people indicated the need to encourage new industries to the community and diversification in agriculture, particularly in light of the looming water shortages. The task according to some was to try to attract professionals to set up alternatives to agriculture because currently water holds the key to the economic success of the region.

Most people recognised that the future economic success and development of the region rested in continuing to encourage multicultural diversity in the region, particularly groups of ethnic people who will work in agricultural conditions that Australians will not.

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Concern was expressed by most people interviewed that if the water and irrigation supplies diminish given current drought circumstances, then Griffith would see a threat to the economic and social fabric of their established way of life with a rise in the numbers of unemployed people, welfare recipients and an increase in social unrest, especially if jobs in agriculture decreases

ConclusionGriffith was described as a thriving multicultural community that has managed its economic growth, as well as its diverse community, in a positive way. Interviewees described how the economic opportunities and continued success in Griffith in the short and longer term depended upon integration and acceptance of a diverse cultural community and work force alike. It was suggested by most participants that while there is work to be done in the area of cultural sensitivity, that it takes time to change racist attitudes and stereotyping about specific ethnic groups. It was felt by most participants that slow and gentle introduction of people to each other – especially in the work place, multicultural public events and through young people – is ‘...the way to go in this town’. These were the strategies they indicated that would have longer-term benefits to all in the community. Most participants indicated that there is a need for education of the media about culturally sensitive reporting and the reasons for not reporting only bad news stories about specific ethnic groups.

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KALGOORLIE

General DescriptionThe City of Kalgoorlie-Boulder is located 600km East of Perth and is the main centre of the West Australian Goldfields. It has a population of approximately 28,500,9 which swells to 35,000 when the town’s numerous immigrant workers are included. Kalgoorlie has a history that shows tension between Indigenous and non-Indigenous members of the community. In 1967 when the referendum to give Indigenous people status as Australian citizens was held, Kalgoorlie had the lowest ‘yes’ vote in Australia - 71 per cent compared to a National average of 91 per cent.10 As recently as 2000 a survey of the population determined that there was still substantial prejudice towards Indigenous people.11

Community Diversity and History of ImmigrationThere are numerous Indigenous communities that have lived and continue to live in this region. It was noted that Kalgoorlie has had a long history of immigration and the Italian community is one of the longest established groups. The non-Indigenous population consists of a significant immigrant community. Participants identified a wide range of immigrant groups including: Chinese, Italians, Greek, New Zealanders (Maori and Pakeha), South Africans, Zimbabweans, Filipinos, Vietnamese, English, Scottish, Japanese and people from different South American countries. Of these groups the New Zealanders and South Africans were the groups most commonly identified. Typically immigrants came to Kalgoorlie after having being offered employment, generally in the mining industry. Interviewees suggested that many immigrants have specific skills – both technical/trade and professional – and are well paid. The high incomes and need for inward immigration for the labour market have facilitated immigrant acceptance into the community but have also served to emphasise the gulf between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous experience. All participants stressed the economic benefits of immigration and recognised that the future of the town was dependent upon its capacity to attract new immigrants. Importantly, it was highlighted by a participant that Kalgoorlie also has many internal immigrants, that is, those who are born in Australia but move to Kalgoorlie for work, who may be less likely to make Kalgoorlie their permanent home.

Developing the Interview SampleMembers of the advisory committee suggested a list of people to contact as potential participants. Contact was initially made by telephone and prospective participants were subsequently sent information packs detailing the scope and purpose of the study.

9 Australian Bureau of Statistics, “A Snapshot of Kalgoorlie/Boulder”, quoted in Shelterwa Discussion Paper ‘Kalgoorlie- Boulder Forum’, August 2004, 3. Available from www.shelterwa.org.au. Accessed 31 March 2005. 10 A Pedersen, B Griffiths, N Contos, B Bishop and I Walker, “Attitudes toward Aboriginal Australians in City and Country Settings”, July 2000, Australian Psychologist, Vol.35, No.2, 110. 11 Ibid. 109-117.

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Most participants were permanent residents of Kalgoorlie and second or third generation children of European and British immigrants. One Indigenous person participated. Of the fourteen participants, six were males and eight females. The occupations of the participants varied; but the group included one Indigenous community leader, a female member of an established immigrant community, two male and one female local business leaders, two female workers in the non-profit sector, three male and one female public servant, a locally elected representative and three members of development committees.

