Growth, Equity, and Sustainability: A CaseStudy of the Impacts of Green Revolution

Change in Ceará, Northeast Brazil

Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation

Authors de Oliveira Mayorga, Fernando Daniel

Publisher The University of Arizona.

Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this materialis made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona.Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such aspublic display or performance) of protected items is prohibitedexcept with permission of the author.

Download date 01/07/2018 12:50:11

Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/596085

1

GROWTH, EQUITY, AND SUSTAINABILITY: A CASE STUDY OF THE

IMPACTS OF GREEN REVOLUTION CHANGE IN CEARÁ, NORTHEAST

BRAZIL

By

Fernando Daniel de Oliveira Mayorga

________________________________

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the

GRADUATE INTERDISCIPLINARY PROGRAM IN

ARID LANDS RESOURCE SCIENCES

For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

2016

2

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

GRADUATE COLLEGE

As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the

dissertation prepared by Fernando Daniel de Oliveira Mayorga entitled

“Growth, Equity, and Sustainability: A Case Study of the Impacts of Green

Revolution Change in Ceará, Northeast Brazil” that it be accepted as fulfilling

the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

________________________________________________________________________ Date: 12/10/2015

Timothy J. Finan - Chair

_______________________________________________________________________ Date: 12/10/ 2015

Charles F. Hutchinson

_______________________________________________________________________ Date: 12/10/2015

Marcela Vasquez-Leon

_______________________________________________________________________ Date: 12/10/2015

Mamadou A. Baro

______________________________________________________________________ Date: 12/10/2015

Stuart E. Marsh

Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the

candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate

College.

I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction

and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.

________________________________________________ Date: 12/10/2015

Dissertation Director: Timothy J. Finan

3

STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for

an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University

Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.

Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission,

provided that an accurate acknowledgement of the source is made. Requests for

permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in

part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate

College when in his or her judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of

scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the

author.

SIGNED: Fernando Daniel de Oliveira Mayorga

4

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I would like to thank Professor Timothy Joseph Finan, a friend and mentor that I

was lucky to have during my time at the Univesity of Arizona. Destiny had it for you to

be a Peace Corp volunteer in the most unlikely place in the planet, Guaraciaba do Norte

in the middle of Ibapaba. Today I guarantee that Guaraciaba and Ceará are a better place

because of you and the research developed during these past four decades. Thank you

Tim!

I also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Marsh, Dr. Hutchinson, Dr. Vasquez-

León and Dr. Baro for their valid contribution and suggestions.

I would like to acknowledge Padraic Finan who revised and gave important contributions

to the document.

I would like to express my gratitude to Marylou Myers at Arid Lands and Stacey

Buchman at ISS, who went out of their way every time I needed their help. And a special

thanks to all the friends in the Arid Lands Resource Sciences at the University of Arizona.

I would like to thank Professor Patrícia Verônica Pinheiro Sales Lima and Professor

Ahmad Saeed Khan for their support during these years.

A special thank you, to my friends in Guaraciaba do Norte who made this research

possible. A special thanks to Deusidete, Julião, Luis Alberto, Ancelmo and Gleydson to

my friends at EMATERCE and BNB in Guaraciaba, to Antonio Aliomar Albuquerque,

whom spent three full days explaining in every detail how a vegetable farm works in the

Ibiapaba region, Cesar Carvalho, Haroldo Crvalho, in short the whole Carvalho family

which went out of their way to help in the field. Carlos Henrique and Karla who always

give me valuable support when I go to Guaraciaba.

To CNPq, which financed the first phase of this research.

To The Federal University of Ceará – Sobral Campus who gave me the support I needed.

5

DEDICATION

I dedicate this work to the good and hardworking people of Guaraciaba do Norte, who I

learned to admire and love.

To my wife Diana, a Guaraciabense Arretada!, who had the courage to marry me and

patience to see this through and always stood by my side.

To Isabela and Daniel my two loving children – Daddy loves you!

Of course to the two people that I have always looked up to and admired, Irles and Dario.

You have been there for me always. Thank you for all your support, and I hope to

continue to make you proud.

And finally to my brother, the only person apart from me that knows what it means to

carry the weight and responsibilities of the Mayorga family name.

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................. 8

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. 11

ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... 13

CHAPTER ONE ................................................................................................................ 14

INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 14

CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................... 27

THEORIES OF ECONOMIC GROWTH, EQUITY, AND SUSTAINABLE

DEVELOPMENT .............................................................................................................. 27

Economic growth and equality ....................................................................................... 27

Sustainability .................................................................................................................. 37

CHAPTER THREE ........................................................................................................... 47

A FEBRE DO TOMATE - TOMATO FEVER .................................................................. 47

A general context ........................................................................................................... 47

Ceará state ...................................................................................................................... 47

The serra da Ibiapaba and the município of Guaraciaba do Norte ................................. 50

Guaraciaba do Norte: A short history ............................................................................ 57

The tomato story............................................................................................................. 58

The market system ......................................................................................................... 72

General characteristics of the household for the carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators . 74

Demographic characteristics ................................................................................................. 74

Sources of income .................................................................................................................. 79

Vegetable and rainfed production patterns..................................................................... 83

7

CHAPTER FOUR .............................................................................................................. 92

ECONOMIC GROWTH AND THE CHALLENGE OF INCOME DISTRIBUTION

AND POVERTY REDUCTION ....................................................................................... 92

Brazil, the Northeast, Ceará and Guaraciaba do Norte: A brief comparison ................. 95

Land distribution, land tenure and access to credit ...................................................... 103

Infrastructure - drinking water ..................................................................................... 118

Access to credit ............................................................................................................ 123

Production and income ................................................................................................. 131

CHAPTER FIVE ............................................................................................................. 139

TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS IN

GUARACIABA DO NORTE .......................................................................................... 139

The evolution of technical change in vegetable production and their environmental

impacts ......................................................................................................................... 140

Covered netting .................................................................................................................... 141

Nursery seedling production ................................................................................................ 147

Irrigation technology ........................................................................................................... 148

From hose to drip irrigation ................................................................................................ 149

From the river to the deep well ............................................................................................ 151

The Green Revolution and the impacts on health ........................................................ 155

Deforestation ................................................................................................................ 155

Climate change ............................................................................................................. 156

Organic farming: An alternative to the Green Revolution technology ........................ 158

CHAPTER SIX ................................................................................................................ 160

CONCLUSIONS AND FINAL CONSIDERATIONS ................................................... 160

Suggested research ....................................................................................................... 163

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 165

8

LIST OF FIGURES

Map 1: Map of the state of Ceará. ...................................................................................... 18

Map 2: Map of Guaraciaba do Norte and its location in relation to the Ibiapaba micro

region in the state of Ceará, Northeast Brazil. ................................................................... 51

Figure 1: Geographical and temporal dimensions of sustainable development................. 42

Figure 2: View of the Ibiapaba highland with a sharp escarpment to the east. ................. 53

Figure 3: Historic monthly average precipitation for the zona húmida and the carrasco

located in the município of Guaraciaba do Norte. ............................................................. 54

Figure 4: Typical landscape of the zona húmida, following the Piau River in Guaraciaba

do Norte. ............................................................................................................................ 55

Figure 5: Typical landscape of the carrasco, between the communities of Boqueirão and

Descoberta in Guaraciaba do Norte. .................................................................................. 56

Figure 6: Total area cultivated of tomato in hectares in the Ibiapaba micro-region (1974-

2010). ................................................................................................................................. 64

Figure 7: Tomato productivity for the municipalities of Guaraciaba do Norte, Tianguá,

Ubajara and the Ibiapaba micro-region (tons/hectare – 1974-2010). ................................ 69

Figure 8: Average monthly production of tomato in tons (2005 to 2012) and average

precipitation (mm) during the same period in Guaraciaba do Norte. ................................ 70

Figure 9: Production, productivity and average price of box of tomato for the município

of Guaraciaba do Norte (1974 – 2010). ............................................................................. 72

Figure 10: Education level of head of household for three categories: carrasco, zona

húmida and irrigators. ........................................................................................................ 79

Figure 11: Proportional and absolute income from agricultural and non-agricultural

activities, considering the different categories. .................................................................. 80

Figure 12: Proportional and absolute income from agricultural activities, production,

livestock and day labor, considering the different categories. ........................................... 81

9

LIST OF FIGURES - continued

Figure 13: Proportional and absolute income from non agricultural activities, bolsa

família, retirement, crop insurance and remittances, considering the different categories.

............................................................................................................................................ 82

Figure 14: Land preparation for seeding, considering the carrasco, zona húmida and

irrigators category, in percentages. .................................................................................... 83

Figure 15: Average area crop distribution for the rainfed categories of the carrasco and

zona húmida in percentage. ................................................................................................ 86

Figure 16: Source of bean seeds used for harvest in the carrasco and zona húmida

categories in percentage. .................................................................................................... 87

Figure 17: Source of corn seeds used for harvest in the carrasco and zona húmida

categories in percentage. .................................................................................................... 89

Figure 18: Average monthly production of tomato in tons (2005 to 2012) and average

price of 25 kg box of tomato during the same period in Guaraciaba do Norte. ................. 89

Figure 19: Proportional participation in production and revenue of the main crops

harvested by the irrigators category. .................................................................................. 91

Figure 20: Gini Index for the state of Ceará, the Southeast region and Brazil. ................. 98

Figure 21:Land ownership of the first plot of land for carrasco, zona húmida and

irrigators in Guaraciaba de Norte- Ceará. ........................................................................ 109

Figure 22: Land ownership of the second plot of land for carrasco, zona húmida and

irrigators in Guaraciaba de Norte- Ceará ......................................................................... 110

Figure 23:Land productivity classification according to plot and different categories of

the carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in years of above average precipitations. ........ 113

Figure 24:Land productivity classification according to plot and different categories of

the carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in years of below average precipitations. ........ 114

Figure 25: Field that suffered with total lost of rainfed production (beans and corn) in

Descoberta, carrasco region, Guaraciaba do Norte. ......................................................... 115

Figure 26: Main source of force used to prepare the land. .............................................. 116

10

LIST OF FIGURES - continued

Figure 27: Type of water source for agricultural irrigation. ............................................ 117

Figure 28: Distribution of rural producers according to the main source of drinking water.

carrasco segments, zona húmida and irrigators in the municipality of Guaraciaba Norte-

Ceará. ............................................................................................................................... 119

Figure 29: Distribution of rural producers according to the opinion on water quality.

Carrasco segments, zona húmida and irrigators in the municipality of Guaraciaba Norte-

Ceará. ............................................................................................................................... 121

Figure 30: Water tanker supplying a cisterna near the Castanhão water reservoir during

the 2013 drought. ............................................................................................................. 122

Figure 31: Distribution of rural producers according to the realization of loans through

banks or other financial institution for the 2013 harvest for the carrasco, zona húmida and

irrigators segments in Guaraciaba do Norte. .................................................................... 124

Figure 32: Distribution of rural producers that have taken loans through banks or other

financial institution in the last five years excluding the 2013 harvest for the carrasco, zona

húmida and irrigators segments in Guaraciaba do Norte ................................................. 126

Figure 33: Total loans (costs, investment and commercialization) and total number

contracts for agriculture in Guaraciaba do Norte 1993 to 2012. ...................................... 130

Figure 34: Proportion of households with at least one individual benefited from rural

pension: carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in Guaraciaba do Norte. ......................... 137

Figure 35:Open field of tomato production (in its final cycle), in Cruz das Almas,

Guaraciaba do Norte. ....................................................................................................... 142

Figure 36: Covered vegetable plantings in Timbaúba, Guaraciaba do Norte. ................. 144

Figure 37: Drip irrigation method used in the production of cabbage near Picada in

Guaraciaba do Norte. ....................................................................................................... 150

11

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Regional participation in the Brazilian GDP formation in percentage. Constant

2000 prices. ........................................................................................................................ 31

Table 2:Per capita GDP comparison for the five Brazilian macro regions, state of Ceará

and município of Guaraciaba do Norte (1960-2010). Constant 2000 prices. .................... 32

Table 3:Northeast per capita GDP proportion compared to North, Center-West, South

and Southeast regions and Brazil, from 1960 to 2010. Constant 2000 prices. .................. 33

Table 4:Percentage of the poor population for the five Brazilian macro regions compared

to Brazil and the state of Ceará. ......................................................................................... 34

Table 5: Income ratio between the 10% most wealthy and the 40% most poor for the five

Brazilian macro regions compared to Brazil and the state of Ceará. ................................. 36

Table 6: Evolution of urban and rural population (%). ...................................................... 56

Table 7: Evolution of urban and rural economic active population (%) ............................ 57

Table 8: Tomato production in tons for the micro region of Ibiapaba and the state of

Ceará. ................................................................................................................................. 62

Table 9: Descriptive statistics of the number of residents in the household considering the

different categories*. .......................................................................................................... 75

Table 10: Relative frequency distribution of gender of the head of household considering

the different categories*. .................................................................................................... 75

Table 11: Descriptive statistics of the average age of the head of household considering

the different categories*. .................................................................................................... 76

Table 12: Relative frequency distribution of migration of the head of household

considering the different categories*. ................................................................................ 77

Table 13: Theil L Index for the municípios of the Ibiapaba region compared to Brazil, the

Northeast region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza. ........................................... 96

Table 14: Percentage of the poor population for the municípios of the Ibiapaba region

compared to Brazil, the Northeast region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza. ..... 97

Table 15: Income ratio between the 10% most wealthy and the 40% most poor for the

municípios of the Ibiapaba micro region compared to Brazil, Ceará and Fortaleza. ......... 99

12

LIST OF TABLES - continued

Table 16: Human Development Index for the municípios of the Ibiapaba micro region

compared to Brazil, the Northeast region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza. ... 100

Table 17: Infant Mortality rate for the municípios of the Ibiapaba micro region compared

to Brazil, the Northeast region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza. ................... 101

Table 18: Percentage of illiterate individuals (age 15 and over) unable to write a simple

note for the municípios of the Ibiapaba micro region compared to Brazil, the Northeast

region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza. .......................................................... 102

Table 19: Proportion of agricultural estates (est.) and the area they occupy stratified by

the groups of area in hectares for Guaraciaba do Norte. .................................................. 105

Table 20: Percentage of estates and corresponding area according to land ownership for

Guaraciaba do Norte. ....................................................................................................... 107

Table 21: Relative frequency distribution of producers according to the quantity of plots

cultivated for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in Guaraciaba do Norte- Ceará. ...... 108

Table 22: Average size of the plots in hectares cultivated considering the different

categories of the carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators. ................................................... 112

Table 23: Descriptive statistics for the variable amount loaned from financial institution

for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in Guaraciaba do Norte*. (R$). ....................... 128

Table 24: Relative frequency distribution according to participation in the bolsa família

program for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators. .......................................................... 132

Table 25: Relative frequency distribution according to participation in in the bolsa

estiagem for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators. ......................................................... 134

Table 26: Descriptive statistics for the variable total monthly amount of income in the

household for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators*. (R$). ............................................ 136

13

ABSTRACT

The objective of this dissertation is to understand the impacts of the Green Revolution on

well-being, poverty and on the natural environment within a case study of Guaraciaba do

Norte, a small município on a highland plateau surrounded by the semi-arid caatinga in

Northeast Brazil. The Green Revolution technology was introduced in the early 1970’s

and has since transformed the município of Guaraciaba do Norte. Through the analysis of

empirical data three different categories of stakeholders were identified and compared,

the traditional rainfed producers located in the carrasco (semi-arid region) and zona

húmida (humid zone of the plateau) and the Green Revolution producers called irrigators,

located along the rivers. With respects to well-being, the research shows that the Green

Revolution had a significant and positive affect on economic growth and development,

reducing inequality and poverty levels in the município, as well as having significant

multiplier effect on the non-agricultural sector, which is highly dependent on the

vegetable production activates. Despite this, there are concerns of increased levels of

vulnerability and its role in restricting access of new producers in adopting this

technology. The abusive use of pesticides in the initial stages and improper disposal of

packaging created environmental issues however, these have been resolved over time.

Addtionally, climate change effects have led to concerns related to the reduced water

availability and consequently the future of agricultural activity in the region.

14

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

The World Commission on Environment and Development, known as the

Brundtland Commission, introduced the concept of Sustainable Development (SD) in

1987 by famously defining it as “development which meets the needs of the present,

without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” By

focusing on the preservation of natural resources for future generations needs, the

environment now assumed a major importance, and development could no longer be seen

as only a process of economic growth. This concept of sustainability changed how

development practice, at all scales, would be carried on.

Sustainability, however, is more expansive than just the protection of the pool of

environmental resources for future generations, but also includes a greater focus on

improved quality of life and livelihoods for the poor, which are often excluded from the

benefits of economic based growth. Thus sustainability must be judged in terms of the

quality of education, health, and employment opportunities with the explicit goal

reducing livelihood hardship and eliminating poverty.

The understanding of sustainability has evolved (Redclift 1992) and today is

closely related to concepts such as food security, livelihood security, vulnerability and

resilience (Frankenberger and Nelson 2013; Frankenberger et al. 2013, Adger and Kelly

1999). In many ways, sustainable development has fostered a new generation of thinking

and analysis that combines the theoretical contributions from ecological economics,

political ecology and “development as freedom” (Sneddon et al. 2006).

15

The concept of sustainability has traditionally had an immense application in

agriculture. It was introduced in 1991 at the Conference on Agriculture and the

Environment in the Netherlands, organized by the Food and Agricultural Organization

(FAO) at Hertogenbosch. Among the many principles and objectives that were agreed

upon, such as increases in grain yield to ensure food security and eliminate famine and

protection of natural resources for future generations, the conference also determined the

necessity of improving living standards and eliminating poverty in rural areas (Schaller

1993).

The importance of sustainable development is best understood in the critiques of

the Green Revolution, one of the more important chapters in the history of development.

The Green Revolution directly addressed the urgent need to increase the global

availability of food to combat famine and widespread hunger. It was first articulated in

Mexico in the 1950 under the direction of Nobel Laureate, Dr. Norman Borlaug, who

worked at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT) in Mexico

as part of the global Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR).

Combining the results of elaborate plant breeding with intensive input use,

Borlaug’s team was able to create technological packages (hybrid seed, fertilizer,

pesticide and herbicide, irrigation, etc.) that greatly increased the productivity of these

staple grains. These advances were repeated in India and Pakistan, moving them from

food deficit countries and importers of grains to major world food producers and

exporters. The International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) developed high-yielding rice

varieties for South and Southeast Asia resulting in similar food security improvements,

16

soon followed by countries in South America, such as Brazil and Argentina, who became

important players in the international commodities market.

Despite the widespread success in resolving global food crises, the Green

Revolution failed to resolve the problem of rural poverty or hunger and in fact increased

the gaps between the rich and poor. At the same time, possible negative outcomes on the

environment were not considered. Thus sustainable development represents in many ways

a critique and contrast to the successes of the Green Revolution forcing the development

community to examine both the distribution of the growth benefits from these

“technological packages” and their impacts on natural resource endowments.