Values, Culture and History Participants spoke of the strong work ethic in the town. The majority identified the desire to ‘have a go’ and saw Kalgoorlie as a ‘can do place’. In many respects the work ethic seemed to define an individual’s (and group’s) ‘worth’. All participants asserted that immigrants were accepted into the community and the primary distinction was simply between those who worked and those who did not. Other values identified by participants as significant included: ‘honesty’, ’mateship’, ’pulling together’, ‘friendliness’ and ’family’. However, these values were noted as needing to be viewed within the broader context of work and the nature of work in the town. It is only once people work that they are able to participate in the community and develop the ’mateship’ and friendships that are found amongst much of the community and it is only once they ’pull together’ or work that their contribution to the broader community is recognised.

Inclusion and Exclusion

a) Economic

Most participants identified the Indigenous community as being socially and economically excluded. Although, it was noted that there are some Indigenous people who are seen to be included because they live and work in the town. Typically, participants saw the inability/reluctance of members of the Indigenous community to obtain work as impacting upon their income. One male business leader stated that, ‘...Aboriginal people do not contribute as much [as non Indigenous people] economically.’

This economic exclusion was understood to have a series of social impacts. The low income of members of the Indigenous community affected their capacity to participate in social activities; but more significantly the status of many members of the Indigenous community as ‘unemployed’ meant that they were not valued. A number of participants spoke of their pride in ‘giving’ and their pride that the community contributed to the wealth of the state and the country. In contrast, some Indigenous people were seen as ‘...taking from the system’ and, in some respects, diminishing the overall contribution of the town.

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b) Social

Some participants reported feeling intimidated by members of the Indigenous community. Participants were particularly critical of anti-social behaviour by a small group of ‘fringe dwellers’ – members of the Indigenous community who come in to town from remote and desert communities. Generally participants distinguished the actions of the fringe dwellers from those of the broader Indigenous community who live permanently in Kalgoorlie-Boulder.

Participants generally acknowledged that relations between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous community had recently improved. In this regard one elected representative of the local community stated that, ‘...this used to be the most racist town in Australia’. However, despite these improvements participants identified significant on-going problems and instances of ‘institutionalised racism’. One female business leader gave a recent example of an Indigenous boy being shot while breaking into a sports club. The majority of the population thought that the shooter’s sentence (18 months jail) was too severe. The interviewee acknowledged that this incident and the media coverage surrounding it – particularly in the local paper – had brought a lot of racist sentiment ‘...out of the woodwork’.

Several participants mentioned events that had resulted in the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission conducting a community consultation regarding racism and civil society in Kalgoorlie. The inquiry was significant and contributed to a series of efforts to address racism and exclusion in the community. Other participants also mentioned the role of the media in racialising events that some saw as misunderstandings. In this regard one cited a past headline in the West Australian, which identified Kalgoorlie as the town that ‘...reconciliation forgot’.

Either as a result of the current exclusion or past actions, some Indigenous members of the community were identified as reluctant to access some health and family services. These assertions back up the earlier findings of the Gordon Inquiry, which revealed the lack of services and the appalling social, health and economic realities confronting Indigenous Australians. Community Harmony and Social Capital All participants regarded the level of social harmony between the various immigrant groups in Kalgoorlie as very good. Immigrants generally ‘...came to work’ and were hired because they had specialised skills in the mining industry. The widespread recognition of the importance of immigrants to the economy together with the comparative affluence of many ensured that relations between them and the broader community were harmonious.

While the relationship between immigrant communities and the broader community was recognised as very good, the relationship between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities was perceived as problematic by most participants. A number reported feeling unsafe near certain sections of the Indigenous population and an Indigenous community leader stated that members of the Indigenous community frequently felt under-valued. Alcohol

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was consistently identified as a factor in the abusive behaviour of members of the Indigenous community. One public servant contrasted the ‘dry’ communities from which many members come with the availability of alcohol in Kalgoorlie and also spoke to the difficulty that members of remote communities have in finding accommodation within Kalgoorlie and of finding transport back home. Their lack of accommodation makes them particularly visible and vulnerable.

Sport was seen to provide a practical opportunity for members of various ethnic and immigrant groups to participate and there was a recognition that members of immigrant and Indigenous groups participated in sporting activities; although some interviewees suggested that the presence of racism acted to deter Indigenous involvement.

Participants further indicated the existence of social groups, such as the Filipino women’s group and an Italian Club. In addition a series of initiatives by local community members were recognised as important. These included: 1) expanding the local arts scene; 2) Walk the Talk – a community-based group engaged in reconciliation activities; 3) community theatre groups; and 4) church based groups.

The Indigenous community was not seen to be as active in certain community activities. One female public servant spoke of the Indigenous community itself as fragmented. She identified two ‘mobs’ – each connected to a particular Indigenous family. These groups did not talk and would frequently fight, both verbally and physically, with each other. Informally, the public servant asserted that the fragmentation had made it more difficult for the Indigenous community to seek representation and suggested that it was a factor that contributed to their continued isolation.

Participants also mentioned the impact of the HREOC visit and ongoing initiatives at three tiers of government to address racism. There has been the development of Peace Park, Reconciliation Park, and the Interpretive garden, while the naming of new streets using Indigenous language, the practice of councillors opening community events with a traditional Indigenous welcome to country and the establishment of a formal Reconciliation committee are all indicative of a shift in community attitudes. The Indigenous and non-Indigenous leaders of Kalgoorlie have also developed a Framework Agreement between the Mulga Mallee Regional Council, The Department of Indigenous Affairs, and the LGA that is aimed at taking joint responsibility to address the needs of Indigenous people.

EconomicsKalgoorlie is heavily dependant upon the mining sector, particularly gold and nickel mining. Various service sectors associated with the mining industry were also identified as significant; of the remaining industries tourism was the only one widely recognised as important. The town’s reliance upon mining means that it is sensitive to commodity prices and as a result a number of participants identified the town’s wealth as cyclical – one industry leader

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summing up this sentiment when he asserted that ‘...this is a boom or bust town’.

All participants identified the shortage of skilled labour as a significant factor in inhibiting economic growth. Several participants also identified the need for unskilled labour. One business leader put the point concisely when she said that, ‘...we need anyone we can get’. Two participants mentioned the inherent difficulties associated with recruiting people from overseas on short-term visas. They said that companies are reluctant to invest in training people because of visa uncertainties. Another said that if families are recruited often the main applicant can find employment, but other family members may have difficulty because of reluctance on the part of employers to take on people with limited local experience.

A training provider mentioned that the lack of government support for training programs impacted negatively, especially on the 15-19 year old group. It was also noted that outsourcing might mean training opportunities for local residents are significantly reduced. It was noted that Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) do not necessarily focus on the provision of training, and that private employers are sometimes not sensitive to different cultural realities. In particular, there is a need to develop cultural awareness programs about Indigenous history and values.

Some participants mentioned that Kalgoorlie’s stereotypical representation as a bush town renowned for pubs, and racism works negatively. These were seen as outdated stereotypes and one participant suggested that Kalgoorlie has ‘grown-up’ and requires a new image that can help attract people. Participants mentioned the potential harm of ‘...fly in and fly out’ arrangements and suggested that although this form of employment is useful for mining companies, it allows economic leakage and does not encourage community involvement.

Two participants specifically mentioned initiatives by Indigenous people for Indigenous people and also those sponsored by mining companies that are aimed at enhancing Indigenous capacity. Firstly, it was suggested that mining companies with good public relations and community engagement strategies ostensibly invest more and work more effectively with Indigenous communities. These companies are seen as socially accountable and invest in creating employment and education strategies for Indigenous people. Secondly, Indigenous owned corporations such as the NGAANYATJARRA council were seen as an exemplar for ways in which Indigenous groups can engage economically with the broader community on their own terms.

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ConclusionThe interview data showed that participants felt that immigrant communities are central to the economic viability of the town. They felt that immigrants settle quickly because of work and they bring new skills and knowledge that are required. In many respects the capacity of immigrants to integrate is a product of the way in which they are perceived. Kalgoorlie needs immigrants and this is seen as an indicator of economic success; and in turn they assist in the perpetuation of that success. There is a clear link between the integration of the immigrant population and the town's economic prosperity. However, most participants indicated that many Indigenous people are excluded and do not participate. Participants in the study offered several explanations for the situation and also indicated that leaders in the communities are responding to address the ongoing exclusion. The high level of Indigenous unemployment and the social and economic barriers to Indigenous participation have created an isolated and underprivileged community with limited opportunity to tap into Kalgoorlie’s economic success. This failure limits the development of social capital and restricts economic growth. The key observations are that the town requires inward immigration and that there is an ongoing need to develop creative strategies to respond to the ongoing exclusion of Indigenous people.

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ROBINVALE

General DescriptionRobinvale is located in Swan Hill Rural City Council, approximately 470km North West of Melbourne and is situated on the Murray between Swan Hill and Mildura. It has a population of fewer than 4,000 people; while the town itself has a population of approximately 1,900 people. (ABS, 2001) The local government is based in Swan Hill, over 120kms away.

Robinvale is surrounded on three sides by the Murray River. Irrigated fruit and vegetable farms, as well as a number of wineries, surround the town. Today, it contains the state's largest olive plantation and a major supplier of the country's olive products. Citrus fruits, vegetables, almonds, pistachios and cereal crops are also grown. One of the mainstays of the local economy is the table grape industry.