This dissertation will present a case study of a Green Revolution-like

transformation that took place in Northeast Brazil. With its historic and notorious

portrayal of the region as a dry, forsaken and poor hinterland, the Northeast has been the

object of many development interventions aimed at bolstering growth and alleviating the

desperate conditions of its poor resident population.

Significant economic growth was achieved in this region over the past four

decades but with little improvement in the stark inequities that discriminated the

population. High levels of poverty, income and land concentration are still striking

problems, especially in the rural interior. Moreover, environmental challenges

surrounding the silting of rivers, water shortages due to increasing droughts, and

expanding desertification stemming from improper land use further exacerbate the

economic inequality.

17

Today such goals as environmental sustainability, equality, income distribution,

poverty reduction, social and political empowerment drive development programs all

around the world and provide the core indicators of impact evaluation and success. The

state of Ceará, in the middle of the semi-arid Northeast region1, offers a unique case study

opportunity to explore the complex interrelationships between economic growth, equality,

and environmental impacts.

The economy of the state of Ceará in the 1970’s was agricultural-based. Sixty

percent of the economically active population lived in the rural areas and their livelihoods

were directly or indirectly dependent on agriculture, even though agriculture generated

only eighteen percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the state. Non-farm

employment opportunities were minimal, and ninety percent of the population subsisted

below the poverty line (IPECE, IBGE, various years).

Agriculture can play an important role in development and poverty alleviation in

developing countries (Dethier and Effenberger 2012) and is often a target of development

investment. This was true for Ceará in the 1970s, where the World Bank and the

Northeast Development Bank (Banco do Nordeste) financed a major agricultural

development project in the interior of the state in a highland region called the Serra da

Ibiapaba2 (Map 1). This project, known as the Integrated Rural Development Program

(PDRI), adopted the philosophy and the strategy of the Green Revolution, looking to

1The Northeast Region is comprised of nine states in total: Maranhão, Piauí, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte,

Paraíba, Pernambuco, Bahia, Sergipe and Alagoas, and occupies 18% of the Brazilian territory. 2Located 450 kilometers from Fortaleza, its approximately 900m over sea level. The micro region of

Ibiapaba is comprised of eight municípios: Croata, Guaraciaba do Norte, Ibiapina São Benedito, Ubajara,

Tiangua, Carnaubal and Viçosa do Ceará.

18

technological change as the key for economic growth. One of the municípios3 in the

Ibiapaba region was Guaraciaba do Norte, the site for this case study.

Map 1:Map of the state of Ceará.

3Município is equivalent to a county, with a central administration located in the metropolitan area called

sede. In each sede there is a prefeito(a) or mayor responsible for the management of the município.

19

In 1970, Guaraciaba do Norte was a sleepy highland município with little

commerce and precarious infrastructure that produced sugar cane, beans, fruit, and

cassava flour for consumption in the surrounding communities of sertão (semi-arid

backlands). By the end of the 1970s, inspired by the Green Revolution promise, the

município became one of the largest suppliers of vegetables, primarily tomatoes, within

the state and within the Northeast as a whole. In Guaraciaba, agriculture grew to account

for approximately forty percent of the municípios’ GDP. From the fifteen early green

revolutionary adopters of the 1970’s, Guaraciaba do Norte now has three thousand known

registered producers contributing to the overall Ibiapaba production worth one hundred

and fifty million dollars per year. Indicative of very rapid growth, Guaraciaba’s Human

Development Index value went from a 0.23 in the 1970’s to 0.63 in 2000, while poverty

also declined significantly (from 98% of the município to 73%); this drop cannot be

exclusively attributed to Green Revolution impacts, since poverty levels have decreased

in other parts of the rural Northeast and Ceará, not impacted by the green revolution

(IPECE, IBGE, various years).

Today Guaraciaba do Norte is the top tomato-producing município in the state,

and the economic impacts are evident in the amount of commercial activity,

consumptions patterns, and diversity of employment. What is not so evident, however, is

how such growth was distributed among the different economic actors and what

environmental impacts were suffered. This study seeks to systematically assess how the

benefits of growth clustered within the município and what environmental costs such

growth entailed.

20

This research will show that the consequences of the Green Revolution are highly

complex. Additionally, three broader areas will be examined, where such impacts of

growth should have manifested—in the rural and non-rural labor market, in land

ownership and land use, and in water and land quality. The study will show that

agricultural-led growth in the município of Guaraciaba do Norte did not result in

sustainable development as it is currently conceived and that many challenges will

continue to afflict the region in the wake of this technological change.

The main objective of this study is twofold. First it analyzes the impacts of

technology-based growth in agriculture which resulted in social and economic change in

the município of Guaraciaba do Norte over the past four decades in the context of poverty

reduction and equity. Second, the study looks into the impacts of the introduction of

Green Revolution technology on the environment identifying long term changes in the

environment. In summary, this study shows what happens to a small underdeveloped

region when it is struck by “text book” economic development (or growth). In this

specific case, we see a clear example of development implementation through agricultural

technological change, most popularly known as the Green Revolution. This study will

show that economic growth alone had a limited effect on poverty reduction and income

distribution and that it was the evolution of government and social institutions that played

a fundamental role for the development of the region.

The contribution of this study lies in its finer scale, community-level analysis.

There was dramatic change in Guaraciaba do Norte since 1970, moved along by state

investment policy and the resources of the World Bank; but the impacts on the people of

21

this município and the impacts on their surroundings have not been studied in detail.

What happened in Guaraciaba likely provides a reference point for what happened to

small agricultural communities throughout Brazil as the Green Revolution technology

spread.

This dissertation is divided into six chapters. The introduction defines the problem

and the importance of its study. The second chapter explores the concepts of economic

growth, equality and sustainable development under the Green Revolution. The third

chapter describes the study site, Guaraciaba do Norte, located in the state of Ceará,

Northeast Brazil, and highlights the transformational growth of its agricultural sector due

to the introduction of commercial tomato production. The fourth chapter analyzes the

impact of this rapid economic growth on poverty reduction, and the fifth chapter relates

this growth to environmental sustainability. The last chapter presents concluding remarks.

The methodology for this research is based on a mixed methods approach being

executed in two phases. The first phase was executed, having as reference the MAPLAN

project4 methodology (Nelson, 2005; Nelson and Finan 2009), The justification for the

use of this methodology is the tool kit it provides, giving a complete scope of the study

site. The source of the primary data in this phase was through focus group held

throughout the município and various key interviews with stakeholders and policy

makers, such as the prefeito (Mayor) and the secretary of agriculture for Guaraciaba do

Norte. The meetings for the focus groupswere held in key locations with the objective of

4The primary objective of the MAPLAN project is the stimulation of community members in the process of

participatory planning by using maps to facilitate their analysis in terms of their needs, goals and priorities.

The MAPLAN project has resulted in a finer scale analysis and planning at a neighborhood level in the state

capital, Fortaleza called Projeto Pro Voz – Pro Voice Project.

22

facilitating an easy access to those participating. Five focus groups were held through

August 25th and 29th, 2009. Three in the zona húmida region and two in the carrasco

region.

The target audience of these focus groups consisted of rainfed producers from the

carrasco and zona húmida, community leaders, youth groups, and laborers that worked in

the vegetable fields. The five locations were selected during meetings with EMATERCE

agents, representatives of the secretary of health of the município and leaders in the rural

worker union, given their knowledge of the rural population in Guaraciaba do Norte. .To

guarantee attendance of our targeted audience, factors such as ease of access and distance

to neighboring communities were considered and contacts were made with community

leaders and health agents of various communities. Further information about the

objectives of the research and the focus group events were advertised through the local

radio, the most used source of information among agricultural producers.

During the focus groups, participants were introduced to the objectives of the

research and the different types of activities that were to be carried out during the day.

The participants were then divided equally in each activity, considering the number of

participants and gender. The main issues discussed within the focus groups had the

objective of capturing differences among rainfed producers in the carrasco and rainfed in

the zona húmida. Discussions and activities topics were various including: types of roads

and access to and from the carrasco, water for human and animal consumption,

population pattern and migration during the year considering seasonal variation of

climate, types of crops and cropping patterns, land use change during time, seasonal

23

variability in production, production practices, coping and mitigation strategies during the

year and also climate and precipitation variation and change in time.

The focus groups s were of vital importance for the research because it confirmed

our hypothesis of the existence of different dynamics in play among the stakeholders in

the different regions. It was during these workshops that three key stakeholders of interest

for our study were better identified: the subsistence rainfed agriculture producer located

in the carrasco region, the subsistence rainfed agriculture producer located in the zona

húmida region and the more ‘technologically advanced’ vegetable producer using the

Green Revolution technological package mainly located near the Piau and Guaraciaba

rivers. Both rivers flow from east to west, from the zona húmida to the carrasco. These

producers use the water from the river for irrigation.

Questions such as, what were the constraints suffered from subsistence rainfed

production in the carrasco compared to subsistence rainfed production in the zona húmida

region, and their relationship with those that practice irrigation agriculture for cash crops

were explored during this phase. Specific tools5 also made possible the establishment of

important historical events during the last forty years; such as the construction of basic

infrastructure (roads and electricity) and the introduction of irrigated vegetable production

in the early 1970’s, its effects on labor and consequent income opportunities, as well as

the related impacts on the environment and health.

5Tools such as the History Line and History Table. These tools are able to identify important events that

were responsible for change in a specific location, such as the introduction of electricity, the construction of

a public health clinic or the construction of a road offering easier access, etc.

24

After the workshops in 2009, the second phase took place during June and July of

20136, where ninety survey questionnaires were applied. The objective of the

questionnaires was twofold. First, was the attempt to capture differences between the two

distinct geographical regions – the carrasco and the zona húmida – and how these

differences influence decision making on the (above mentioned) three distinct but

interrelated groups: the carrasco rainfed producer, the zona húmida rainfed producer and

the irrigation producer, using Green Revolution packages, whom shall be referred to as

“irrigators.” Second, was to verify any possible differences from the results obtained in

the 2009 workshops with specific consideration of the discrepancies in precipitation

during 2009 (1827 mm), compared with 2013 (933 mm)7, especially in regards to coping

and mitigation strategies used by the three groups.

To operationalize the survey, the questionnaires were divided in three groups,

thirty questionnaires for each group. This allowed for the verification of the influence of

the two regions (carrasco and the zona húmida) on, as well as the interrelationships of, the

rainfed producers of the carrasco, the rainfed producers of the zona húmida and the

irrigators8. Prior to determining a random sample for the three groups, it was necessary to

establish the spatial differentiation between the two regions, determining what areas, and

6During the period between 2009 and 2013 various semi structured interviews were held with key

stakeholders in the vegetable production chain, such as the main input suppliers, big and small producers

and the middleman.At the same time, semi-structured interviews were held with the secretary of agriculture

and the prefeito to better understand the influence irrigated agriculture had in the economic dynamic of

Guaraciaba do Norte. 7In 2013 the state of Ceará was afflicted with one of the worst droughts of the last fifty years, resulting in

considerable loss for rainfed and irrigators in Guaraciaba do Norte. One of the main consequences was

water shortage in the river, main source of water for the irrigators. This shortage resulted in significant

production loss for horticulturists due to ill planning. 8Irrigators were found in the carrasco, semiarid following the river although the majority are located in the

zona húmida region.

25

the localities within them,that belonged in the carrasco region and which belonged to the

zona húmida region. This was done using the spatial differentiation established in the

Rural Labor Union (RLU) and jointly with technicians from EMATERCE (Empresa de

Assitência Técnica e Extensão Rural do Ceará –Technical Assistance and Rural

Extension Enterprise of Ceará).

The samples for the rainfed producers were drawn randomly in the RLU, where

there is a database with the registration of the majority of those that practice rainfed

agriculture in the muncípio. For Guaraciaba do Norte there were over fifteen thousand

registered small producers. The RLU is a reliable source, given that small agricultural

producers are only granted agricultural retirement pension if registered to the RLU (a

minimum of twelve years of contribution is required); guaranteeing randomness and

coverage of our sample.

The sample for the irrigators was drawn in the Associação dos Produtores Rurais

– Rural Producers Association. In this case the number of members was considerably

inferior when compared to subsistence rainfed producers registered in the RLU, around

three hundred, with only a handful of active members9. The president at the time was a

very well known tomato producer of the Ibiapaba region for his activeness and pro

vegetable production stance.

Statistical analysis was the main method used to analyze the survey data.

Specifically, descriptive analysis, chi-square and ANOVA were used to compare the three

9According to one tomato producer, the Producers Association lacked representation power, since there

were an estimated three thousand vegetable producers in Guaraciaba do Norte alone. The absence of a

cooperation spirit among the producers was repeatedly acknowledged in the surveys, and recognized as a

major constraint for future activities, especially in the occurrence of supply shocks, when market prices are

reduced considerably.

26

different groups. Besides the primary data, secondary data for various years were

collected using the IPEA DATA database. The database consists of an array of data from

different sources, such as the Brazilian Census Bureau – IBGE, the Brazilian FED –

BACEN, the Brazilian Ministry of Agriculture and so on, gathered and organized in one

website10. Specific poverty and per capita income data were also collected for the state of

Ceará in the Economic Research Institute of Ceará – IPECE.

10http://www.ipeadata.gov.br/

27

CHAPTER TWO

THEORIES OF ECONOMIC GROWTH, EQUITY, AND SUSTAINABLE

DEVELOPMENT

This chapter presents the theoretical frameworks that informs the experience and

impacts of the Green Revolution changes in Guaraciaba do Norte. It discusses the

concepts of economic growth, equality, and sustainability then compares them with the

international effort to promote a Green Revolution, that is, the global expansion of high

input agricultural technologies designed to increase food and fiber production.

Economic growth and equality

Economic growth is defined as a nation's ability to increase its production of

goods and services at a rate faster than the growth of the population (Ray, 1998), and is

commonly measured as Gross National Product (GNP) or Gross Domestic Product

(GDP). Conventional, or “orthodox” theories of economic development assume that

‘economic growth is the most important factor contributing to reductions in poverty and

inequality levels’ assuming that growth will ‘trickle’ down through the economy

providing jobs, opportunities for investment, and further increases in consumption

(Nafziger 2006, Ray 1998, Rosenstein-Rodan 1961).

Mainstream economic theory, therefore, concentrate their analysis and arguments

surrounding the importance economic growth has on the overall well-being of the

population. The most frequently used variable in this debate is per capita income (GNP

28

or GDP divided by the number of the total population). ‘Orthodox’ economists tend to see

a correlation or pattern between economic growth, through per capita income, and the

betterment in other variables such as reduction in unemployment, poverty and inequality

levels (Nafziger 2006).

There has been a long discussion about the importance of economic growth and its

role in reducing the gap between the rich and the poor that can be summarize in two

points of view. The first – in line with the ‘orthodox’ mindset – states that economic

development occurs in stages, where income concentration is a necessary initial step in

the evolution of economic development, and that income distribution (equality) will occur

in the long-term at later stages. For these theorists without such concentration, the

accumulation for savings, future investments in specific sectors would not be possible

thereby staggering economic potential. Therefore, income concentration would be

indispensable and necessary, in order to facilitate the capitalistic “take off stage”, thusly

guaranteeing economic growth (Gillis, et al. 1987).

This economic “big-push” is the main theory that supports economic growth as

the backbone for all economic development, where there is an initial concentration of

efforts in specific economic sectors (e.g. industry) and/or population groups with better

education and skills (Rosenstein-Rodan 1961). The logic of such theory relies on the

presupposition that in the long term the diminution of inequality is expected to be

achieved as a result of a ‘trickle-down’ effect in other sectors and population groups that

were not benefited in the initial stages of investments. This line of thought is also referred

to as the Kuznets inverted U curve. In this case economic growth causes growing

29

inequality at the initial stages followed by increasing equality in a later stage (usually

after achieving a threshold of per capita income), where benefits of economic growth are

distributed to the poorer population (Kuznets 1957).

This theory is based on the free market paradigm, and where potential

inefficiencies are “naturally” solved by the same market. Government interventions

through transfers and social expenditures are considered limited in their effectiveness to

reducing absolute poverty. In some cases they argue that such governmental intervention

are harmful, institutionalizing poverty. It becomes clear that this growth philosophy

outweighs the distribution philosophy11 (explained in more detail below).

The second point of view defends a pro-poor12 governmental interventionist

stance when dealing with economic growth and inequality. This view argues that a

society that already shows inequality and begins a period of growth is more susceptible to

remain unequal or become more so. They also affirm that the pattern of distribution rarely

changes in favor of the poor (Nafziger 2006, Ray 1998). Aghion and Bolton (1997)

recognize that efficient economic growth associated with poverty reduction is only

possible if there is direct governmental intervention implementing and directing pro-poor

growth measures to specific groups and sectors, that would otherwise be left unchecked

under the growth philosophy. Considering such concerns of the distribution philosophy,

questions such as, what are specific development measures required in order to achieve a

11Growth philosophy is based on the theory that economic growth alone is capable of reducing poverty

explained by the Big Push theory, trickle down effect and the invisible hand. On the other hand the

distribution philosophy focuses on direct government intervention, with pro-poor growth policies such as

education and employment programs, health and nutrition initiatives, transfer and subsidies, etc.(Nafziger

2006). 12Pro-poor growth are policy measures that result in the reduction of poverty in absolute or relative

terms(Dulcos 2009; Kraay, 2006).

30

more equally distributed growth, and to what extent are these measures efficient in

achieving economic growth with a reduction of inequality, are the bases of this theoretical

group.

Empirical studies generally do not support the growth philosophy showing limited

“trickle-down” effects in developing countries such as Pakistan (Goheer 1999), India

(Gupta 2000) and Taiwan (Hsieh and Hsing 2002). The conclusion of this debate is that

growth alone, obeying the free market rules of the growth philosophy, may reduce

poverty levels in absolute terms but not in relative terms, characterized by the unequal

distribution of income. What happened in Brazil was an exemplary case of the growth

philosophy.

Current world economic data puts Brazil among the ten largest economies of the

world. This economic relevance, however is not reflected in its population well-being,

especially when looking at regional discrepancies. A growth first, distribution later

policy, based on the ‘Big Push’ theory, was the main philosophy adopted by the Brazilian

economic ministry to achieve economic development in the 1960s. There was a

concentration of efforts, investments and improved infrastructure in the southeast region,

especially Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, the country's main industrial center, resulting in

the “brazilian miracle13”.

Meanwhile, the Northeast, including Ceará, had only minor improvements at the

time, and the promises of a second stage ‘trickle-down’ had limited impact in reducing

13Period of high and consistent economic growth, averaging in 14% GDP growth per year from 1968 to

1973, resulting from massive industrial investments in manufacture. Migration from the north and mainly

from the northeast is one of the main characteristics of this period, further increasing regional discrepancies

(Giambiagi et al 2011).

31

poverty and inequality in these “non-benefited” regions (Giambiagi 2011). Table 1

corroborates with the idea of the limited spread effects, we observe that the regional

participation in GDP formation (in percentage) is fairly static during the 1960-2010

period, with the exception of the Center-West region, with participation gains going from

2 % to 9 % of the Brazilian GDP14. The South and mainly Southeast were responsible for

the bulk of the GDP composition.