Community Diversity and History of ImmigrationRobinvale originally started out as a soldier settlement following World War II. Due to the irrigation scheme and the excellent climate and soil conditions the horticultural industry quickly flourished, and has since attracted many new arrivals to the area. Italians first arrived in Robinvale in substantial numbers in the 1950s. Combined with their hard work ethic and horticultural skills, they are now firmly established as part of the community, and own much of the farmland.

While Indigenous people certainly occupied the land prior to any other settlements, all of the current Indigenous population came from other tribes and originally settled at about the same time as the soldier settlements. One participant noted that when the Indigenous people first came into the town, they were settled at Manatunga. However, the housing was both inadequate and inappropriate and Indigenous people began to settle into priority housing in Robinvale after the 1956 floods.

Pacific Islanders, predominantly Tongans, first arrived in the 1980s and are now an accepted and sizeable part of the community although they are generally employed in unskilled labour and many do not speak English. While they have extensive community structures these are internal to the Tongan community rather than engaging with the wider community.

Farms are now owned by second generation Italians whose parents worked the land and then bought it and these are the values with which they believe today’s new arrival workers should emulate.

Since the 1990s there has been a steady stream of primarily Asian immigrants to the area. Vietnamese, Chinese, Filipino, Malaysian, Cambodian and Afghan people are among the newer arrivals.

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The Robinvale region comprises people from as many as 20 Nationalities, with over 20 per cent of the population being born overseas (ABS, 2001). There are substantial numbers of Pacific Islanders, approximately 500 Indigenous people and a number of people from Asian countries (particularly Vietnam and the Philippines). According to the police, several years ago Robinvale had residents from 48 nationalities – people from each of the different Pacific Islands see themselves as a different nationality.

Census data for the Robinvale region indicates that 25 per cent of people speak a language other than English at home (ABS, 2001). Of the 16 languages specified, the major LOTEs spoken in the area, in descending order were: Italian (8 per cent of population), Vietnamese (3 per cent), Greek (3 per cent), Khmer (0.7 per cent), Samoan (0.4 per cent), Filipino (0.4 per cent), and Croatian (0.3 per cent).

Developing the Interview SampleMembers of the steering committee and research team suggested a list of people to contact as potential participants. Initial contact was made via the telephone to invite participation and to identify other possible participants. After several people were identified contact was made and information packs sent to participants. As part of the preliminary data collection, interviews were first conducted in Swan Hill, the regional centre for Robinvale. Further interviewees in Robinvale itself were then identified through a process of ‘snowballing’ from the initial interviewees.

Twenty-six face-to-face interviews were completed between May and June 2005. Twelve of these were with relevant service providers covering the areas of health and welfare, employment, and information and education. The remaining fourteen interviews were conducted with community leaders from the areas of Federal Government and State Governments, law enforcement, the ethnic communities, small business, and the Indigenous community. Occupations of the interviewees ranged from public sector professionals and welfare workers through to a seasonal labourer, small business operators and contractors.

Interviewees spanned a range of ethnicities and birthplaces: Pacific Islander, Vietnamese, Afghani, Cambodian, Greek, Italian and Anglo-Celtic. One Indigenous person participated. Half of the twenty-six participants were female, half male. Their ages ranged approximately from 20s to late 60s.

Values, Culture and HistoryMost interviewees noted Robinvale’s strong immigrant history, and that it attracted people with a will to work hard. As illustrated by the following comment, ‘...there is plenty of work if you want it’.

The strong family values were raised in almost all interviews, and were noted to ‘...lie at the heart of most of the well-established groups’. There is a strong sense of history, pride, and sense of community amongst long-standing residents. For this reason, and due to it being fairly isolated, one participant

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described Robinvale as appearing to be ‘...fiercely independent’ to outsiders, with a unique identity.

Residents cited Robinvale’s strengths as being its diversity, the music (Tongan), local produce, low unemployment, development opportunities, the river, good position between Melbourne and Sydney, being close to Mildura, and the sunshine.

Inclusion and ExclusionParticipants highlighted numerous situations in which inclusion and exclusion occurred that were specifically associated to cultural diversity.

These related to economic structures and skills, language, leadership and communication, inter-ethnic relations, housing, cultural gaps and sport, attitudes and prejudice, age, work ethic, length of residence in the community, and visa status. The most commonly occurring themes will be described below.

a) Economic

Most participants identified an economic racial division, such that:

Anglo-Celtics and Italian-Australians own the farms, have the ‘old’ money and live out of town;

Pacific Islanders and increasingly Asians, mostly Vietnamese, do the manual labour and are paid a basic salary and are poor; and

The Indigenous community is unemployed and welfare dependent.

Some participants specifically noted that due to working such long hours, the Asians and Pacific Islanders have very little time left to invest back into the community, especially of a social, sporting or voluntary nature. Lack of skills were clearly identified as a factor relating to this economic structure that contributes to perpetuating exclusion, for example, one participant commented that there is a lack of Indigenous leadership and managerial skills.

The housing shortage was mentioned by most participants and is clearly a paramount issue. Developers won’t build there because of high costs. Low wages mean people cannot afford high cost homes. One service agency manager said this basic resource is needed before immigrants can be expected to become part of the community. Housing that is available is also often inappropriate. Many Asian families are typically large in size, and are not suited to the traditional western family sized homes.

It was noted that the housing structure – whereby the farmers live out of town and the workers in town – means that people literally live apart. Pacific Islanders and Indigenous people are much more likely to live in commission housing in the centre of town, while immigrants of European origin, who own farms are likely to live on their own properties.

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b) Social

Many participants noted the exclusion of Indigenous, Pacific Islander, and Asian groups from political, social and economic processes because of language barriers. However, it was noted that due to the large number of people from Asian backgrounds, for example, this community was actually providing support to each other, and was self-sufficient. This is despite many in the community being unable to speak English and hence being excluded from the mainstream.

Neither the ethnic communities nor the broader European community have developed strong structures for community participation and leadership. Both the established and immigrant communities bewailed the fact they didn’t know who to talk to get in touch with the ‘other’ or to have organisations to represent their interests. The latter was particularly acute for the Asian new arrivals. One participant stated that despite needing good leadership in Robinvale, often those who would and can lead leave the community, for example, the elderly, and the middle class.

All participants noted the tensions between the Pacific Islander, particularly Tongan, and Indigenous communities. However, the number of people mentioned as being involved in these tensions were relatively small and the issues were specifically said to be more about ‘boy meet girl’ and ‘being young’ rather than racism. Conflicts between the Indigenous and Tongan communities, which have descended into violence, has lead the wider community to exclude both these groups and has created a very negative image of the town which all particpants bemoaned and said was unfair. While recognising this problem, a law enforcement officer stated that crime was actually greater in Mildura but still people move and go on holiday there. Another participant noted that ‘...youth crime rates have dropped significantly over the last three years but the local press appears to revel in blowing up issues out of proportion’. While all participants cited sport as bringing the community together, it was also noted for its ability to enhance exclusion. For example, several participants noted initiatives by some Indigenous residents to start their own football team even though the main team is struggling to get enough players.

Several of those interviewed observed how people shop separately: the Asians in the Asian stores, and people from European descent in the supermarket. Furthermore, the owner of the pub is Asian, but it is reported that Pacific Islanders and Indigenous people, not Asians, generally frequent the pub. Alcohol is seen as a cause of some of the conflict observed.

Almost every participant referred to the many Tongan churches in town. While religion, especially within the Tongan community, is something that is associated with good honest values, and generally tends to lead to acceptance, it was also noted as having the potential to lead to isolation from the rest of the community.

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Some resent the fact that the Indigenous community has its own organisations and resources that are not made available to other communities, such as a health co-op, when Tongans have greater morbidity issues and rate of certain diseases such as diabetes. Negative attitudes – such as ‘...Kooris are lazy’ – are further barriers to political participation.

Participants all stated that there was no evidence of racial hatred as such, but that there was evidence of maintaining a distance from others because of cultural differences.

The groups that have been in Robinvale the longest tend to be the most accepted in the community, as illustrated by the following comment ‘...the Greeks and Italians are all accepted as Aussies now’.

Therefore, it is not surprising that several participants commented that it was only a matter of time before the Asian immigrants – who generally ‘...keep to themselves’ and ‘…don’t mix’ – also become included into community life. However, acceptance tends to be conditional upon new arrivals respecting and sharing values of the ‘host’ culture, with the onus being on new arrivals to make the effort to be included.

Community Harmony and Social CapitalThe overriding impression gained from participants was that there was not a high level of integration in Robinvale, and in cases where participants stated that the community was harmonious it was because people from different backgrounds kept largely to themselves.

While people tend ‘...to just get on with it’, interaction usually happens within groups, rather than between them, and people don’t integrate. As one participant described it, ‘...there is no sense of community’. Opinion is divided as to whether things will change and become more inclusive over time.

Crime is perceived to be a problem both within and outside of the community. Many participants expressed that it was ‘...not safe at night’ and police numbers are three times than the average for a town of Robinvale’s size. However, it was also noted that crime rates are substantially worse in Mildura, and that, in the usual way, it is the result of kids with nothing better to do.