Table 1: Regional participation in the Brazilian GDP formation in percentage. Constant

2000 prices.

1960 1970 1980 1996 2000 2010

North 2 2 3 4 4 5

Northeast 13 12 12 13 12 13

Center-West 2 4 5 7 8 9

South 16 17 17 18 16 16

Southeast 67 65 63 58 60 57

Brazil 100 100 100 100 100 100

Source: Compiled from data available in IPEA and IBGE, various years.

The consequence of such concentrated efforts are obviously regional

discrepancies in inequality. The northeast is the second most populated region of the

country but comes in last when looking at economic and social indicators, with high

poverty levels. Looking just at the region (Northeast) or state (Ceará) in Table 2, without

any further comparison, might give the impression of considerable economic growth

(through per capita GDP). However, it’s only when looking at the big picture (looking at

all five regions and Brazil as a whole in Table 2), one can conclude how economic

growth and income concentration (in this case regional income concentration in the

14This increase in GDP participation is attributed to the regions increased importance in the international

commodities market (high potential in grain production for export), being the country’s main soybean

producer.

32

Center - South regions15) are important descriptors in the development theory; and in

many developing countries walk hand in hand, having a fundamental role in explaining

unequal regional and intra-regional discrepancies.

Table 2:Per capita GDP comparison for the five Brazilian macro regions, state of Ceará

and município of Guaraciaba do Norte (1960-2010). Constant2000 prices.

1960 1970 1980 1996 2000 2010

North 1,145 1,713 3,878 3,393 4,007 5,667

Northeast 924 1,289 2,639 2,674 3,075 4,265

Center - West 1,127 2,553 6,085 6,556 8,500 11,127

South 2,157 3,137 6,854 7,158 7,736 10,138

Southeast 3,401 5,094 9,259 8,221 9,498 11,594

Brazil 2,234 3,325 6,457 6,023 6,946 8,818

Guaraciaba do Norte 262 436 621 902 1,621 2,500

Ceará 769 1,022 2,238 2,592 3,042 4,110

Source: Compiled from data available in IPEA and IBGE, various years. Value in Brazilian Reais.

Using per capita GDP as comparison, Table 2, demonstrates that in the 1960’s,

among the regions, the Northeast had the lowest, about 30% of the per capita GDP (Table

3) seen in the Southeast (the highest) at that time. Five decades later, in 2010, the

Northeast continues to be last and only slightly reduces the gap with the Southeast by ten

percent (Table 3).

When looking at the state level, Ceará’s per capita GDP follows closely, almost

perfectly aligning with the growth of the Northeast16 (Table 2). In comparison Guaraciaba

do Norte had a considerable increase, going from 34% of Ceara’s per capita GDP in the

15The Center - West, Southeast and South regions form the Center-South region. 16The Northeast’s and Ceará’s per capita GDP have similar values and follow the same trend as seen in

Table 1.

33

1960’s to 60% in 2010; a considerably higher growth than seen at the regional scale

above.

Table 3:Northeastper capita GDP proportion compared to North, Center-West, South

and Southeast regions and Brazil, from 1960 to 2010. Constant 2000 prices.

North Center-

West

South Southeast Brazil

Northeast 1960 81 82 42 27 41

Northeast 1970 75 50 41 25 38

Northeast 1980 68 43 38 28 40

Northeast 1996 79 41 37 32 44

Northeast 2000 77 36 39 32 44

Northeast 2010 75 38 42 36 48

Source: Compiled from data available in IPEA and IBGE, various years.

Per capita income is often considered a good proxy of social well-being by those

who follow the growth philosophy, however does not give sufficient information about

poverty levels or income distribution among different social groups. Table 4 and Table 5,

can give us this further insight on how overall economic growth alone does not guarantee

equal distribution within societies. Therefore can be concluded, for now, that the “big

push’ theory is limited at best and that pro-poor policies would be more effective to close

the gap between the rich and poor.

Table -4 and especially Table 5, helps understand how economic growth does not

necessarily guarantee social equality in the long run. Table 4 gives us the proportion of

the population defined as poor for the five macro regions, the country as a whole and the

state of Ceará. Once again the Northeast is “last” with the highest proportion of the

34

population on or under the poverty line during these four decades17. Considering the ‘big

push’ hypothesis and the overall economic growth, it would be expected for the Northeast

to reduce a higher proportion of the poor than the Southeast, showing the trickle down of

growth in effect. This clearly does not occur, with both regions reducing equally (~30%)

the amount of inhabitants in poverty between 1960 and 2000.

Table 4:Percentage of the poor population for the five Brazilian macro regions compared

to Brazil and the state of Ceará.

1970* 1980* 1991* 2000**

North 80 51 59 50

Northeast 88 66 72 57

Center - West 74 37 40 25

South 70 32 37 20

Southeast 51 23 30 20

Brazil 68 35 45 33

Ceará 90 70 73 57 Source: IBGE – UNDP, various years.

(*) Percentage of individuals with family per capita income up to 50 % of September

1991 minimum wage.

(**)Percentage of individuals with family per capita income up to R$ 75.50, equivalent to

half of August 2000 minimum wage.

While a 30% reduction on poverty levels is by no means insignificant, we cannot

conclude that this reduction is a direct result of a trickle down effect. On the contrary, the

reduction of poverty levels during this period can be credited to a national policy on

minimum wage (Neri 2006) and education (Sotomayor 2004) that resulted in reducing

unequal dispersion of wages. Additionally, macroeconomic stabilization controlling

inflation levels with the Plano Real in the 1990s18 ( Hoffmann 1995) and most recently

17A household is considered to be in the poverty threshold when it has a per capita income of half the

minimum wage, and is considered to be in the indigent threshold when it earns a quarter of minimum wage. 18Hoffmann (1995), found evidence of a positive relation between inequality and inflation especially during

the second half of the 1980s. In other words, inflation causes inequality to increase.

35

conditional cash transfer programs such as Bolsa Família19(Lindert 2005, Hall 2006,

Soares, Ribas and Osório 2010) have provided real gains to minimum wage and income

increases to specific target groups (those under the poverty threshold). A clearer picture

on the role of distribution is drawn on Table 5, offering an idea of the relative poverty

among groups.

Observing Table 5, which shows the income ratio between the 10% most wealthy

and the 40% most poor for the five Brazilian macro regions compared to Brazil and the

state of Ceará, gives a clearer understanding of the distribution dynamics at play.

Considering the regional scale, the ratio in the northeast is relatively stable from the

1970’s to 2005, with the 10% most wealthy having nineteen times the income of the

poorest 40%. This indicates that there was no income distribution or “trickle down”

between the two groups during the period analyzed, despite economic growth. The

southeast once again is the region that shows “better performance” reducing the intra-

regional income gap about eight percent. But the major reduction in poverty seen in 2005,

in all regions can be explained by the implementation of macroeconomic stabilization

policies in the mid 1990’s and the Bolsa Família in 2003 by President Lula’s

administration and not only “big push” dynamics.

Looking at a smaller scale, the state of Ceará alone, observes an opposite trend.

While regionally and nationally there was a slight tendency to reduce the income ratio

between the two different groups, in Ceará there is an increase in the income gap ratio,

19Cash transfer programs were first implemented during the Henrique Cardoso administration (1997-2002)

and expanded during Lula’s term, joining four safety net programs into one: Bolsa Escola, Bolsa

Alimentação, Cartão Alimentação (Fome Zero) and Auxílio Gas were grouped in one single conditional

cash transfer program called Bolsa Família.

36

going from 14 in 1976 to 20 in 2005 and peaking in 1995 at 2520. This indicates that there

was an increase of income concentration levels in favor of the richest ten percent,

therefore augmenting the gap and putting serious doubts on the validity of the ‘big push’

theory.

Table 5: Income ratio between the 10% most wealthy and the 40% most poor for the five

Brazilian macro regions compared to Brazil and the state of Ceará.

1976 1985 1995 2001 2005

North 21 17 21 18 15

Northeast 19 21 23 22 19

Center - West 20 21 21 22 20

South 19 18 18 16 14

Southeast 23 19 19 19 16

Brazil 27 23 24 23 19

Ceará 14 24 25.1 25 20 Source: IBGE, various years.

Recent local studies from IPECE (Instituto de Pesquisas Economicas do Ceara –

Economic Research Institute of Ceará), corroborating with the distribution philosophy,

analyzed data from the 2001 to 2005 PNAD (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de

Domicílios – National Household Research Sample). Isolating causal factors that resulted

in the reduction of poverty levels during this period found that Bolsa Família was mainly

responsible for reducing the gap of per capita income, as seen in Table 5, favoring mainly

those between the poverty and the indigent levels (below Brazlian poverty levels). Oddly

enough, those below indigent level were not as compensated as expected by the cash

transfer policies, due to lack of target planning (de Oliveira, Loureiro and Holanda 2007).

20This peak in concentration levels can be explained by the impacts of “hyperinflation” on the purchase

power of the poor (Hoffmann, 1995). This was during the Sarney administration in the late 1980’s, unable

to control inflation levels averaging 80% per month.

37

Miro, Suliano and de Oliveira (2011) in the most recent study in income

concentration for the state of Ceará, looking at the period from 2003 to 2009, also using

PNAD data, found that government transfers21 were by far the most important factor

explaining reduction in income inequality between the 10% most wealthy and 40% most

poor. The income gap between the two groups in 2009 was 16. Considerably lower when

compared to the 2005 ratio which was 20. The authors recognize the importance

government transfer had during this period highlighting the pro-poor characteristic of

economic growth.

Sustainability

The concept of sustainable development was introduced in 1987, by the World

Commission on Environment and Development (WCED). Their report, Our Common

Future received widespread media and public attention during the United Nations

Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992

(Clark 1995; Redclift 1989, 1991, 1992; Langhelle 1999). The report defines sustainable

development as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising

the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (WCED 1987: 43).

The “sustainability” concept was embodied by international institutions through

two documents written during the UNCED called Agenda 21 and the Rio Declaration.

These documents not only conceptualized sustainability as major goal for international

21The authors looked at three factors, human capital (education), labor opportunities or labor market and

government transfer. They found that government transfer was responsible for just over fifty percent in the

reduction of income inequalities. The factor with smallest contribution was labor market.

38

communities but also considered its achievement impossible to reach without a strong

position in favor of environmental preservation (Constanza and Dally 1992).

Internationally, this concept had an array of reactions and interpretations, which

during the 1980’s and 1990’s were divided into two basic groups.

The first group of scholars believed that the concept was vague with

contradictions. They felt it lacked clear methodological and operational procedure to

achieve “sustainability” and viewed such tasks as “a mystical goal” (Clark 1995: 226).

The notion that economic development and environmental protection could be

harmonized and interdependent was gradually rejected by these scholars and only adopted

by major international institutions, such as the World Bank, United Nations and the

International Monetary Fund, “without prior qualification and discussion” (Clark 1995 :

227).

Their argument was that this concept allowed for a biased interpretation in favor

of the free market economy, using GNP per capita as a growth indicator, while defining

the importance of the environment only as a carrier of valuable natural resources

(i.e.natural capital) used in the production process, subordinating sustainability to

“classic” economic-based development (Clark 1995; Hussen 2004).

Additionally, these critics, especially from biological and environmental sciences

believed that the concept had no contribution to environmental preservation or social

justice, and that its major flaw lay in the inability of humanity to recognize its dependence

upon the natural systems, vital for human survival. To resolve such vagueness the concept

39

needed a more clear set of norms and laws (Redclift 1989, 1991, 1992; Clark 1995, Ross

2009).

The evolution of this critique centered on the role the environment had within the

economic system. Particularly, that the notion that economic growth can be “infinite”

enabled by substitutable characteristics among the natural, physical and human resources.

Coupled with this belief is the use of technological solutions, that results in the rational

use of natural resources with increased efficiency – e.g. do more with less. This approach

towards the environment is referred to as the “weak” sustainability concept, since the

environment is seen as sub-system of the economic domain. Here the environment is not

a restraint to economic growth, since vital non-renewable resources could be easily

substituted by other synthetic input created by human ingenuity and future technology, in

essence an anthropocentric approach (Hussen 2004; Williams and Millington 2004).

The other approach, called the “strong” sustainability concept, addresses the limits

to earth’s resilience and states that the environment has a complementary characteristic.

This is rationalized, given that the first and second laws of thermodynamics renders the

capacity of the natural resources and Earth’s carrying capacity to be finite, thus allowing

for only finite economic growth (Hussen 2004; Williams and Millington 2004). Here, the

conservation of natural capital (Costanza and Daly 1992), and the necessity of creating

an “ecological sustainability” mechanism through moral and legal principles (Ross 2009)

gives to a “bio-centric egalitarian” philosophy (Williams and Millington 2004: 103) that

is vital for operationalizing the concept of Sustainable Development.

40

The second group of scientist defend the original concept of Sustainable

Development, first introduced by the WCED in 1987, and states that there is neither

vagueness nor contradiction in the concept. They focus their analysis on improving the

standards of life and finding ways to sustainably increase the levels of societal and

individual well-being (Langhelle 1999). This shall be the interpretation followed within

this research, understanding that to commune in favor of the environment without

considering the necessity of the poor is a lost cause, since their livelihood is dependent on

surrounding ecosystems.

The desire for the preservation of the environment without consideration of

increased resilience and coping apparatuses to better understand and improve livelihood

strategies that help augment the social well-being of the poor during times of shock and

stress would be insufficient and amiss. However it should be noted that appropriate

consideration will render a task difficult to achieve. This perception is well documented

in the WCED (1987) report.

The environment does not exist as a sphere separate from human actions,

ambitions, and needs, and attempts to defend it in isolation from human concerns

have given the word “environment” a connotation of naiveté in some political

circles (WCED 1987: xi).

The emphases in “satisfying the needs of the world’s poor” was in direct response

to the developing countries concerns, whom were suspicious of the true intent of

developed countries, during this period and further exemplified during the United Nations

Conference held in Rio 92 by resisting to label it as the “Earth Summit”(Victor 2006).

41

A closer look to the WCED (1987) document, Sustainable Development contained

within its definition, two key concepts:

the concept of 'needs', in particular the essential needs of the world's poor, to

which overriding priority should be given; and

the idea of limitations imposed by the state of technology and social organization

on the environment's ability to meet present and future needs (WCED 1987: 43).

There are two insights that can consider when reading the concepts above. First is

that the necessity to meet human needs, especially those of the poor, as the main objective

of development. To resolve the problems of the poor is the central and critical issue over

the long term. This objective was later emphasized with the Millennium Goals

implemented by the UN, where the first goal was to eradicate extreme poverty and

hunger.

The second insight, is the condition (or possibly restriction) that each generation

must pursue the goal of development without debilitating future generations ability to

pursue their needs as well (Langhelle 1999).

The WCED (1987) does recognize that there are ultimately limits to economic

growth by acknowledging the limits of available energy, the restraints of the Earth’s

carrying capacity and the necessity to do more with less. More importantly they recognize

the precondition for successful sustainable development, is the equitable access to scarce

resources (Victor 2006).

The WCED (1987: 43) states, the guarantee of environmental sustainability

“cannot be secured unless development policies pay attention to such considerations as

changes in access to resources and in the distribution of cost and benefits”. In other

42

words, it is a call for access of resources and equal opportunities for all. It is then clear

that to satisfy the needs of the poor and at the same time expect for physical preservation

of the environment, there must be a commitment to pursue social justice, among and

between generations (Figure 1 – from Langhelle 1999:140).

The message that intra and inter generation necessities should be met is clear and

thus a fundamental part of the strategic framework of sustainable development. Any

attempt to preserve the environment by keeping the poor in a state of destitution is not

acceptable (WCED 1987). Sustainable development “requires meeting the basic needs of

all and extending to all the opportunity to satisfy their aspirations for a better life”

(WCED 1987: 44).

Figure 1: Geographical and temporal dimensions of sustainable development.

Geographical Dimension

Tem

pora

l D

imen

sion National Global

Within a

generation

I. Social justice within a

current national

generation.

II. Social justice within

a current global

generation.

Across

generation

III. Social justice across

national generations.

IV.Social justice across

global generations.

As Victor (2006) addresses, the sustainability concept was initially given too

much attention, and was taken off track by years of what he called a “decade of summits”

which resulted in sprawling objectives impossible for any country to achieve. It reached

its lowest point with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) at the 2002 World

Summit on Sustainable Development. Governments, instead, should have spent their time

43

evaluating practical measures that could have been taken to help give way to effective

policymaking.

This “loss of focus”, as reasonably critiqued by Victor (2006), illustrates the need

to readdress the concept of sustainable development. But the fundamental question is how

to do this? What should policymakers and institutions aim for? Victor (2006) establishes

four priorities to address this issue: poverty alleviation, recognition of the environment as

a fundamental (but not exclusive) priority, focusing on the local priorities and creating

incentives for technology solutions.

Inequality can be placed into two of the above priorities; poverty reduction and

the local scale implementation of sustainable development programs. Economic growth

(or development) with an equitable distribution of its benefits is a general consensus in

development literature for poverty alleviation and is primordial for any chance of

environmental sustainability and social justice. But there are other institutional factors

that are just as important, such as fiscal discipline (a priority during the Fernando

Henrique Cardoso administration 1994-2002) market freedom, investments in education,

political freedom and low levels of corruption (Victor 2006).

First, considering poverty reduction, Brazil has over the last four decades

improved in most of the above indicators. Fiscal discipline was a trademark of the

Cardoso administration, which allowed the Lula administration 2002-2010 to deploy one

of the largest cash transfer programs in Brazilian history. Among the different programs,

emphasis has been given to Bolsa Família (The Lula administration’s trademark), which

is largely responsible for the significant reduction in extreme poverty levels. Economic

44

analysis states that Lula was benefited by a positive economic cycle, with GDP gains

averaging 3% per year during his second presidential term, allowing for a boost in

investments on infrastructure and basic services, such as education, healthcare and

housing (FGV 2013). Recently Dilma Rousseff’s first presidential term was able to

continue Lula’s investments in social programs, but “heterodox” economic policy

resulting in considerable fiscal imbalance and economic uncertainty, placed her reelection

at risk (she eventually won). The beginning of her second term has been marked by a

comeback in fiscal austerity22, but not without great political struggle and negotiations in

congress and senate. A potentially good sign of democratic maturing, but possibly at the

cost of poverty alleviation.

In terms of political freedom, Brazil, can be defined as a relatively young

democratic country, where the president is elected through direct vote. This freedom was

won after a quarter of a century of military dictatorship that started in 1964. Institutions,

have since, matured and strengthened the democratic pillars of Brazilian society, with an

emphasis on checks and balances of power applied through the judiciary. A good example

is Collor’s presidential impeachment in 1992, and by the conviction of important political

players during the “mensalão” scandal, accused of corruption during Lula’s mandate. The

latest corruption scandal has seriously shaken Dilma Rousseff’s political power with the

congress and in the senate; where political allies of the government are being accused of

22The budget cuts will affect social programs such as Minha Casa Minha Vida, which can be considered

Dilma’s trademark, is a housing project for the poor population. It is currently under the PAC program

(Programa de Aceleraçõ do Crescimento - Growth Acceleration Program), which suffered from substantial

budget cut (8.6 billion of a total of 26 billion in September 2015).