Harmony is also an issue not solely limited to interactions between groups. However, it emerged that there are several subdivisions within groups that can be a source of disharmony. For example, there are three different Indigenous ‘tribes’, and two distinct Afghan groups, each of which have deeply entrenched, historical, conflicts.

For a large majority of people from all backgrounds, there was not necessarily an overwhelming sense of liking Robinvale. Reasons for being there were mainly related to work opportunities and family ties.

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As an indication of attempts to promote inclusion, the recent 80 th birthday celebrations were combined with the annual multicultural event. However, the community has divided opinions as to the success of this event.

Economics Robinvale was described as a booming agricultural industry, driven by a great climate, good soil, and a plentiful water supply. Participants specifically noted the large number of agricultural products grown in the region, which included olives and almonds. In the light of such a large agricultural industry, all interviewees were aware of how reliant Robinvale is upon having a substantial workforce, and at times during peak season, one employment agency noted only being able to fill 50 per cent of the jobs available. Employment opportunities, however, are limited due to their seasonal and unskilled nature. As with many other regional towns, there is a lack of skilled professionals, coupled with difficulties in retention.

While Robinvale has a booming agricultural industry, and people from all different backgrounds are attracted by the potential to earn good money, participants noted that they are unlikely to settle permanently in Robinvale, and are thus unlikely to contribute to and bolster ongoing economic development. The reasons given for this included a lack of appropriate infrastructure (for example, housing and local services) and a lack of educational and training opportunities.

For the longer standing residents, interviewees noted the large gap between the rich and the poor. At one end there are the Italian-Australian farm owners, and the other Anglo-Celtic immigrants working in local government and health services. At the other end of the spectrum, there are the long-term unemployed people, who receive dole payments and are placed on urgent waiting lists for housing. One Indigenous health worker noted that, as well as there being a lack of houses, when they do become available real estate processes are ’tough’ for low income earners who have no access to government bonds. Furthermore, for people on the dole, there is no incentive to find work because they may make themselves ineligible for emergency housing, or if they already have emergency housing they can be removed. The high levels of associated substance abuse also hinders economic development, in that users are likely to be unemployed, unmotivated to get employment, and when they do get employment they are less likely to stick at it.

Many participants from all backgrounds reported having to travel to Melbourne or Mildura for health services that were unavailable in Robinvale. This included reasons relating to a lack of culturally appropriate services, as well as the lack the appropriate equipment locally. This need to travel for services is further compounded by the lack of public transport. For those that can afford it, some may choose to live outside of Robinvale and for their children to gain an education elsewhere.

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Consequently, while Robinvale appears to have great economic potential, both due to the high numbers of people it attracts to the area and due to its existing population, this potential is not being realised.

ConclusionRobinvale is a highly diverse community that has seen immigrants arriving in the region from its earliest days (post World War Two), up to the present day. While it has been able to sustain itself due to its booming agricultural industry, clearly, there are some tensions existing between different groups in the community, which is associated with a lack of civil leadership to address these issues. This has had a negative impact on educational outcomes and labour retention in the area.

However, there is some evidence to suggest that these issues can and are being addressed. This is through community activities, such as the annual multicultural festival, and the recruitment of an ethnic health worker.

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QUANTITATIVE DATAThe main methodology used in this study was qualitative data collection. However, relevant quantitative data for profiling the four case study communities was also collected. The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS, 2001) was the primary source for the quantitative data used in this report.

It is pertinent to acknowledge the potentially unreliable nature of the numerical data presented. In Robinvale, for example, in the words of one participant ‘...many people who live or come here are fearful of immigration, have personal histories of persecution, are itinerant etc and so accurate data is extremely difficult’. Therefore, the census data is unlikely to reflect the exact demographic make-up of the region.12 Furthermore, of the data that is available, it varies in the geographical area that it is accounting for, and can therefore appear to be inconsistent.

For the purpose of this report, therefore, the most relevant data were used to match the study areas. Furthermore, all data for each region correspond to the same geographic areas, unless otherwise stated. These are as follows: for Shepparton, data refers to the area known as Greater Shepparton; for Griffith, the data corresponds to the City only; for Kalgoorlie, data corresponds to that of the Kalgoorlie-Boulder townships; and for Robinvale, data corresponds to the Statistical Local Area.

When interpreting the tables, it must be noted that the economic data does not always reflect the diversity found within groups, which is one reason for using both qualitative and quantitative data. Furthermore, as one participant noted, the data does not always make visible or acknowledge public housing support, or other levels of support, that may be received.

12 Because of the inaccuracy of this data, the Australian Government are currently commissioning a private consultancy, Success Works, to do a scoping project to map the Robinvale region in order to get a more accurate picture.

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NOTE:

All tables are based on the 2001 Census of Australia and the various Indices were prepared by the ABS based on the 2001 Census

Table 1: Selected characteristics of sample regions

Variables:Study areas

Robinvale Shepparton Griffith Kalgoorlie

Total Persons 3,917 55,210 23,805 28,818

Male 2,024(51.7%)

27,414(49.7%)

12,039 (50.6%)

15,256 (52.9%)

Female 1,893(48.3%)

27,796(50.3%)

11,766 (49.4%)

13,562 (47.1%)

Median Age 32 years 34 years 33 years 30 years

Total born overseas

795(20.3%)

5,677(10.3%)

3,996 (16.8%)

4,348 (15.1%)

Australian citizen

3,406(87%)

50,489(91.4%)

21,329 (89.6%)

24,217(84%)

Total Indigenous

360(9.2%)

1,459(2.6%)

874(3.7%)

1,855(6.4%)

Median weekly individual income

$300 - $399 $300 - $399 $300-$399 $500-$599

Speak English only

2,728(69.7%)

47,133(85.4%)

17,818 (74.8%)

25,173 (87.4%)

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Table 2: Selected characteristic aggregates

Variables:

Aggregates

Australia New South Wales Victoria Western

Australia

Total Persons 18,972,350 6,371,745 4,664,950 1,851,252

Male 9,365,941 (49.37%)

3,145,445 (49.37%)

2,279,061 (48.85%)

922,268 (49.81%)

Female 9,606,409 (50.63%)

3,226,300 (50.63%)

2,365,889 (51.15%)

928,984 (50.19%)

Median Age 35 years 35 years 35 years 34 years

Total born overseas

4,105,444 (21.64%)

1,474,987 (23.15%)

1,080,344 (23.16%)

495,240 (26.75%)

Australian citizen

16,559,774 (87.28%)

5,507,601 (86.44%)

4,072,755 (87.31%)

1,583,558 (85.54%)

Total Indigenous

410,003 (2.16%)

119,865 (1.89%)

25,078 (0.54%)

58,496 (3.16%)

Median weekly individual income

$300 - $399 $300 - $399 $300 - $399 $300 - $399

Speak English only

15,013,965(79.14%)

4,777,493 (74.98%)

3,474,068 (74.47%)

1,539,060 (83.14%)

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Table 3: Education levels and occupation of sample region

Variables:Study areas

Robinvale Shepparton Griffith Kalgoorlie

EducationBachelor degree or higher 127

(5%)3,193(8%)

1,157(7%)

1,768(9%)

Diploma/Advanced diploma 78(3%)

1,752(4%)

605(4%)

784(4%)

Certificate III or IV 241(9%)

5,079(13%)

2,370(14%)

3,365(17%)

Certificate I/II or > Year 10 1,148(42%)

16,52(41%)

7,036(41%)

9,182(47%)

Other educational attainment 1,128(41%)

13,854(34%)

5,838(34%)

4,539(23%)

% of total working age not employed 43% 42% 38% 33%

Occupation Managers, Administrators and Professionals

36% 28% 28% 19%

Associate Professionals 8% 11% 9% 13%Tradespersons and Related Workers & Advanced Clerical and Service Workers

11% 14% 17% 22%

Intermediate clerical, sales and service workers, Intermediate production and transport workers, Elementary clerical, sales and service workers, Labourers and related workers.

45% 47% 46% 46%

Source: ABS 2001 Census & BTRE Education, Skills and Qualifications database available from: http://www.btre.gov.au/docs/infopapers/ip51/ip51.aspx. Accessed April 9, 2005.

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Table 4: Education levels and occupation aggregates

Variables:Aggregates

Australia New South Wales Victoria Western

Australia

EducationBachelor degree or higher 1,818,407

(12.9%)646,744 (13.5%)

499,951 (14.1%)

163,068 (12.1%)

Diploma/Advanced diploma 846,676 (6.0%)

298,867 (6.3%)

216,261 (6.1%)

86,276 (6.4%)

Certificate III or IV 1,836,297 (13.0%)

628,327 (13.1%)

433,686 (12.3%)

186,571 (13.8%)

Certificate I/II or > Year 10 5,968,780 (42.3%)

1,933,163 (40.4%)

1,403,505 (39.7%)

624,950 (46.2%)

Other educational attainment 3,648,839 (25.8%)

1,274,727 (26.7%)

985,483 (27.8%)

291,356 (21.5%)

% of total working age not employed 44% 45% 43% 42%Occupation

Managers, Administrators and Professionals

28% 29% 29% 26%

Associate Professionals 12% 12% 12% 13%Tradespersons and Related Workers & Advanced Clerical and Service Workers

16% 16% 16% 17%

Intermediate clerical, sales and service workers, Intermediate production and transport workers, Elementary clerical, sales and service workers, Labourers and related workers.