45

misconduct and corruption using PETROBRAS as a source of embezzlement23. The total

aftermath and effect of the Petrobras scandal has yet to be realized.

Second, sustainable development may be a global problem, but requires local

solutions. This has been a constant argument defended especially in rural areas (Victor

2006, Manjengwa 2007, Glasmeier and Farrigan 2003, Silva 1994), where the

involvement of local people in the process of implementing sustainable development

plans is perceived as being mandatory. Victor (2006: 99), points out that promoting real

sustainable development does not occur through “global action plans” or “universal

principles”. Additionally, he makes it clear that these “global plans” are a highly political

endeavor, regulated mainly by interests and resources that vary widely from one country

to another and concludes that, to obtain significant progress in sustainable development,

bottom up approaches are considered more effective and reliable than global tasks, such

as the UNs MDGs.

The ineffectiveness of global implemented programs for sustainable development

was also confirmed by Manjengwa’s (2007) work in Zimbabwe. The District

Environmental Action Planning (DEAP), an initiative, externally elaborated and donor-

funded, was implemented as a national initiative with little to no local participation in its

creation. The result was disastrous, having no positive impacts on improving the

environment, reducing poverty or augmenting human well-being.

In many ways, the POLONORDESTE project implemented in the mid-1970s in

the Ibiapaba region is similar to DEAP implemented in Zimbabwe, both had the objective

23Petrobras is one of the biggest offshore state-owned petroleum companies in the world. The scandal

involving high political figures is calledPetrolão.

46

of reducing poverty, especially among the very poor, with the slight difference that the

concept of sustainable development did not exist at the time of the POLONORDESTE.

The manner of implementation however was strikingly the same. A top down initiative

“focusing initially on selected priority areas which have especially pronounced poverty

problems and/or immediate development possibilities” (World Bank 1977:3).

In Manjengwa’s (2007) work as in the POLONORDESTE project, fundamental

problems of poverty were not addressed, such as unequal land distribution and inequitable

access to natural resources. If these two fundamental problems are not considered,

problems of overexploitation of natural resources and consequent land degradation will

continue to hamper sustainable development. Further, Manjengwa (2007), found that

sustainable development initiatives were likely to succeed, only, when all sectors of

governance took part (especially capacity and institutional building at the local level).

When it comes to the problem of access to natural resources, Glasmeier and

Farrigan (2003) research in the Appalachian region corroborates with Manjengwa’s

(2007) work. The authors show the importance of land ownership and access to natural

resources as one of the pillars for reducing vulnerability and asset building necessary for

sustainable development initiatives. This is also true for Guaraciaba do Norte where the

majority of the small agricultural laborers are not landowners and are highly dependent

on the natural resources that surround them.

47

CHAPTER THREE

A FEBRE DO TOMATE - TOMATO FEVER

The case of Guaraciaba do Norte, Ceará, Brazil

A general context

The Northeast is perceived by local culture as a place of harshness and human

suffering. This reputation derives from its highly variable semi-arid climate and the

regular occurrence of extreme, catastrophic droughts (see Davis 2001). The Northeast has

a distinct rainy season that usually begins in January and ends in May. In the sertão,

however, the annual rainfall varies widely inter-annually, intra-annually, and spatially

across the landscape. Inadequate rainfall in any one place results in crop loss, livestock

mortality, and a lack of water for human and animal consumption (Finan and Nelson

2001, Nelson 2005, Nelson and Finan 2009,). The challenges of survival in the Northeast

has had demographic consequences with the traditional displacement of sertanejos to the

southern regions of the country in search of work (in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Brasília,

etc.) and to the more recent permanent exodus of young people to urban centers. Once

predominantly rural, the population of the Northeast is now heavily urban, many living on

the extremely poor peripheries of Northeastern cities. Even with the reduction in

population and the decreasing importance of rainfed agriculture and extensive livestock

production, the drought is still a major concern for residents and policy-makers.

Ceará state

48

Ceará is one of the nine states of the Northeast, and 95% of its overall area of

148,920 km² is part of the semi-arid sertão. The population of the state is about eight and

a half million with 25% living in the rural areas (IBGE, 201024). It is also one of the

poorest states of Brazil, with particularly high levels of poverty in the rural interior of the

state25.Similar to the rest of the Northeast, Ceará was settled in the sixteenth century as

early Portuguese adventurers moved inland away from the coastal zone, encountering,

admixing with, and dominating local indigenous groups. The economy that emerged in

Ceará supported the prosperous sugarcane industry along the northeastern coast that had

brought the colony its initial wealth. The vast sertão was carved into massive

landholdings called fazendas, where landowners developed a rural economy based on

extensive cattle raising on the rangelands of this unique ecosystem, known as caatinga,

and the small scale rainfed cultivation of corn and beans resident by sharecroppers

(Johnson 1971).

The large ranches provided dried meat, leather, and draft animals for the sugar

mills and to feed their slave labor. Resident and highly vulnerable sharecroppers also

produced foodstuffs. During the US Civil War, cotton was integrated into this

sharecropping system and a significant amount of wealth was generated into the 20th

century when global competition and the boll weevil26 destroyed the US cotton industry.

The economic and historical forces that characterized the European occupation of the

24See http://www. ibge.gov.br. 25In Ceará, about 51.6% of the population is considered to be poor, and 23.5% are considered to be

extremely poor - below the poverty line# (PNAD, 2009). Chapter Four will have a further in depth

discussion on poverty. 26A small weevil that feeds on the fibers of the cotton boll. It is a major pest of the American cotton crop.

49

Northeast and Ceará created a highly stratified society differentiated by landowning elites

and the landless (and powerless) farmers and farm labor.

Droughts were registered early on in the process of settlement, and it was soon

clear that the life in the sertão would be difficult and challenging (Furtado 2006). The

history of Ceará is thus marked by the frequent occurrence of climate-based crises-many

of which are etched in the social memory of the population. As an example, in 1877-79 an

extended three-year drought resulted in the death of an estimated 500,000 residents of

Ceará, a significant portion of the rural population at that time (Davis 2001).

Drought played a major role in the social formation of the state in that it favored

the emergence of a highly clientelistic system in which the landless poor depended upon

the ranching elites to protect them during crisis. With the rise of state presence and

control during the 19th century, the state increasingly assumed the role of clientelistic

patron. National policies resulted in the construction of many surface reservoirs (açudes)

across Ceará, cloud-seeding programs were introduced, and emergency response systems

were put in place to provide food, water, and income during times of crisis (Nelson and

Finan 2009).

Drought crisis and structural poverty in Ceará (as in the rest of the Northeast) also

created a strong out-migration of young adults from the rural parts of the state to the

urban centers of Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, and Brasília, where they sought their

livelihoods in construction, business, and services. More recently, this migration has

focused on the rural-urban exodus to Fortaleza. Ambitious social transfer policies such as

rural retirement and the conditional cash transfer safety net, bolsa família, have

50

encouraged people to stay in rural areas, but the state population has become heavily

urban (70%) over the last 40 years.

The serra da Ibiapaba and the município of Guaraciaba do Norte

This case study focuses on Guaraciaba do Norte27, one of eight municípios that

make up the Serra da Ibiapaba plateau in the northern region of the state of Ceará located

257 km from Fortaleza, capital of the state (Map 2). The Serra da Ibiapaba sits squarely in

this harsh semi-arid sertão backlands region that characterizes most of the Northeast of

Brazil. But, the Ibiapaba micro-region is in fact a natural oasis within the otherwise

formidable sertão environment. It is a highland plateau with a sharp escarpment to the

east and a gradually sloping elevation to the west and the state of Piauí. The plateau

extends about 100 km in the north-south direction and about 50 km east-west, it rises

from about 500 meters altitude in the west to some 950 meters in the east where the steep

escarpment separates the plateau from a low lying area with an altitude of about 200m,

covering some 4,800 km2 (World Bank 1977: 1). See Figure 2. Its climate and vegetation

are much different from that of the surrounding hinterland.

27Specifically located at -4010’01” south and -40044’51” west.

51

Map 2: Map of Guaraciaba do Norte and its location in relation to the Ibiapaba micro

region in the state of Ceará, Northeast Brazil.

52

There is a major ecological variation within the Serra itself; from east to west-

commonly referred to as the “zona húmida” (humid zone)28 and the “carrasco” (caatinga

vegetation)29. According to the Köppen classification, the narrow zona húmida is

characterized by an Aw’ tropical rain with summer and autumn precipitations, while the

drier carrasco approximates a Bsh, semi-arid region, with most of the precipitation

occurring in the autumn. The average rainfall is approximately 1300 mm per year in the

zona húmida, while in the carrasco30, rainfall only averages 600 mm/year (Figure 3). This

difference is due to the orographic effect of the highland escarpment to the east.

28Among the numerous flora species found in the zona húmida there is Andá-açu (Johannesia princeps

Vell.), Aroeira (Myracrodum urundu va Fr.All.), Angico preto (Anadenanthera macrocarpa (Benth.) Brenan

(Piptadenia macrocarpa Benth.), Bálsamo (Myroxylon peruiferum L.), Baraúna (Schynopsis brasiliensis

Engl.), Cassia javanica, Flambuaian (Delonix regia (Boj.) Raf.), Cumarú (Dipterix alata Vog.), Cumatí

(Myrcia atrametifera Barb. Rodr.), Cedro (Cedrella sp.), Carne de vaca (Pterogyne nitens Tull.). Many

Eucalyptus species (Eucaliptus citriodora Hook., E. saligna Sm., E. tereticornis Smith, E. rostrata Schlecht,

E. robusta Smith, E. viminalis Labill, E. crebra F. Muell., E. alba Reinw., E. muculata Hook., E. paniculata

Smith, E. angulosa Schauer), Faveira (Stryphnodendron purpureum Ducke), Garapa (Apuleia molaris

Spruce), Jatobá (Hymenaea coubaril L.), Tarumá (Vitex flavens H.B.K.), Nogueira do Iguape (Aleurites

moluccana Willd.), Pau d'óleo ou copaíba (Copaifera langsdorffii.), Sabiá (Mimosa caesalpiniiefolia

Benth.), Sabonete (Sapindus saponaria L.), Sapucaia (Lecythis sp.), Sucupira (Bowdichia virgilioides

H.B.K.). Among the species there are also fruit trees such as avocado, cashew, guava, jack tree, orange and

mango. For more detailed information look at icmbio.gov.br (Chico mendes institute linked to the Brazilian

Ministery of the Environment). 29According to Araújo (1998) among the various species found in the carrasco of the Ibiapaba plateau, there

is Pimentinha (Justicia fragilis Mart. and Alternanthera brasiliana (L.) Kuntze), Camucá (Duguetia

riedeliana R.E.Fr.), Pereiro-branco (Aspidosperma multiflorum A.DC.), Camará (Vernonia obscura Less),

Pau-d’árco-amarelo (Tabebuia serratifolia (Vahl) Nicholson), Pau-d’árco-roxo (Tabebuia impetiginosa

(Mart. ex DC) Standl), Mororó (Bauhinia subclavata Benth), Mandacaru (Cereus jamacaru DC) and

Jacarandá (Swartzia flaemingi Raddi). 30 The pluviometers are located in the administrative seat of Guaraciaba do Norte for the zona húmida and

in the community of Várzea Redonda for the carrasco.

53

Figure 2: View of the Ibiapaba highland with a sharp escarpment to the east.

Source: Ministry of the Environment.

The zona húmida stretches for about 100 km from Croatá to Viçosa do Ceará and

is about ten kilometers wide. It is in this section of the landscape and along the rivers Piau

(flows from the sede downstream to Várzea dos Espinhos - in the carrasco) and

Guaraciaba (also flows from the sede downstream to Morrinhos Novos and then

converges with the Inhuçu river), that most irrigated agriculture is carried out, focusing

principally on the production of tomatoes, green peppers, and various fruits such as

passion fruit, banana, avocado, and mango (Figure 4). To the west, there is a shift in the

vegetation to what the locals call the transition zone, where there is a predominance of

onion production. Beyond this zone, there is the striking change to the caatinga

vegetation (Figure 5), typical of the sertão. In this semi-arid zone, agriculture production

shifts to subsistence farming of corn, beans and manioc, the household staples.

54

Figure 3: Historic monthly average precipitation for the zona húmida and the carrasco

located in the município of Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source: FUNCEME (January 1974 to December 2010 for the zona húmida and January 1994 to December

2010 for the carrasco.

Guaraciaba do Norte has a population of 37,000 living on an area of 612km 2, part

of which is under legal dispute with the neighboring município of Croatá, IBGE gives it

an area of 537 km2 (IBGE, various years). As with the state as a whole, Guaraciaba do

Norte had a predominantly rural population with around 10,000 inhabitants in the urban

center. Contrasting the rural-urban shift in the rest of the state, Guaraciaba still has over

half its population distributed in the rural areas (Table 6).

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

350

zona húmida carrasco

55

Figure 4: Typical landscape of the zona húmida, following the Piau River in Guaraciaba

do Norte.

Source: Mayorga, June 2013.

As Table 7, suggests, the urban-rural pattern is also describes the economically

active population. According to the Brazilian Census, those over the age of ten, employed

with some type of wage – money or in-kind, and those that took initiative in looking for a

job in the two month prior the census was taken. Well over half of the workers are

employed in rural areas compared to less than thirty percent in the state and Northeast as

a whole.

56

Figure 5: Typical landscape of the carrasco, between the communities of Boqueirão and

Descoberta in Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source:Mayorga, June 2013.

Table 6: Evolution of urban and rural population (%).

1970 1980 1991 2000 2010

Northeast Region

Urban 42 51 60 69 73

Rural 58 49 40 31 27

Ceará

Urban 41 53 65 72 75

Rural 59 47 35 28 25

Guaraciaba do Norte

Urban 16 21 31 43 46

Rural 84 79 69 57 54

Source: IBGE, various years.

57

Table 7: Evolution of urban and rural economic active population (%)

1970 1980 1991 2000

Northeast Region Urban 38 50 62 72

Rural 62 50 38 28

Ceará Urban 39 55 68 73

Rural 61 45 32 27

Guaraciaba do Norte Urban 16 20 34 44

Rural 84 80 66 56

Source: IBGE, various years.

As measured in terms of contribution to GDP, agriculture has declined in

importance throughout the Northeast and the state of Ceará dropping from around 20% in

1970 to half that in 2008. In Guaraciaba, however, while the share of agriculture in the

GDP has shrunk by half since 1970, it stills is responsible for over 35% of local GDP. It

is possible to suggest that the rapid increase in the services contribution to GDP is due in

large part to the income generated in the agricultural sector. Thus, despite changes

elsewhere, Guaraciaba remains a rural economy (IPEA and IGE, various years).

Guaraciaba do Norte: A short history

The Município of Guaraciaba do Norte, as with the majority of the sertão region,

was colonized by livestock ranchers. The first inhabitant was a priest who traveled the

Ibiapaba region and established a church in 1741, around which a town was formed. The

new community was first namedVila Nova D’el Rei, as part of the Município of Ipú

Grande in 1791. It was by this time already dominated by powerful and traditional

families, the most prominent being the Melo Mourão, Martins Chaves, and Barbosa

families.

58

Political disputes often arose between families, sometimes resulting in murder as

was the case between Colonel Antonio Barbosa Ribeiro and Manuel Martins Chaves. In

1883, the town became an independent município under the new name of Guaraciaba do

Norte. Over the years, its population grew from around 18,000 inhabitants in 1910 to a

present population of almost 40,000. Its area in 1920 of 588 km2 nearly doubled through

time to 980 km2, but the município was split into Guaraciaba and Croatá in 1985, and its

size returned to the earlier area of 537 km2. That the population of Guaraciaba has

continued a rapid growth path and reflects the strength of its local economy when

compared to other municípios in the sertaõ. That the population of Guaraciaba continued

its absolute growth in the face of the loss of nearly half its territory provides the

background for the “tomato story”.

The tomato story

Many say that the story of Guaraciaba do Norte can be divided into two periods:

before and after the arrival of the tomato. Prior to the introduction of commercial tomato

production, the rural economy of Guaraciaba was characterized by the production of

sugarcane in the humid river bottom areas while beans, maize, and manioc were

cultivated in the sandier slopes. A wide variety of fruit trees (mango, avocado, jackfruit),

banana, and coffee were also common on most agricultural properties. The value of

sugarcane was in its processed products, rapadura and cachaça, and the manioc was

processed into farinha, a gross flour consumed with beans31. The small landowners and

31Rapadura is a brown sugar block produced from sugarcane molasses, cachaça is a strong, distilled spirit

from cane juice. Manioc flour is called “farinha de mandioca”. It is processed from the tuber, which is

ground into a pulp from which is removed the toxic liquid, then roasted on top of a brick oven until dry.

59

landless producers mostly cultivated the basic subsistence staples of maize, beans, and

manioc, a pattern which continues to present times.

Tomatoes as a cash crop were first introduced in Guaraciaba do Norte in the fall

of 1970, when an American Peace Corps Volunteer started a demonstration garden with

1000 tomato plants of the variety Santa Cruz. Tomatoes were already grown in some of

the other municípios of the Serra (especially in Ubajara, some 70 kms away), but were

unknown in Guaraciaba (as were most common vegetables, such as carrots, cabbages,

beets, etc.). The Volunteer worked with a small number of poor producers to disseminate

the technology, and gradually the number of producers increased.

In the mid-1970s, the World Bank through the Development Bank of the

Northeast (BNB) launched a major investment program in the Serra da Ibiapaba called

“Plano POLONORDESTE32.” The development strategy of this investment program was

fully consistent with the idea of the Green Revolution as an engine of economic growth. It

promoted an input-intensive technology based on the use of fertilizer, pesticide and

irrigation in areas of high agricultural potential, such as the micro-region of Ibiapaba.

The “tomato fever” began with around 15 pioneer innovators from various levels

of life, whose livelihoods were transformed by the tomato. Most are now retired and their

sons and daughters have continued the tradition. The economic success and social rising

of the early adopters was soon noticed by other agricultural workers and landowners, and

the tomato fever emerged in full force. In Guaraciaba, production increased from four

32In the Serra, the project was called the “Programa de Desenvolvimento Rural Integrado” or “Integrated

Rural Development Program.” The objective of the POLONORDESTE was to increase agricultural

productivity through modernization, investing in electrification, roads, irrigation and also facilitating access

to credit and technical assistance (Gomes 1995).

60

hundred tons in the early 1970’s to fifteen times that in 1980, reaching its peak in the mid

1980’s and then again in the early 2000’s (Table 8). The growth of tomato production in

the Serra da Ibiapaba and Guaraciaba do Norte also reflects the growth of the total area

cultivated in tomatoes for the entire Serra from 1970-2010 (Figure 6). Much of this

growth in the 1980s was concentrated in Guaraciaba. The structure of production also

increased significantly during this growth period in Guaraciaba with the influx of

outsiders from the Serra de Baturité, a highland region near the capital city of Fortaleza,

who came with experience in tomato production and began to rent land in the

município33.

Tomatoes and subsequently other vegetables were sent to the capital cities of

Ceará (Fortaleza--300 km), Piauí (Teresina--300 km), Maranhão (São Luis--450 km), and

even Pará (Belém--700 km) through a marketing system comprised of local marketing

agents (Finan 1981). In Guaraciaba, the marketing system was made up of local

assemblers who purchased from producers, classified, and packaged the product for the

truckers. As market signals determined the demand for other products, such as green

peppers, carrots, beets, cabbages, etc., the producers of Guaraciaba began to respond, thus

diversifying their portfolio.

The spread of the tomato fever was associated with the introduction of a new

Green Revolution technology, a new dependence on output and input markets and a need

for continuous technical information; a new set of challenges for farmers. A major

technological advance in the early adoption stage was the development of appropriate

33The Serra de Baturité had been an important supply region for the large Fortaleza population, but tomato

production had dropped off due to widespread disease.

61

tomato varieties that produced desired yields and a fruit that could be transported long

distances on trucks. One local adopter developed the MM70 variety named after his own

initials of his name. It was common to cultivate approximately twenty thousand tomato

plants per hectare, expecting a yield of four kilograms per plant. The challenge met by the

MM70 variety was that its hardiness endured the trip to market with more success.

Tomatoes had to be picked green to arrive at the market with a yellowish-green color and

then ripen on the retail shelves. Another advantage of the MM70 was that its seeds could

be harvested and saved for replanting.

The MM70 variety was replaced by the Santa Clara 5100, which had been

developed in the South and was sold at about US$50-70 per tin, or enough seed for one

hectare. This variety had a peculiar shape with more pulp and better flavor. Although its

yield was considerably lower than the MM70, it had a longer shelf life and less spoilage.

The Santa Clara 5100 entered the Guaraciaba market around 1986 and was dominant with

the majority of the producers by 1989. But it also coincided with the appearance of the

Tomato Mosaic Virus (TMV) in the tomato fields of Guaraciaba. The MM70 had no

resistance to this disease, but the Santa Clara variety survived albeit with reduced yields.

As a result, tomato production fell in the early 1990s and the MM70 variety disappeared

altogether.

62

Table 8: Tomato production in tons for the micro region of Ibiapaba and the state of Ceará.

tomato production (tons)

Carnaubal Croatá

Guaraciaba do

Norte

São

Benedito Ibiapina Tianguá Ubajara

Viçosa do

Ceará

Ibiapaba

Region Ceará

1973 6

400 55 680 5,250 6,600 220 13,211 15,825

1974 60

1,600 240 48 4,500 4,600 240 11,288 13,377

1975 90

2,700 300 600 6,819 7,620 180 18,309 24,000

1976 90

4,931 360 1,387 6,011 9,246 240 22,265 32,000

1977 120

4,732 674 1,000 5,678 4,234 270 16,708 36,000

1978 150

3,080 660 900 6,000 3,600 300 14,690 19,600

1979 0

3,389 900 1,050 5,214 3,389 360 14,302 22,500

1980 0

6,089 852 925 6,089 3,408 365 17,728 25,000

1981 0

6,319 903 903 6,772 3,296 384 18,577 22,500

1982 336

10,076 1,511 1,679 0 5,037 672 19,311 27,470

1983 625

8,000 1,250 1,500 8,000 3,875 750 24,000 32,580

1984 900

12,000 1,800 2,100 12,000 4,800 1,200 34,800 47,205

1985 900

16,000 625 1,200 4,000 1,040 750 24,515 42,125

1986 500

18,000 1,000 900 5,800 2,200 800 29,200 50,026

1987 630

14,440 1,200 1,170 4,860 2,520 1,000 25,820 37,945

1988 1,200

15,000 1,800 2,400 6,000 6,600 1,800 34,800 46,942

1989 1,500 4,500 11,400 5,100 2,700 6,300 6,900 1,800 40,200 53,614

1990 900 2,400 11,400 5,100 1,800 3,000 6,900 1,200 32,700 72,621

1991 1,600 5,200 12,000 7,500 2,800 6,000 8,000 2,000 45,100 82,380

1992 800 4,400 7,200 6,000 3,200 5,200 8,000 2,400 37,200 62,045

1993 800 4,400 6,000 6,000 3,200 5,200 6,000 2,000 33,600 56,038

Source: IBGE, Ministry of Agriculture, various years.

63

Table 8: Tomato production in tons for the micro region of Ibiapaba and the state of Ceará. (Continued).

tomato production (tons)

Carnaubal Croatá

Guaraciaba

do Norte

São

Benedito Ibiapina Tianguá Ubajara

Viçosa do

Ceará

Ibiapaba

Region Ceará

1994 2,000 3,800 6,400 6,400 4,000 4,000 6,800 2,000 35,400 66,717

1995 1,980 4,000 6,300 7,200 4,400 4,400 7,200 1,600 37,080 91,764

1996 633 2,238 8,910 2,383 3,477 37,883 6,422 892 62,838 101,206

1997 700 3,500 10,000 4,200 4,800 8,000 10,000 2,000 43,200 78,011

1998 1,200 5,200 6,400 8,000 4,000 4,000 8,800 2,000 39,600 69,220

1999 1,290 5,200 9,200 7,200 4,400 4,600 8,000 2,000 41,890 73,837

2000 1,350 4,000 12,000 7,600 6,600 6,000 15,000 2,400 54,950 88,348

2001 1,925 4,500 14,400 9,900 4,200 7,200 6,000 3,250 51,375 79,372

2002 2,100 4,920 16,800 11,700 5,600 9,600 12,460 3,600 66,780 95,945

2003 2,135 5,100 17,114 12,025 5,525 10,850 12,600 3,900 69,249 101,280

2004 2,600 5,760 13,800 8,432 5,808 10,852 12,250 4,800 64,302 101,264

2005 2,376 5,200 10,400 10,500 4,875 11,050 11,560 5,270 61,231 94,482

2006 2,600 5,400 10,800 9,600 5,400 12,240 10,800 5,400 62,240 103,291

2007 2,358 4,725 10,736 9,882 5,456 10,560 9,760 4,875 58,352 97,295

2008 2,310 5,070 12,060 11,055 6,030 11,256 10,725 5,280 63,786 106,418

2009 2,632 5,289 11,968 6,270 11,504 11,375 10,880 5,371 65,289 112,119

2010 2,900 5,423 12,274 6,985 12,350 11,655 11,793 5,355 68,735 114,564 Source: IBGE, Ministry of Agriculture, various years.

64

Figure 6: Total area cultivated of tomato in hectares in the Ibiapaba micro-region (1974-

2010).

Source: Ministry of Agriculture, various years.

The arrival of widespread disease wrote a new page in the tomato history of

Guaraciaba, one which led to the massive use of pesticides in the tomato production

technology. Although pesticides had been used since the beginning, the spread of TMV

led farmers to apply heavier and more frequent doses of pesticides and chemical

fertilizers. As one producer put it:

“A necessidade de utilizar sementes e insumos, pesticidas, inseticidas e adubo

químico, de uma forma mais intensiva foi um marco histórico da implantação da

hortaliça na Ibiapaba...no município só existiam quatro revendas de insumos agrícolas,

eram tão pequenas que tinham que ter outra atividade para complementar a renda

(produziam tomate). Hoje existe aproximadamente trinta e quatro revendas de grande

porte na serra (da Ibiapaba), vendendo insumos e fornecendo assistência técnica...o nível

de profissionalismo é grande e hoje conseguem viver só disso.”

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

1400

1600

1800

2000

197

4

197

6

197

8

198

0

198

2

198

4

198

6

198

8

199

0

199

2

199

4

199

6

199

8

200

0

200

2

200

4

200

6

200

8

201

0

65

“The necessity to utilize seeds, and inputs, such as pesticides, insecticides and

chemical fertilizers, in a more intense manner was a historical mark in the implementation

of vegetable production in Ibiapaba…in the município, there were only four shops of

agricultural inputs, they were so small that the owner had a second economic activity to

complement the family income (usually tomato producers). Today there are

approximately 34 big suppliers in Ibiapaba, selling input and offering technical

assistance…the level of professionalization is high and they are able to have a livelihood

with just that.”

The expansion in the usage of pesticides and insecticides had immediate

consequences, given that producers had no respect for the mandatory guidelines that set

limits on the time between application and harvest34. As a result in 1994/1995, an agro-

toxic crisis emerged. The levels of contaminants in the tomatoes grew to excessive levels,

the highest in Brazil, and forced the closure of the neighboring markets to tomatoes from

the Ibiapaba region. The inability to sell their product led to numerous bankruptcies and,

in some cases, suicide. In response to the crisis, the producers of Guaraciaba organized a

commission and the first symposium on tomato cultivation. There were more than four

hundred producers from Guaraciaba do Norte and neighboring municipalities, municipal

and state officials who participated in the event. Multinational pesticide suppliers, such as

Bayer, Hoko, SIBA, GEIGY, and Monsanto were also invited to give technical advice

and support. As one tomato producer affirmed:

“A principal lição dessa crise foi a necessidade de respeitar o consumidor, de

respeitar os prazos de carência estabelecidos nos rótulos. As multinacionais também se

comprometeram de substituir os defensivos por outros menos agressivos.”

“The main lesson of this crisis was the necessity to respect the final consumer,

respect the timing established by the instructions. The multinational firms were also

committed in substituting inputs for less aggressive ones”.

34As one producer stated: “Naquela época não se tinha cuidado com a saúde do produtor, quanto mais com

o consumidor.”[“At that time there was no concern with the producer’s health, let alone the health of the

consumer.”]

66

Thus, within one year, the contaminants levels in Guaraciaba tomatoes had

diminished to one of the lowest in the country, setting a standard for other tomato regions.

While the crisis had abated, the structure of production had shifted to support medium to

big producers, in part, because of the large number of small producer bankruptcies.

After 1996, the multinational firms started to introduce hybrid seeds into the

market, in particular the longa vida (long-life) varieties that had much longer postharvest

endurance compared to the MM70 and Santa Clara 5100. While producers could select

their future seeds with the previous varieties, such was no longer the case with the

hybrids. Consequently, farmers were forced to purchase their seed for every planting,

significantly increasing the costs of production.

There are many tomato varieties on the Guaraciaba market today, from all over

the world and each with distinct characteristics, such as disease resistance. The new seeds

are sold in small packets (three grams) of 1000 seeds, and one needs sixteen packets for a

hectare of plants. Productivity levels are high in the range of five to eight kilograms per

plant, and they have a post-harvest life ranging from fifteen to twenty days. On the other

hand, the new technology brings financial burden. Three grams of the hybrid TMV

tolerant seeds cost around one hundred dollars, making the per hectare cost around fifteen

hundred dollars.

The evolution of seed adoption in Guaraciaba exemplifies the technological

challenge faced by farmers to professionalize their operation and constantly update their

practices in response to market and biological forces. These new seeds also need more

input, pesticides, insecticides and chemical fertilizers combined with irrigation, are

67

necessary conditions for the success of vegetable production practice in the spirit of the

Green Revolution technological “package”. In response to the increasing cost of seeds,

Guaraciaba in the early 2000’s saw the introduction of greenhouse nurseries that

produced tomato seedlings for transplant35.

As one greenhouse owner stated:

“O custo das sementes longa vida resultou em outra mudança no cultivo do

tomate, obriga os produtores a não mais fazer mudas no campo, o produtor agora tem de

procurar cultivar as mudas em bandejas em estufas, o custo da semente é muito alto para

se plantar em campo aberto devido aos riscos, como possíveis infestações de formigas,

galinhas e inclusive roubo”.

“The cost of the long life tomato resulted in another change in the cultivation of

tomato, it obliged the producer not to sow the seed directly in the field, the producer now

has to cultivate the seeds in greenhouses, the cost of the seed is too high to cultivate

directly in the field given the risks, such as possible infestations of ants, chickens and

even theft.”

It should be emphasized that most greenhouses only produce the seedlings which

are then transferred to the field, reducing the production cycle to about 75 days. There

are, however, some producers that cultivate during the entire cycle in greenhouses. This

an extremely high initial investment, but according to those that cultivate in such

controlled environment is compensated by the reduction in pest control. All producers in

Guaraciaba do Norte use the greenhouses as a nursery in the initial stages, but only a

select few have the economic means to use a greenhouse in the whole production process.

As one respected producer observed:

35When I refer to greenhouse here, I mean the use of a net to control the environment. In the winter it

maintains the area warm and in the summer it maintains the temperature cool.

68

“Hoje as condições ambientais não permitem produzir outra espécie que não seja

de sementes hibridas, tornando o produtor dependente daquela semente de alto valor e

como não se permite arriscar e colocar no chão tem de se colocar em mudas.”

“Today the environmental conditions do not allow us to produce other species that

is not from hybrid seeds, making the producer dependent of that high valued seed and

since the risk is too high to plant directly in the field you must put them to grow as

seedling.”

This higher cost in the production process, due to increased pulverization and the

use of greenhouses, has been compensated in the increase of productivity to ten kilograms

per plant of the TY virus tolerant tomatoes introduced in the early 2000’s (Figure 7). The

post-harvest duration has also improved, ranging between twenty to thirty days.

Commercially this brought new possibilities, now the tomato produced in Guaraciaba do

Norte can be inserted in any market in Ceará, stabilizing prices in an eventual peak.

One early adopter and enthusiastic producer put it:

“Hoje com o avanço da tecnologia, você tem a possibilidade de transportar o seu

produto para qualquer lugar do Brasil, o mercado é nacional, com as estradas boas e

caminhões modernos que não dão tanto problema e são refrigerados o tempo de

transporte é menor, se falta em uma localidade, outra região do país supre essa

necessidade.”

“Today with the advancement of technology, you have the possibility of

transporting your product anywhere in Brazil, the Market is national, with good roads and

modern trucks that don’t break down so much and that are also refrigerated, the time of

transport is shorter, if in one locality has its stocks low, another region of the country can

satisfy that necessity.”

69

Figure 7: Tomato productivity for the municipalities of Guaraciaba do Norte, Tianguá,

Ubajara and the Ibiapaba micro-region (tons/hectare – 1974-2010).

Source: Adapted from IPEA

Despite technological advances resulting in greater yields, the new generation of

tomato producer in Guaraciaba began to face major market challenges. As shown above

the climatic pattern of the Ibiapaba region is highly seasonal with the majority of rainfall

occurring in the months of December to April. During the time of high rainfall, plant

diseases are exceedingly difficult to control, particularly the fungus-based disease. Not

only does the increased humidity favor pest incidence, but the heavy rains wash away the

fungicides and pesticides. So during this time, tomato yields typically fall and prices

increase (Figure 8). Part of the process of the professionalization of tomato farming is

knowing how to make sure that product is available during the times of high prices

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

197

4

197

6

197

8

198

0

198

2

198

4

198

6

198

8

199

0

199

2

199

4

199

6

199

8

200

0

200

2

200

4

200

6

200

8

201

0

Guaraciaba do Norte Tianguá Ubajara Ibiapaba Microregion

70

(during the rainy season). For example, in April 2010, box of 25 kilos of tomatoes

reached seventy reais, a record price that resulted in a record production three months

later, creating a surplus of product that drove the price down to ten reais--below the cost

of production.

Figure 8: Average monthly production of tomato in tons (2005 to 2012) and average

precipitation (mm) during the same period in Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source, FUNCEME and CEASA.

The other factor affecting the market in Guaraciaba has been competition from

producers in other states, such as Goias and São Paulo, who dump excess production in

Fortaleza. Since the entry of outside product is often unpredictable, farmers are unable to

manage this market risk adequately, and many assume heavy debt burdens. One small

producer that had accumulated a total of thirty five thousand reais (seventeen thousand

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

350

400

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

800

900

Jan

uar

y

Feb

ruar

y

Mar

ch

Ap

ril

May

Jun

e

July

Au

gust

Sep

tem

ber

Oct

ob

er

No

vem

ber

Dec

emb

er

tomato (tons) percipitation (mm)

per

cipit

atio

n(m

m)

pro

duct

ion (

tons)

71

dollars) in debt with the main input supplier of Guaraciaba do Norte after his last

endeavor:

“Quando ocorre o excesso de oferta quebra muita gente, deixando uma conta

muito grande a pagar com as multinacionais, isso lhes deixou refém dessas empresas,

pois obrigou muitos a continuar a produzir até conseguir um preço bom no mercado para

pagar as contas.”

“The excess of supply bankrupts many people, leaving a big bill to pay to the

multinationals, making them hostage of those companies, because it obliges many to

continue to produce until they get a good price on the market to pay their debt.”

Without doubt tomato production has evolved in the past four decades as observed

in Figure 9, with productivity in an upward trend since the 1990’s, however the average

price of the box of tomato (25 Kg) has only seldom been above twenty reais. Figure 9

vividly shows the movement of production and productivity related to the price. This is

one of the most difficult obstacles to overcome if tomato production is to continue to

spearhead the development process in the region.

The tomato story in Guaraciaba from 1970 to present is a clear example of Green

Revolution growth and how it has led to transformation of an entire economy through

agricultural sector. The new agricultural process has placed a greater and greater demand

on farmer expertise to deal with pest and price challenges. The professionalization of the

Guaraciaba tomato farmer is a significant insight of this study, since the 1970 farmer was

for the most part a subsistence producer. On the other hand, the disappearance of many

small farmers from tomato production raises the question of the long-term distribution of

the benefits of “tomato fever” growth and the overall impact on society.

72

Figure 9: Production, productivity and average price of box of tomato for the município

of Guaraciaba do Norte (1974 – 2010).

Source: Adapted from IPEA and CEASA-CE

The market system

One interesting aspect of the vegetable production business is its marketing

system. Developed based on freguês relations and strategies, it is designed to reduce risk

in a highly uncertain market where price variability and payment default are everyday

concerns for both producers and middlemen (Finan 1988).

0

2000

4000

6000

8000

10000

12000

14000

16000

18000

20000

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

197

4

197

6

197

8

198

0

198

2

198

4

198

6

198

8

199

0

199

2

199

4

199

6

199

8

200

0

200

2

200

4

200

6

200

8

201

0

productivity (tons/ha)

value of 25kg box - constant 2000 values in R$

total production (tons) - inverted y axis

73

Compared to Finan’s (1988) research, little has changed in terms of who are the

marketing agents and the market they serve. Market agents are originally from the

region, in some cases former producers that understand well the dynamics in the field and

find opportunities within the market system. Most agents participate in small-volume

operations. Producers, middlemen and wholesale buyers work in a closed network, where

entry is restricted. Tomato producers work with market agents based on established ties of

trust (freguês relationship), production is negotiate at the beginning of the production

process, and producers seldom negotiate with middlemen that are unfamiliar to them. At

the end of the cycle marketers go through the farms collecting the plastic crates (or 25

kilogram “boxes”) after the producer bulk and classify the tomatoes. Payment is

delivered after the marketers negotiate the produce, and depending on the distance to the

market, can take from one to seven days to receive. Looking at market reach, the

vegetables produced in Guaraciaba do Norte are sold in the CEASA of Tianguá – 63 km

and the capitals of Fortaleza – 350 km, Teresina – 300 km, São Luis – 650 km and the

furthest Belém – 1200 km (Pará).