44% 43% 43% 44%

Source: ABS 2001 Census & BTRE Education, Skills and Qualifications database available from: http://www.btre.gov.au/docs/infopapers/ip51/ip51.aspx. Accessed April 9, 2005.

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Table 5: The top five industries according to percentage employed

Industry% Employed

Griffith Robinvale Shepparton Kalgoorlie

Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing

18.0 (1) 45.9 (1) 12.5 (3) 0.5 (17)*

Construction 5.8 (7) 4.8 (5) 6.3 (7) 8.1 (4)Education 5.5 (8) 6.0 (4) 6.8 (5)^ 5.7 (7)Health and Community Services

6.6 (5) 8.4 (3) 11.0 (4) 6.8 (6)

Manufacturing 15.2 (3) 3.8 (7) 16.5 (2) 7.7 (5)Mining 0.001(17)* 0.01 (17)* 0.01 (17)* 19.4 (1)Property and Business Services

6.0 (6) 3.8 (6)^ 6.8 (6) 9.7 (3)

Retail Trade 16.2 (2) 9.7 (2) 18.7 (1) 13.1 (2)Wholesale Trade 8.3 (4) 3.6 (8) 5.9 (8) 5.2 (8)

Table 6: The top five industry aggregates

IndustryAggregates

Australia New South Wales

Victoria Western Australia

Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing

4.0 (11) 3.4 (13) 3.5 (11) 4.4 (9)

Construction 6.7 (6) 6.9 (5) 6.6 (6) 7.5 (5)Education 7.2 (5) 6.8 (6) 7.1 (5) 7.3 (6)Health and Community Services

9.7 (4) 9.4 (4) 9.7 (4) 9.6 (4)

Manufacturing 12.2 (2) 11.5 (3) 15.3 (1) 10.2 (3)Mining 0.9 (16) 0.5 (17)* 0.2 (17)* 3.5 (13)Property and Business Services

11.1 (3) 12.2 (2) 11.4 (3) 10.9 (2)

Retail Trade 14.6 (1) 14.2 (1) 14.8 (2) 14.8 (1)Wholesale Trade 5.3 (7) 5.6 (7) 5.6 (7) 5.1 (7)

The figures in parentheses are the ranking of the industry within each location/each state and Australia

^ Same percentage figure but higher gross number* Lowest of the 17 listed industries

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Table 7: Socio-economic indicators

Study area/Region

Standardised Index Mean Value = 1000

Index of advantage13

Index of advantage/

disadvantage14

Index of economic

resources15

Index of education/

occupation16

Griffith (C) 971.81 951.91 980.76 931.15

Lower Murrumbidgee 973.38 947.23 970.57 927.03

Kalgoorlie/Boulder City 987.33 884.92 904.78 951.56

South Eastern (WA) 963.96 985.97 1031.96 939.44

Greater Shepparton (C) 976.74 949.91 961.88 942.15

Goulburn 993.14 950.34 951.98 946.98

Swan Hill (RC) - Robinvale 914.25 899.89 918.08 897.25

Swan Hill (RC) 984.29 954.33 912.71 934.98

Mallee 989.77 937.38 930.96 943.33 Relevant States

New South Wales 1000.46 1015.34 1030.51 1009.7

Victoria 1014.59 1012.02 1011.44 1008.86

Western Australia 1003.58 1006.76 1006.73 998.54

Australia 1002.17 1004.87 1009.32 1001.25

13 Index of Advantage: This index is derived from attributes such as income, educational attainment, unemployment, and dwellings without motor vehicles. In particular it focuses on low-income earners, relatively lower educational attainment and high unemployment.14 Index of Advantage/Disadvantage: This index is a continuum of advantage to disadvantage and is available for both urban and rural areas. Low values indicate areas of disadvantage, and high values indicate areas of advantage. It takes into account variables relating to income, education, occupation, wealth, and living conditions. An area’s infrastructure (schools/community services/shops and transport) are not included. This is an important omission affecting this index.15 Index of Economic Resources: Variables for this index include those relating to the income, expenditure and assets of families, such as family income, rent paid, mortgage repayments, and dwelling size. Inherited wealth, savings, indebtedness and property values are not included.16 Index of Education and Occupation: This index includes variables relating to the educational and occupational characteristics of communities, such as the proportion of people with a higher qualification or those employed in a skilled occupation.

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