There is a great variation in vegetable price between different markets, but even

when considering transportation costs larger markets were preferred. The CEASA of

Tianguá and Teresina markets are the smaller and least attractive when considering such

variable and mainly accessed by small-operation marketers. Bigger marketers, with

higher investment capacities, transporting considerable quantities to wholesale markets

and retailers, use Fortaleza, São Luis and Belém markets. In two particular cases,

74

producers were vertically integrated in the market, producing and transporting their

product and selling directly to supermarkets in Fortaleza.

The negotiation dynamics was one of the most interesting topics in the market

system. Marketers usually exaggerate in their predictions, always underestimating tomato

prices for the next day. When the low price predictions do happen and the actual price is

lower than the negotiated, marketers return to the producer to renegotiate and lower the

price previously offered for the product. The same does not happen when prices are above

expected, which shows how producers are always the ones to suffer from market

variability.

General characteristics of the household for the carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators

Demographic characteristics

The next three tables give a general idea of the demographic characteristic of the

households in the different categories of carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators. First in

terms of the household size (Table 9). The ANOVA test did not reveal any significant

difference in the average household size among the different categories. The average

household size ranged from three to four individuals, and reflects the average Brazilian

family size of present time; considerably smaller compared to the average household size

of six individuals in the Brazilian rural areas during the 1970’s. This is directly related to

the reduction of birth rates that went from 4.3 in the 1970’s to 1.9 in 2010, below the

population replacement rate (IBGE, 2010).

75

Table 9:Descriptive statistics of the number of residents in the household considering the

different categories*.

Category average Minimum maximum Median

carrasco 3 2 6 3

zona húmida 4 3 8 4

irrigators 4 2 7 4 Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

*The ANOVA test did not point any significant difference between the different categories considering

number of residents in the household, at 5% significance level.

In terms of gender of the head of household (Table 10), the Chi-square test,

showed significant difference among the categories at a 5% level. There is a considerable

female presence as head of household in the rainfed categories of the carrasco and zona

húmida, representing a quarter of the households, compared to the irrigators, where the

great majority of the households were male led. In the irrigators’ category, this

predominance of men may be a result of specific cultural characteristics “where a strong

male presence is necessary to negotiate with marketers” and other buyers down the

supply chain. The female presence in the rainfed categories does represent a demographic

change in rural areas, given that in the 1970’s eight percent of the head of household were

female augmenting to fifteen percent in 2010 (Nascimento, 2010).

Table 10: Relative frequency distribution of gender of the head of household considering

the different categories*.

category male Female

carrasco 73 27

zona húmida 75 25

irrigators 97 3

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

*The Chi-square test did point significant difference between groups for irrigators, considering gender of

the head of household, at a5% significance level.

76

Looking at average age (Table 11), the irrigators had a slightly younger age

average compared to the rainfed categories, but not enough to be statistically significant

between categories. The amplitude within categories does show a wide difference

between ages (minimum and maximum). According to the data, the majority of the

producers in the three categories are forty or older (73% for the carrasco, 80% for the

zona húmida and 60% for the irrigators), which reflect the desire of younger adults in

pursuing career on the non-agricultural sector such as commerce or higher education in

universities in neighboring municípios.

Table 11: Descriptive statistics of the average age of the head of household considering

the different categories*.

category average minimum maximum median

carrasco 49 26 68 48

zona húmida 51 24 68 50

irrigators 43 22 62 41

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

* The ANOVA test did not point any significant difference between the different categories considering age

of the head of household, at 5% significance level.

Economic instability resulting from precipitation variability marked by recurrent

periods of drought has historically been the cause of migration of rural population of the

Brazilian semiarid region. In Guaracaba do Norte this pattern is easily perceived as seen

in Table 12. The research identified heads of household that had, at least once, in their

lifetime migrated in search of labor opportunities, either agricultural or non-agricultural

related, outside the município. The Chi-square test did point to an association between

migration of the head of household and the carrasco category, this alternative was sought

by at least once by 67 % of the carrasco producers as means to procure livelihood

elsewhere.

77

Table 12: Relative frequency distribution of migration of the head of household

considering the different categories*.

category yes no

carrasco 67 33

zona húmida 32 68

irrigators 34 66

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

*The Chi-square test did point significant difference between groups for carrasco considering migration of

the head of household, at a5% significance level.

There were two types of migration patterns identified, permanent and the

temporary (or seasonal)36. In the permanent migration, corresponding to ninety five

percent of those that migrated, the head of household would move in search of labor

opportunities in an urban metropolis (in this case Rio de Janeiro), working in low

qualified jobs, such as construction and food services. One hundred percent of those that

migrated under this pattern, affirmed that they left alone in search of a place to live and

that the rest of the family planned to follow soon after. The average time spent away was

of six years, with minimum of two years and maximum of twenty-two years. Temporary

migration was sought by a small number of producers (five percent of those that

migrated). This seasonal migration was destined to São Paulo, where producers would

leave Guaraciaba do Norte to work in the sugar cane fields during the “drought season”

from August to November and come back in December to start preparing for their own

agricultural season.

During the 2013 interviews, those that had permanently migrated did not have any

plans in migrating again. One of the main reasons for this stemmed from the income

36Temporary migration was sought as an alternative only by carrasco producers.

78

earned from non-agricultural sources, including government programs such as cash

transfer programs and crop insurance. This income gave them the opportunity to stay in

their land and wait for the next agricultural season in case of drought. However, those

that practiced temporary migration did plan to go back and work in the sugar cane fields

in São Paulo, even when supplemented with the Bolsa Família, they stated that the money

was “good”, and that they always came back to their family.

Barreiro (2010) and de Freitas and Bacha (2004) explain that the possibility of

better job opportunities and higher productivity in Brazilian rural areas is directly related

to the level of education of a population, and that off-farm job openings with higher wage

levels are the result of a higher average in education. The average level of education of

the three categories analyzed can explain the lack of opportunities of off-farm jobs in

Guaraciaba do Norte, especially in the carrasco region (Figure 10). There is significant

difference between those that practice rainfed agriculture from those that make use of

irrigation. In the irrigators category showed a larger number of heads of household with

higher levels of education. For a wide range of scholars this supports the defense of the

idea that a higher level of education has direct relation on the capacity of adopting new

technologies; as well as being able to better understand the maze of bureaucratic

exigencies for financial loans.

79

Figure 10: Education level of head of household for three categories: carrasco, zona

húmida and irrigators.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013

Sources of income

This study divide income sources in agricultural and non-agricultural in terms of

its origin as seen in Figure 11. It’s quite clear from Figure 11 that the level of dependency

on non agricultural income is greater in the rainfed categories of the carrasco, on an

average of R$ 549, representing seventy percent of the total income and the zona húmida,

averaging R$ 463, about fifty five percent of the total household income. Income in the

irrigators category relies almost exclusively in agricultural activities, whit an average of

R$ 2,350, representing ninety percent of the total household income. Figure 12 and

Figure 13, gives a more detailed view of such sources of income in terms of division and

proportional importance for the household.

37

57

34

20

11

16

7

7

28

63725

16

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

elementry middle school high school college none

80

Figure 11: Proportional and absolute income from agricultural and non-agricultural

activities, considering the different categories.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Agricultural income was divided in production, livestock and day labor as seen in

Figure 12. The reliance in these three types of sources is almost equally proportionate

when looking at the carrasco category, with a slight advantage of income from production

of about 37%, of R$ 226 seen in Figure 11. The zona húmida rainfed producers relied

more in day labor, about forty five percent of the agricultural income of R$ 376; this can

be explained by the higher number of vegetable producers in this area that demanded such

service. Here we observe the dependence zona húmida producers have on the vegetable

production business, given that day labor is an important source of their agricultural

income. It is important to add that the day labor seen in the carrasco category is not same

as in the zona húmida. In the carrasco day laborer is destined to work in rainfed fields,

while in the zona húmida, day laborer is destined to work in the vegetable fields, that pay

226

376

2350

549

463

252

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

agricultural non-agricultural

81

a higher wage than in the carrasco37. Finally looking at the irrigators, there is

predominance in production as main source of agricultural income, representing over

ninety percent of R$ 2350. This shows how consolidated vegetable production is when

comparing sources of income from agricultural and no agricultural activities, and also the

multiplier effect it has in the other categories, specifically offering job opportunities, that

did not exist until the Green Revolution implementation.

Figure 12: Proportional and absolute income from agricultural activities, production,

livestock and day labor, considering the different categories.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Non agricultural sources of income were also considered. The questionnaires

identified income from governmental cash transfer program, the Bolsa Família, retirement

pension of the elderly, crop insurance programs and remittances, as main non agricultural

income sources as seen in Figure 13.

37 In the carrasco, the wage of a day of labor, varied from five to seven reais, while the wage of those

working in the vegetable fields was ten reais plus profit sharing. This means a minimum wage per month

for those that are vegetable laborers, a considerable amount of money to have in the interior of the state.

84100

224577

102

105

65

174

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

production livestock day labor

82

Figure 13: Proportional and absolute income from non agricultural activities, bolsa

família, retirement, crop insurance and remittances, considering the different categories.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Figure 13, shows a clear dependence of the Bolsa Família in the rainfed

categories, representing over forty percent of their non agricultural income, followed by

retirement pension. Bolsa Família is a very important source of non agricultural for the

rainfed, and those that were not contemplated by the program complained about the

paternalistic way it was distributed among the population. It’s the contrary when looking

at non agricultural income of the irrigators, retirement pension is the most relevant

followed by Bolsa Família. Remittnces once an important source of non

agriculturalincome, has in present time, only relative importance to the carrasco category,

representing ten percent of the non agricultural income.

240 208

80

160155

120

93

98 5256

3

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

bolsa família retirement crop insurance remittances

83

Vegetable and rainfed production patterns

Cropping practice is very different when comparing rainfed to vegetable

production. Rainfed producers start by preparing their land during the previous year in

some cases right after the corn harvest (June and July) as early as August, however most

of the preparation activities are concentrated between the months of October and January

(Figure 14). The plots of land have to be ready for the rainy season (January to June),

with concentrated precipitation levels in March and April.

Figure 14: Land preparation for seeding, considering the carrasco, zona húmida and

irrigators category, in percentages.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Preparation for the rainfed producers, consist in three basic, but not necessarily

subsequent activities. The first is called broca, which is the clearing of the plot of any tree

stumps that might interfere with the harvest (usually in new plots that went through

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Jan

uar

y

Feb

ruar

y

Mar

ch

Ap

ril

May

Jun

e

July

Au

gust

Sep

tem

ber

Oct

ob

er

No

vem

ber

Dec

emb

er

preparation - current

year

harvest preparation - previous year

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

84

rotation)38. The second is the limpa, which is the weeding and cleaning of the plot, and

the third is called cavar em leira, which is to dig the plot in windrow type rows. The

amount of time and labor required to prepare the land using manual force for the rainy

season explains why some producers are concerned in early preparations (Figure 14)39.

This is especially the case for those that are opening new plots and have to go through the

broca; in these types of cases the agricultural season starts earlier in August/September.

Those who harvest the same plots as the previous agricultural season only go through the

limpa and cavar em leir, starting preparations a bit later, in October, November and

December. A small number of rainfed producers, however started preparations after

January, this is unusual, and only happens in “late winters” such as the ones observed in

2012 and 2013, “when the rain only came in May”.

There are two basic staples that are harvested in the rainfed categories, beans and

corn. For the carrasco category, the average harvested area is almost evenly divided

between beans and corn, 51% and 42% respectively and with a small section destined to

cassava for cassava flour. For the zona húmida, given the privileged agroecological zone,

there is a wider crop diversification of the average area. Beans and corn still the main

staples, but there is the important presence of sugar cane, about 20% of the average area,

as well as cassava and sweet potato, corresponding on average to 10% of the harvested

area (Figure 15).

38The debaste or broca were preceded by the practice of slash and burn by 20% of those in the rainfed

categories. Slash and burn is a practice that is progressively ceding to exist, but in some cases necessary

given the size of the land and time to prepare for the next agricultural season. 39It’s usually during this period that laborers are demanded by rainfed producers. Given that the availability

of money is restricted in the rainfed categories, trading work days is a common practice among producers in

these categories.

85

In terms of cropping pattern, one hundred percent of those interviewed in the

rainfed categories practice inter-cropping between beans and corn, cassava, sweet potato

and sugar cane (in the low lands) are cultivated separately. Bean, corn and sweet potato

are seeded at the same time, usually after the “first good rain40”, where producers rush to

field hoping that there is enough moisture to germinate the seeds. The beans are picked

after three months and the corn and sweet potato after four to five months, depending on

the variety used. Beans and corn are the basic subsistence staples (beans for human and

corn for animal consumption) and production is only sold in years of exceptional

productivity with excess of supply. The sweet potato production however is destined for

the market and only a small fraction is used for personal family consumption. Sweet

potato is most commonly grown in low lands, however producers prefer to use these

lands for sugar cane as well. Sugar cane and cassava are annual crops and are usually

planted during the months of June and July and have a twelve month cycle, with

harvesting coinciding with that of corn and sweet potato. Sweet potato, cassava (used for

cassava flour) and sugar cane (used for brown sugar) are cash crops, and represented the

main agricultural and economic activities of Guaraciaba do Norte before the Green

Revolution implementation.

40 The “first good rain” is a common phrase used by rainfed producers and is characterized by a whole day

of evenly distributed showers that keeps the soil moist for several days after the rain.

86

Figure 15: Average area crop distribution for the rainfed categories of the carrasco and

zona húmida in percentage.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

In terms of the corn and bean seed used for the harvest, rainfed producers of the

carrasco and zona húmida have basically three sources; personal seeds, where the best

grains are saved for the next agricultural season, the market and EMATERCE.

EMATERCE seeds of bean and corn are the most adapted for the local climate, but are

the least used, by rain fed producers. Looking individually at the sources of bean seeds

(Figure 16), ten percent of the carrasco and zona húmida producers use seeds from

EMATERCE. The majority of the seeds used are bought from the market (zona húmida)

or come from the producer’s personal inventory saved from the previous harvest

(carrasco).

51

40

42

30

7

73

20

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida

beans corn cassava sweet potato sugar cane

87

Figure 16: Source of bean seeds used for harvest in the carrasco and zona húmida

categories in percentage.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Focusing just at corn (Figure 17), there is a slight increase in the use of the seeds

from EMATERCE, twenty five percent of zona húmida producers and fourteen percent of

the carrasco use EMATERCE as main source for corn seeds. However, as seen previously

with beans seeds, the majority prefer to buy their seeds in the market or use their own

seeds. Despite the many sources of providing for seeds, there is not as many variations in

the varieties used in the fields.

Given its premature characteristic and resistance to drought, EMATERCE seeds

have higher productivity, when compared to other varieties of corn and beans, and are

preferred among rainfed producers (5110 variety for corn and feijão de moita variety for

50

40

10

30

60

10

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

previous harvest market EMATERCE

carrasco zona húmida

88

beans41). The reason producer use other sources to acquire corn and bean seeds, rather

than from EMATERCE has to do with seed distribution policies. EMATERCE waits

until FUNCEME officially declares the beginning of the rainy season to distribute the

seeds, and in average precipitation years, this can happen only in March. Rainfed

producers prefer to respond to first rains, usually in January, even if there is a risk of a

veranico42and consequently loss of production. For this reason they do not wait on

FUNCEME’s “blessing” even given the possibility of having an error on their

predictions. In the rainfed producers mind it’s better to risk something and having the

chance to harvest something, then to risk nothing and guaranteeing that there will be

nothing to harvest.

Looking at the irrigators category in Figure 14, it’s quite straight forward their

strategy to prepare the land in January using tractors as main source of force; about

ninety percent of the irrigators category start land preparation during this period. This is

directly related to trying to harvest when production levels are lowest and prices for the

25 kilos box of tomato are at its peak, usually during the months of April, May and June

(Figure 18). Given that tomato has a harvest cycle of seventy five days, seeding starts in

early to mid February and harvest occurs in mid to late April, where average annual

prices are highest.

41 Some producers also use the safrinha variety for corn and mulatinho branco and mulatinho preto varities

for beans. The safrinha varietyis preferred by thirty percent of the rainfed producers because of its “bulkier”

grains, it has the same productivity as the 5110 from EMATERCE but a longer harvest cycle, and the

mulatinho varities of beans are preferred by forty percent of producers because of its flavor and, in case of

surplus, its market price. The price of a kilo of seeds for harvest of the safrinha variety varies from six to

eight reais in the local market, and the kilo of seeds of the 5110 from EMATERCE costs about fifteen reais.

The mulatinho varieties of bean seeds have considerably higher prices, about five to six reais a kilo, when

compared to the feijão de moitavariety, that has a cost of three to four reais a kilo. 42Short period of drought that occurs in the month of February that can result in production loss and in some

cases total loss if the rainy season is not confirmed.

89

Figure 17:Source of corn seeds used for harvest in the carrasco and zona húmida

categories in percentage.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Differently when compared to rainfed production, vegetable production is

practiced using a monoculture structure. Tomato production is the main crop for the

irrigators category, and harvested by one hundred percent of those interviewed. Two

thirds of the irrigators harvested other vegetable besides tomato during the agricultural

season, such as green peppers, cabbage, cucumber and carrot, but these are

proportionately smaller in terms of total productions in tons and revenue generated when

compared to tomato production ( Figure 19).

Figure 18:Average monthly production of tomato in tons (2005 to 2012) and average

price of 25 kg box of tomato during the same period in Guaraciaba do Norte.

36

50

14

25

50

25

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

previous harvest market EMATERCE

carrasco zona úmida

90

Source: CEASA, various years.

Figure 19 also show that vegetable producers use diversification to mitigate crop

vulnerability; demonstrating their understanding and awareness of general market

uncertainty and price variation. The bulk of the agricultural season among irrigators is

dedicated to tomato production. In a normal year, given water availability, there are five

harvests, three destined to tomato, while two harvests are given to trying to compensate

for market risk. Following tomato production, irrigators will diversify their production

with green peppers and or cabbage. A minority of irrigators also harvest cucumber and

carrot, but these tend to generate less revenue than the previous cultures.

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

800

900

Jan

uar

y

Feb

ruar

y

Mar

ch

Ap

ril

May

Jun

e

July

Au

gust

Sep

tem

ber

Oct

ob

er

No

vem

ber

Dec

emb

er

tomato (tons) value of 25 kg box (CEASA)

val

ue

of

25

kg b

ox

pro

du

ctio

n(t

on

s)

91

Figure 19:Proportional participation in production and revenue of the main crops

harvested by the irrigators category.

Data collected in study area. June/2013.

4955

22

23

11

1312

76 2

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

production (tons) revenue

tomato green peppers cabbage cucumber carrot

92

CHAPTER FOUR

ECONOMIC GROWTH AND THE CHALLENGE OF INCOME DISTRIBUTION

AND POVERTY REDUCTION

Guaraciaba do Norte is one of seven municipalities of the Ibiapaba micro region,

that was impacted by the environmental, social and economic issues stemming from five

decades of technological changes within the agricultural sector. Though the consequences

of these changes are apparent, it is important to understand these impacts from a

theoretical sense at the local scale within the context between the small rural producers,

the municipality as a whole and public policies from 1970-2010.

Despite continuous governmental interventions accompanying economic growth

during the last decades, poverty and inequality rates are still extremely high (World Bank

Report, 2004). In Ceará, about 52% of the population is considered to be poor, and 24%

are considered to be extremely poor43. To reduce such extreme poverty levels, Bar-El and

Schwartz (2006) suggest that the State government should focus mainly on the

implementation of policies that increase rural productivity, stimulate non-farm

investments and support a new demographic spatial structure; rural-urban migration

occupying the urban interior and avoiding the metropolitan region of Fortaleza.

Brazil has achieved considerable macroeconomic growth in the last few decades,

with income concentrating into the hands of the wealthy few. This was in part achieved,

43In Brazil the poverty line is defined as those who earn up to a half of minimum wage per capita, and

extreme poverty is defined as those who earn up to a quarter of minimum wage per capita (IPECE, 2004).

Minimum wage in December 2010 was R$ 510.00, about US$ 300.00.

93

through the adoption of a national development policy bound to international capitalism;

using a neoliberal model, based on free market and open competition that pushed the

State from its social responsibilities and duties, with consequent impacts on the states and

municipalities (de Oliveira, Loureiro and Holanda 2007, Miro, Suliano and de Oliveira

2011).

During this period the State of Ceará also grew substantially, if only from a

similar macroeconomic standpoint. Per capita, increase considerably from R$ 2,465 in

1997 to R$ 6,149 in 2007; an elevation of about 60% in current values (IPECE, 2005 and

2009). By this indicator, as well as the aggregate national income, Brazil cannot be

considered poor. However this information does not portray the extreme and rising

poverty resulting from highly disproportional income distribution within the State of

Ceará and in the whole country (Silva 2006).

The Plano Real was elaborated and implemented during the governments of

Itamar Franco and Fernando Henrique Cardoso and its success against severe inflation,

allowed Brazil to usher in an important trajectory supporting the reduction levels of

poverty and inequality, through the promotion of social programs and labor market

improvements. This movement was carried on by the government of President Lula,

which according to the Ministry of Strategic Matter (Ministério da Secretaria de Assuntos

Estratégicos – SAE, linked to the presidency), promoted increased income through real

gains in minimum wage, access to credit and new employment opportunities in the formal

sector. These improvements directly resulted in the increase of the middle class by 94%

94

(approximately thirty million Brazilians), the upper class by 50% and a reduction of

poverty by 19% (Diario do Nordeste, 2001)44.

However, these results are not as robust in Northern and Northeastern states

given the high concentration of extreme poverty. Preliminary data released recently by

the Brazilian Census (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, Instituto Brasileiro

de Geografia e Estatística - IBGE) on Extreme Poverty45, shows that these two regions

together have more than 76% of the inhabitants living in poverty within Brazil. This is

especially apparent when considering rural areas, where only 15% of the Brazilian

population, but is home to around 47% of those in extreme poverty in the country. These

results are exemplified in the state of Ceará where despite higher rates of economic

growth (in comparison to not only northeastern states but the nation as a whole) poverty

levels are still very high and economic disparities are worrying, especially in the

agricultural sector.

Environmental and socioeconomic studies of Ceará indicate that rural poverty

relates closely with existing climatic conditions, limited availability of natural resources

and land distribution. These studies also show that the poorest are not only the workers

that live on farms, but the owners of small micro properties, which often face greater

difficulties and have limited access to public services when compared to hired farm

workers (Bar El Raphael, 2002)46.

44Diário do Nordeste, 1,5 million Cearenses ascend to middle class. Negócios p.1. Fortaleza, Ceará, 23 de

agosto de 2011. 45According to IBGE criteria, those individuals in a household which monthly nominal per capita income is

a quarter of minimum wage define extreme poverty. 46Bar-El, Raphael. Reduzindo a Pobreza através do desenvolvimento econômico do interior do Ceará.

Iplance, Fortaleza, CE. 2002. 157p.

95

Brazil, the Northeast, Ceará and Guaraciaba do Norte: A brief comparison

While, data from the Institute for Applied Economic Research ( Instituto de

Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada – IPEA) suggests a considerable reduction in the

percentage of poor peoplewithin Brazil since the 1970’s, the overall problem of poverty

still remains persistent. As a responses to the challenges of poverty reduction and equal

distribution of wealth have become a main focal point of government policies, especially

during Lula’s government, with some success, however these results remain concentrated

to specific areas and regions.

Looking at the Theil L Index, in Table 13, it is clear that during the 1970’s,

Guaraciaba do Norte had one of the lowest levels of income inequality in not only the

state but the country. This achieved “equality” was in fact misleading in that these levels

could be attributed to the high levels of poverty found in the region during this period. As

seen on Table 14, Guaraciaba do Norte, as well as the other municípios from Ibiapaba,

had poverty levels reaching 98% of its population in 1970 and remained at high levels

(approximately 73%) through 2000, which despite a 25% reduction was still considerably

above Brazil, the Southeastern region and Fortaleza, 32%, 19% and 33% respectively.

These levels of poverty could be explained by the symmetry of income opportunities (or

lack thereof) while being located in the lowest income track in the state.

Nevertheless, regardless of the initial levels of income inequality and lacking

opportunities, Guaraciaba do Norte still followed the tendency towards elevated income

concentration as seen by the rest of the State. This in part can be explained by the limited,

but increasing income opportunities that were occurring within select municipalities.

96

Unfortunately these opportunities were not equally dispersed throughout the region

resulting in an increase in the Theil L Index while creating the corresponding decrease in

“number” of poor seen in Table 14; suggesting that while economic interests were

improving within the region it was not necessarily reducing overall poverty. This reality

was especially true for those municipalities located in the semiarid parcel of Ibiapaba,

such as Carnaubal, Croatá and Ibiapina and São Benedito (outside of the semiarid parcel).

Table 13: Theil L Index for the municípios of the Ibiapaba region compared to Brazil, the

Northeast region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza.

1970 1980 1991 2000

Brazil 0.680 0.700 0.780 0.762

Northeast Region 0.570 0.650 0.780 NA

Southeast Region 0.610 0.600 0.660 NA

Ceará 0.600 0.690 0.800 0.816

Fortaleza 0.560 0.610 0.775 0.775

Carnaubal 0.270 0.350 0.543 0.732

Croatá

0.356 0.698

Guaraciaba do Norte 0.360 0.350 0.545 0.580 Ibiapina 0.250 0.470 0.420 0.605

São Benedito 0.340 0.400 0.509 0.767

Tianguá 0.330 0.450 0.599 0.576

Ubajara 0.370 0.530 0.441 0.570

Viçosa do Ceará 0.240 0.400 0.488 0.652 Source: IBGE, various years; NA: Not available.

These semiarid municipalities, relying heavily on rain fed, subsistence agriculture,

lacked the income opportunities supplied by commercial activities from irrigated areas,

which given the necessity of input-output products and other demands of the vegetable

production value chain offered a wider range of nonagricultural related work.

Commercial development activities in the sede of each municipality was directly and

97

indirectly affected by the vegetable production activity. As an example, Guaraciaba do

Norte in years when tomato and related vegetable product prices were good (above thirty

reais per twenty five kilogram box), the local commerce would thrive. Thanks to this flow

of money, other professional activities from a wide range of fields, such as dentists,

doctors, lawyers, accountants, etc.were attracted to the region47. These development gains

however did not “trickle” to neighboring municipalities, resulting in the above mentioned

region and state rise in Theil L Index.

Table 14: Percentage of the poor population for the municípios of the Ibiapaba region

compared to Brazil, the Northeast region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza.

1970* 1980* 1991* 2000**

Brazil 67 39 45 32

Northeast Region 87 66 71 56

Southeast Region 50 22 29 19

Ceará 90 70 72 57

Fortaleza 66 36 48 33

Carnaubal 99 85 88 74

Croatá - - 95 83

Guaraciaba do Norte 98 90 85 72 Ibiapina 98 80 87 69

São Benedito 97 81 85 72

Tianguá 96 83 76 66

Ubajara 96 78 80 64

Viçosa do Ceará 98 93 90 82 Source: IBGE – UNDP, various years.

(*) Percentage of individuals with family per capita income below 50 % of September 1991 minimum

wage.

(**)Percentage of individuals with family per capita income below R$ 75.50, equivalent to half of August

2000 minimum wage.

47The tomato production has brought absolute gains for everyone, especially rural labourers, that use the

extra income in consumption goods and services. (For absolute and relative gains in the Green Revolution

see Beck 1995 and Das 2002).

98

This lack of income and economic distribution was also corroborated by the 2003

World Development Report on Ceará which stated that despite numerous efforts and

investments, especially in infrastructure, there had been little reduction of poverty and

extreme poverty; therefore, despite explicit policy intervention, inequality still increased

during the last four decades. High levels of inequality in Ceará were also observed in the

Gini Index, Figure 20, notably during the mid-eighties through the beginning of the new

millennium.

Figure 20: Gini Index for the state of Ceará, the Southeast region and Brazil.

Source: IBGE (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicilios – PNAD).

Reported extreme poverty also support the lack of unequal economic distribution

and ranged over 50% of the population in not just the state of Ceará, but the entire

Northeastern region as well. These figures demonstrate the disparities at the macro

0

0,1

0,2

0,3

0,4

0,5

0,6

0,7

198

1

198

2

198

3

198

4

198

5

198

6

198

7

198

8

198

9

199

0

199

2

199

3

199

5

199

6

199

7

199

8

199

9

200

1

200

2

200

3

200

4

200

5

200

6

200

7

200

8

200

9

Ceará Southeast Region Brazil

99

regional level, between the Southeast (19%) and the Northeast (56%) region, as well as at

the micro regional level, between Fortaleza (33%) ,the capital, and the Ibiapaba region (as

high as 83%). Additionally, reflecting this disproportionate income opportunity is the

comparison ratio between the ten percent most wealthy and the forty percent most poor

(Table 15), corroborating with the Theil L Index presented in Table 13 and the Gini Index

presented in Figure 20. Here, Guaraciaba do Norte, again, has one of the smallest ratios in

the Ibiapaba region, as well as a ratio significantly smaller than that of Brazil, Ceará and

Fortaleza. However, this ratio can, once again, be attributed to the symmetry of low

income distribution seen among the population within the micro region.

Table 15: Income ratio between the 10% most wealthy and the 40% most poor for the

municípios of the Ibiapaba micro region compared to Brazil, Ceará and Fortaleza.

1991 2000

Brazil 30 32

Ceará 31 39

Fortaleza 30 33

Carnaubal 16 39

Croatá 9 30

Guaraciaba do Norte 17 19 Ibiapina 12 23

São Benedito 16 32

Tianguá 19 20

Ubajara 12 18

Viçosa do Ceará 14 30 Source: IBGE, various years.

A reasonable proxy of social wellbeing improvement through time is the Human

Development Index (HDI). Table 16 shows Guaraciaba do Norte following a more

beneficial increasing trend, similar to the rest of country, with a sizable increase in the

100

HDI value from 1991 to 2000. This increase can be attributed to improvements in the

three sectors of health, education and life expectancy.

Table 16: Human Development Index for the municípios of the Ibiapaba micro region

compared to Brazil, the Northeast region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza.

Human Development Index

1970 1980 1991 2000

Brasil

0.462 0.685 0.742 0.766

Região Nordeste

0.306 0.460 0.517 NA

Região Sudeste

0.570 0.718 0.775 NA

Ceará

0.293 0.44 0.517 0.649

Fortaleza

0.463 0.681 0.762 0.786

Carnaubal

0.211 0.283 0.343 0.609

Croatá

- - 0.322 0.557

Guaraciaba do Norte

0.230 0.301 0.379 0.629 Ibiapina

0.199 0.338 0.373 0.646

São Benedito

0.228 0.306 0.375 0.618

Tianguá

0.221 0.34 0.42 0.640

Ubajara

0.232 0.382 0.393 0.657

Viçosa do Ceará

0.258 0.306 0.337 0.593 Source: IBGE, various years; NA: Not Available.

Infant mortality has been long used as an indicator of health conditions and

investments. As seen in Table 17, in the 1970’s Guaraciaba do Norte had, in general,

slightly lower infant mortality rates in comparison with the rest of the Ibiapaba region,

but still exceptionally high in comparison to world standards, averaging about 167 per

thousand born, and reflecting relatively low investments in health care. In the 1970’s

Guaraciaba do Norte had only recently opened its hospital, until that time all births were

delivered in the neighboring municipality of Ipu, approximately thirty kilometers away.

The main reason for the reduction in the infant mortality rate was the implementation of

the family health agent (agente de saúde da família) during the Tasso Jereisatti

101

administration in the 1990’s48. Despite improvements, the municipalities of the Ibiapaba

region, including Guaraciaba do Norte, still had infant mortality rates above Brazil, the

state of Ceará and its capital, Fortaleza.

Table 17: Infant Mortality rate for the municípios of the Ibiapaba micro region compared

to Brazil, the Northeast region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza.

Infant Mortality (for every thousand born)

1970 1980 1991 2000

Brazil 123 85 44 30

Northeast Region 179 131 NA NA

Southeast Region 93 63 NA NA

Ceará 187* 151* 49 34

Fortaleza 208 154 47 34

Carnaubal 201 149 81 60

Croatá - - 87 81

Guaraciaba do Norte 167 144 72 45 Ibiapina 205 152 67 44

São Benedito 185 152 80 60

Tianguá 182 149 68 44

Ubajara 167 149 72 43

Viçosa do Ceará 128 106 71 45 Source: IBGE, various years.

(*) Not all data for the state of Ceará was available. It is expected for the number of infant mortality be

higher for the state, when comparing to Fortaleza in 1970 and 1980.

NA: Not Available.

Despite considerable improvements in the HDI, when analyzing education levels

individually in Table 18, there is considerable lag among the municipalities in the

Ibiapaba region, such as Guaraciaba do Norte. Despite increasing government

investments in education during the 80’s and the 90’s, the high percentage of illiterate

48The family health agent was responsible to check on and encourage prenatal care, reducing significantly

infant mortality rates in rural areas (See Tendler 1997).

102

individuals age 15 years old and over remained a constant reminder of the future

challenges required to increase development levels in Ceará.

Table 18: Percentage of illiterate individuals (age 15 and over) unable to write a simple

note for the municípios of the Ibiapaba micro region compared to Brazil, the Northeast

region, the Southeast region, Ceará and Fortaleza.

1970 1980 1991 2000

Brazil 32 25 20 12

Northeast Region 53 45 37 26

Southeast Region 22 16 12 8

Ceará 55 45 37 25

Fortaleza 26 20 16 11

Carnaubal 67 75 53 38

Croatá - - 58 45

Guaraciaba do Norte 70 63 52 38

Ibiapina 77 59 49 34

São Benedito 68 71 52 36

Tianguá 75 58 50 35

Ubajara 73 50 47 35

Viçosa do Ceará 70 67 61 45 Source: PNAD-IBGE, various years.

Educational level is considered a crucial factor when looking at further

advancements in the high yield vegetable production business, and was a common theme

among those interviewed. To advance in this endeavor, education is a necessary

condition, not only of those developing the high yielding seeds, fertilizers and pesticides,

but also for the farmer, regardless if he is a big producer with several hectares or a smaller

producer working half a hectare.

Compared to the rain fed staples, vegetable production using Green Revolution

guidelines presupposes the use of controlled dosages of pesticides, fertilizers and water.

Any of the above factors used in too much or too little may result in total loss of the

103

harvest. This was the case of Benoa, one of the most notorious tomato producers of his

time and is until this day remembered for two reasons. One, for having the most tomato

farmland harvested in various locations of Guaraciaba do Norte, and the second for not

respecting the time limits or dosages established by seed and fertilizer manufactures; the

results were disaster and led to bankruptcy. As one producer put it:

Não é que você tem que ter graduação em Agronomia, mas você precisa de pelo menos

alguém que tenha um mínimo de formação na área, ou seja, um técnico agrícola. O Bom

senso é importante, mas as vezes não basta, você precisa de alguém que saiba, que tenha

se formado naquilo para lhe dá uma orientação. O problema é que a maioria dos nossos

produtores não tem condições financeiras de contratar alguém.

“It’s not that you have to have a degree in Agronomy, but you need somebody that has a

minimum knowledge in the field, hence, someone with at least a technical degree in

agronomy. Good sense is very important, but sometimes it is just not enough, you need

somebody that has an education in the field so they can guide you. The problem is that the

majority of the tomato producers do not have financial conditions to afford such person”.

Land distribution, land tenure and access to credit

Agrarian reform is one of the last barriers49, given its historical pursuit of a more

egalitarian society, which Brazilian society has had to overcome. Much has been done,

especially for the landless farmer through political movements such as the Landless

Workers Movement50 (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra - MST). To some extent,

49Agrarian reform, has been historically resisted in the highest political spheres, especially in congress,

where the lobbying in favor of agrarian elites is notorious and also contributing to this is the number of

congressmen who are big agricultural produces themselves (i.e The King of Soy - O Rei da Soja). 50The Landless Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra - MST “is regarded as one of

the largest social movements in Latin America, present in 24 of the 26 Brazilian states, had its origin in the

1980’s, as a response to the agricultural policy defended by the military government, which defended the

expansion of the agricultural frontier emphasizing big estates with mechanization and consequently

eliminating small and medium agricultural properties contributing to further concentrate land in the hand of

an agricultural elite”. (http://www.mst.org.br/nossa-historia). According to Stédile (1999), without the

MST, land reform in Brazil would be nonexistent, further exacerbating social inequality. It is also necessary

104

given the rural elite's resistance for land reform, reduction of average agricultural land

size can be attributed to the MST (Stédile 1999). Another explanation for the reduction of

average land size can be attributed to the expansion of the family, this would be the case

for Guaraciaba do Norte. Land is traditionally inherited from one generation to the next,

in essence creating an informal land distribution system. As families grew over the

generations, land size consequently diminished as it was divided and passed on to heirs.

Further Table 19 can give us insight on land distribution in Guaraciaba do Norte

through the years, the table shows the proportion of agricultural estates and the area they

occupy stratified by groups of area in hectares51.

Table 19, shows a shift from 1960 to 1995 census in the proportion of estates

from 10 and smaller than 100 hectares strata, with 65.4 % (corresponding to 47.6 % of

the total area) to the smaller than 10 hectares strata with approximately 80%

(corresponding to about 29.7% of the total area). One of the reasons for this shift in the

stratas is attributed to generational land inheritance. What characterizes land

concentration is the small number of estates that occupy a large proportion of the area. In

Guaraciaba do Norte we can consider that there were improvements since in 1960. Nine

percent of the estates were in the 100 and smaller than 1,000 and 1,000 and smaller than

to mention that Brazil does have INCRA (the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform),

which is the official government institution responsible for land reform and redistribution implementing

agricultural settlements for landless agricultural laborers. In the micro region of Ibiapaba there are six

settlements implemented through INCRA (one in Tiangua, two in Ubajara and three in Viçosa do Ceará). 51The groups of area occupied, in hectares, by the estates are stratified according to the following: estates

that are smaller than 10 hectares; estates between 10 and smaller than 100 hectares; estates between 100

and smaller than 1,000 hectares; estates between 1,000 and smaller than 10,000 hectares; estates between

10,000 and smaller than 100,000 hectares, and finally estates over 100,000 hectares. This is the

stratification used by IBGE during the agricultural census in 1960, 1970, 1970 and 1995. In 2006 was the

last agricultural census held by IBGE, with a more refined level of strata, however information was only

available at state level.

105

10,000 strata (occupying forty nine percent of the area), compared to 1995 where less

than one percent of the estates were in the 100 and smaller than 1,000 strata ( although

occupying 17.5 % of the area - still a considerable amount of land).

Table 19: Proportion of agricultural estates (est.) and the area they occupy stratified by

the groups of area in hectares for Guaraciaba do Norte.

Percentage of estates and corresponding area according to the group area - Guaraciaba do Norte

1960 1970 1980 1995

est. area est. area est. area est. area

smaller than 10 25.6 3.2 49.8 5.9 37.4 4.8 79.9 29.7

10 and smaller than 100 65.4 47.6 46.2 39.4 56.3 44.0 19.3 52.8

100 and smaller than 1000 8.6 37.4 3.7 28.5 5.7 28.8 0.8 17.5

1000 and smaller than 10000 0.4 11.8 0.3 26.2 0.6 22.4 0 0

10000 and smaller than 100000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Over 100000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Source: IBGE, various years.

There are, however, limitations to Table 19 because it fails to show the true strata

of land ownership, where the majority of landowners exercise their activities in one, to

less than one hectare. Secondly, it is limited in explaining the dynamics between

landowners, and landless producers, which can be better elucidated in Table 20.

Looking at vegetable production alone there is a general consensus, among

producers and shop owners, that the average size of farming activities are on no more

than one hectare. However this small scale, “green revolution” vegetable production was

substantial enough to change the economic dynamics in Guaraciaba do Norte, as a co-

owner of an important input shop stated:

“Hoje sem a horticultura, Guaraciaba não seria nada, o que movimenta a

economia do município é a horticultura, tendo como carro chefe o tomate. E é graças a

ela também que é possível um pequeno produtor ter renda. A propriedade média dos

106

tomaticultores é de três hectares, mas a maioria tem um ou menos de um hectare,

produzindo alguma hortaliça”

“Nowadays, without vegetable production, Guaraciaba would be nothing, what

moves the local economy is the vegetable production, having the tomato culture as its

spearhead. And it is what makes it possible for a small producer to have some income.

The average property of those that endeavored in the tomato production is about three

hectares, but the majority of the producers have one or less than one hectare, cultivating

some kind of vegetable.”

Analyzing landownership at a more refined level (Table 20)52, what is noticeable

is the decrease of the percentage of estates that are cultivated by the owners themselves

from 1970 to 2006 (78 to 58 percent), yet maintain a consistent percentage of the total

production in that region (87 percent). In terms of vegetable production dynamics this

reduction in the percentage of landowners (and the stabilization of the proportion of area)

can be explained by debt. In cases of successive crop failures (due to low market prices of

the vegetables and/or pest and disease) the landowner was obligated to sell part or all of

his estate. This usually happens to smaller producers especially when market prices are

below production costs, forcing them to sell their land to pay off the debt, usually to

larger farm producer.

52IBGE classifies land ownership in the following manner: owner (propritário), which is straight forward, is

the individual that owns the land. Lease (arrendatário) is the individual that rents the land, usually it’s a

three to one or four to one agreement with the owner of the land. Partner (sharecropper) (parceiro or

meeiro) it’s like a lease but the individual that cultivates the land splits the harvest fifty – fifty with the

owner. The last is the occupant (ocupante), it’s the individual that is a situation similar to the owner, does

not pay any type of rent, but does not have any legal documents of ownership to the land.

107

Table 20: Percentage of estates and corresponding area according to land ownership for

Guaraciaba do Norte.

Producer's condition, according to proportion of land ownership-1970

owner lease sharecopper squatter

est. area est. area est. area est. area

Guaraciaba do Norte 78.4 87.8 2.7 0.9 11.4 6.6 7.4 4.5

Producer's condition, according to proportion of land ownership -1995

owner lease sharecopper squatter

est. area est. area est. area est. area

Guaraciaba do Norte 48.2 71.5 0.5 1.1 32.2 18.1 18.9 9.1

Producer's condition, according to proportion of land ownership -2006

owner lease sharecopper squatter

est. area est. area est. area est. area

Guaraciaba do Norte 58.8 86.2 13.3 2.8 17.0 7.4 10.8 3.3 Source: IPEA, IBGE, various years.

Alternatively, small farmer could lease their land (to larger producers) to pay off

debt. This helps to explain why landowners (despite their reduced number) are still

responsible for the highest proportion of area harvested. This was an exemplary situation

of a particular vegetable producer, that had leased his land to a bigger producer to pay off

his debt with the input shop53, as a result of below cost market prices. He leased about

one and a half hectares to a bigger producer of the region, who would provide all the

inputs necessary (seeds, pesticides, fertilizers, irrigation goods, such as water tubes,

electricity consumption). In return the landowner, beside providing the land, would

supply his own labor to work the field for twenty percent of the revenue from the harvest.

These types of arrangements help to explain the increase in the proportion of estates that

were leased from 1970 to 2006. Unfortunately these cases were not always as equitable as

53It is common for the agricultural input stores provide all insecticides, herbicides, chemical fertilizers,

seeds and irrigation pipes required for a harvest, opening a special line of credit for each producer. In this

sense assuming similar role to the bank.

108

they appeared. In many cases the larger producer who also acted as the middleman, where

the smaller farmer was obligated to sell his produce to the lease of his own land. This

arrangement made the small landowner, as he put it “a hostage” and totally dependent of

the larger producer. It is prudent to acknowledge that this sort of dynamic is common

only among vegetable producers. Smaller (poorer) farmers tended to only have access to

land away from the rivers; mainly as a consequence of the increased competition between

vegetable producers, for lands located near rivers, which raised market values54.

Looking at our survey in Table 21, we can observe how land tenure ship reflects

on harvesting practices. During a drought year such as 2013, the practice of cultivating in

more than one plot is an understood strategy to reduce risk. The majority of the rainfed

agriculturalist harvest on only one plot of land and about one third cultivate in a second

plot of land in the carrasco and in the zona húmida. This occurs for two different reasons,

one because the limited number of family members able to work on the fields (limited

labor) and second, limited access to land, especially in the zona húmida , where the

rainfed producers have to dispute land with vegetable producers.

Table 21: Relative frequency distribution of producers according to the quantity of plots

cultivated for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in Guaraciaba do Norte- Ceará.

category oneplot two plots three plots

carrasco 70.0 26.7 3.3

zona húmida 67.9 32.1 0.0

irrigators 34.4 31.3 34.4 Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

54For more information looking at state level dynamics see Jacquets (2000).

109

In contrast, about two thirds of the irrigators harvest in more than one plot. One

other factor that can help explain such difference is land tenure. Looking at land tenure in

the first plot, Figure 21, about fifty percent of the smallholders that practice rainfed

agriculture own the land they cultivate, a good number are landless and paying rent of

some form (lease). This is completely different when looking at those who practice

irrigated agriculture, which the majority,ninety four percent, owns the plot in which they

harvest.

Figure 21:Landownership of the first plot of land for carrasco, zona húmida and

irrigators in Guaraciaba de Norte- Ceará.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Observing the second plot (Figure 22), there is quite a significant change in land

tenure when compared to the first plot looking at the carrasco category. This shift

happens as a consequence of the distance of the plot to the house. Farming land near the

villages are more disputed (as are the land near the rivers in the zona húmida), those that

4

50 43

94

50 54

6

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigator

lease

owner

squatter

110

have labor availability to work on more than one plot have to dislocate further. One other

particular form of land tenureship that showed in plot two is “ceded”. The areas which are

ceded are usually done so, but by members of the family. A common occurrence is a

young couple to marry and the father of either the bride or groom to spare a piece of land

for the new family to start harvesting. Following the first parcel, the category irrigators

own one hundred percent of the land they cultivate.

Figure 22: Land ownership of the second plot of land for carrasco, zona húmida and

irrigators in Guaraciaba de Norte- Ceará

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

From a vulnerability perspective irrigators, as a whole, tend to be less vulnerable

than rainfed agriculturalist. While land ownership does not negate exposed to climatic

impact, it does afford the opportunity for a second chance next season in case of harvest

lost; a luxury not guaranteed to the landless rainfed subsistence farmers. Almost one

hundred percent of the interviewed irrigators owned the land they cultivated and

78

44

100

11

11

11

11

33

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigator

owner ceded squatter sharecropper lease

111

additionally two thirds of them cultivated more than one parcel; allowing them to retain a

greater coping ability to climate change in contrast to landless rainfed agriculturist. It is

surprisingly notable how many rainfed producers in the carrasco owned a second plot.

However, once again, only about one third were able to harvested in more than one plot,

suggesting not only a lack of financial investment and labor needed to maintain two plots,

but also greater vulnerability through lost opportunity.

Also contributing to the vulnerability of rainfed agriculturalist was the average

size of the plots (Table 22). Rainfed small landholders had an average of 0.7 to 0.8

hectares for the first plot, the average size of the plot decreases for the second and third

plots of land. Again what explains the decrease in the average size the plot is the

availability of household labor to cultivate and then harvest the land. Since rainfed

smallholders are dependent on household labor to work the field it is prudent to cultivate

an area size compatible with the labor force available; which helps to explain why only a

third of the carrasco can cultivate a second plot. Conversely, the average plot size for

irrigators is considerably greater, and in contrast to the rainfed agriculture, irrigators

consistently maintain the area size cultivated for the second and third plots. This reflects

the ability of the irrigators to both hire a labor force outside the household and also enter

into cyclical pattern, where monetary gains of economic scale of a larger cultivated area

provide necessary resources and labor to continue cultivating larger areas.

112

Table 22: Average size of the plots in hectares cultivated considering the different

categories of the carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators.

Plot 1 Plot 2 Plot 3

carrasco 0.7 0.4 0.2

zona húmida 0.8 0.7 0

irrigators 2.2 2.1 2.7 Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

When considering vulnerability, an interesting factor, is how a climatic event such

as drought, affect the rainfed and irrigators agricultural productivity differently, given

their access to water for irrigation. Of course there is some difference between the rainfed

as well, depending of the location of the plot to be cultivated. Figure 23 and Figure 24,

gives further insight in productivity levels of the parcels during drought years and in

normal years of precipitation, which is explained next.

Considering Figure 23, we observe land productivity in years of above average

precipitation. When looking just at the carrasco we find that in almost the totality of the

three plots there is the occurrence of good productivity. There are, however, the

occurrences of bad and average productivity, a direct result of naturally occurring poor

soil fertility (arenoso or sandy soil) in the carrasco. For the rainfed agriculture in the zona

húmida, productivity is a bit lower than the carrasco, where there are similar occurrences

of bad, average and no productivity, but for different reasons. In the zona húmida, in

years of excessive rain, soil quality is affected (excessive rain soaks the ground -

waterlogging) and the productivity of the rainfed and irrigators is reduced considerably.

Besides waterlogging, the excessive rain also increases the intensity of pests in the fields,

113

contributing for loss of yield for the irrigators, which is the category most affected in

years of excessive rain.

Figure 23:Land productivity classification according to plot and different categories of

the carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in years of above average precipitations.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Analyzing Figure 24, land productivity in years of below average precipitation,

we can observe that those that harvest in the carrasco have to deal with complete loss of

production in drought years (Figure 25). Those rainfed producers in the zona húmida

category also lose production but there are those that are able to have average and good

production of their parcels, despite being rainfed in a drought year. This is credited to the

quality of the soils “richer” in nutrients as one rainfed producer from the zona húmida

explained. A complete different situation happens to the irrigators category, in a year of

below average rainfall they are able to harvest a good yield compared to an above average

rainfall year. But there are those that also suffer from production loss in the irrigators

category. These are the irrigators that find their production sites downstream. In the last

93100

7586

56 5062

27

25 4

9

5

18

74

11

3124

45

7

33

9 10 9

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

plot 1 plot 2 plot 3 plot 1 plot 2 plot 3 plot 1 plot 2 plot 3

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

good bad average no production

114

years water from the streams have disappeared, and those downstream are affected first,

this water shortage is what explains lower productivity and in some cases total production

loss.

Figure 24:Land productivity classification according to plot and different categories of

the carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in years of below average precipitations.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Another activity that sets apart the rainfed producers from the irrigators is the

necessity to use heavy machinery to prepare the land for harvest (Figure 26). The use of

tractors to mixture the soil is almost an exclusivity of the irrigators. Depending on the

distance and the type of soil, a tractor cost from seventy to ninety reais per hour.

There are two observations that have to be considered here when looking at

Figure26. First, when considering rainfed agriculture, despite that the vast majority still

prepare the land using manual labor, the use of tractor is most common in the zona

húmida. This can somewhat portrait a better situation for those in the zona húmida,

compared to the carrasco. Second, if economic development theory determines that one of

18

44

7185 90

3

25

22

6

10

7

11

16 5

90100 100

4633

6 10

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

plot 1 plot 2 plot 3 plot 1 plot 2 plot 3 plot 1 plot 2 plot 3

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

good bad average no production

115

the stages to progress and development is the mechanization of the agricultural sector;

then the tractor can be used a proxy for this mechanization process. In this case there is

still a long way to go, since tractor is mostly exclusivity of vegetable producers.

Figure 25: Field that suffered with total lost of rainfed production (beans and corn) in

Descoberta, carrasco region, Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source: MAYORGA, F.D.O. June 2013.

Continuing to observe Figure 26, there are still a small proportion of irrigators that

do not use tractors to prepare the land for harvesting, which could reflect either the

“amateur” status of some producers or because the parcel of land was too small, making

the use of the tractor too expensive relative to the size of the plot to be harvested and the

expected yield (negative cost – benefit relation).

116

Figure 26: Main source of force used to prepare the land.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Given the results found in Figure 23 and Figure 24, it can be easily postulated that

better productivity levels in below average precipitation years means the irrigators must

have some source of water to irrigate their crops. In Figure 27 we see that the major

sources of water are the rivers and deep well. The sources of water also suggest the

method and cost to “extract” the water resource. Water used from the river is the result of

motor pumps, which cost somewhere between two and three thousand reais, depending on

the distance, usually close to the river margins, of the parcel farmed. Deep wells have a

cost of around eighteen to twenty two thousand reais, depending of the distance of the

parcel and of course the depth in which the deep well has to be dug. This type of cost

demonstrates the unequal access to natural resources for poorer farmers; in essence

limiting their ability to use the green revolution to improve the economic condition.

97 100 100

82 88

26

11 10

3

18 13

74

89 90

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

plot 1 plot 2 plot 3 plot 1 plot 2 plot 3 plot 1 plot 2 plot 3

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

manual tractor

117

Figure 27: Type of water source for agricultural irrigation.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

There is one important note to consider here; the main water source for the

irrigators is the river. The deep wells are dependent on the quantity of water from the

river since these are drilled not far from them. The springs of these rivers originate near

the sede, but the quantity of water in the river is highly dependent on the quantity of

rainfall. So, despite having better productivity in below average years, vegetable

producers do not underestimate the importance of having a good amount of rain during

the inverno (winter or rainy season). Notwithstanding, loss of production during heavy

rainy seasons, the producers compensate during the verão (summer)augmenting parcels

areas. In drought years, such as 2012 and 2013 producers endured heavy losses, in the

winter because of waterlogging and pest infestation and in the summer because of

cutbacks in cultivated areas, due to lack of surface and groundwater. Additionally, given

5950

60

3744

40

4 6

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

plot 1 plot 2 plot 3

irrigators

deep well river alluvial weel well

118

the variability of prices, losses for vegetable producers can be even greater during drought

years.

Infrastructure - drinking water

Access to water is still a problem in rural areas of Ceará, the great number of

scattered and isolated communities requires an enormous amount of investments in

infrastructure such as pipelines, perforation, construction and maintenance of deep wells.

The states of the North and Northeast regions are the most affected by inadequate

sanitation and water supply, this problem is enhanced in rural areas, according to the 2010

census, only 33 percent of residences in rural areas are directly connected to the water

system and only 6 percent to the sewage system, approximately 20 percent have septic

cesspools. (IBGE 2010).

There has been improvements in investments and specially in the management

model that operates and maintains the water supply and wastewater systems. The Sistema

Integrado de Saneamento Rural (Integrated Rural Sanitation System – SISAR)

established in the macroregion of Sobral has spread to other two states and is a reference

for a sustainable, decentralized and participatory water and wastewater management in

rural areas. (Meleg, 2013).

What occurs in most households who do not have access to water through SISAR,

is the deployment of alternative systems perceived through isolated actions implemented

by government and non-governmental institutions. In the study area, one realizes the

existence of different sources of water and it cannot be said that there is a pattern between

the three segments (carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators).In the carrasco, there is a good

119

structure with regard to access to piped water, a direct result of the SISAR impact in the

region55. However, among the irrigators visited, thirteen percent had as their main source

of drinking water the cacimbão (Figure 28).

Figure 28:Distribution of rural producers according to the main source of drinking water.

carrasco segments, zona húmida and irrigators in the municipality of Guaraciaba Norte-

Ceará.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

55The SISAR project in Guaraciaba do Norte has given priority to the carrasco region, the main

communities, Alegre, Descoberta, Bouqueirão and Várzea dos Espinho have been contemplated. SISAR is

a non governmental organization with the objective of supplying quality water in rural areas that suffer

from drought. (For more information see: http://www.sisarceara.org/). After installation (drilling of a deep

well and construction of a water distribution infrastructure) a member of the community is trained and

made responsible for controlling water quality (through chlorine), for charging (everyone that benefits from

SISAR pay a fixed value of eight reais) and small maintenances. This water is for household consumption

only, anyone caught using the water for any other activity such as irrigation is fined and can in extreme

cases, lose water privileges (access to water is cut off). The quality of the water is constantly monitored by

the municipal health secretary, and they are the ones that alert the community in case of any biological

contamination over a specified threshold.

4

11

14

13

100

72

88

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

cacimba cistern cacimbão piped water

120

Interventions such as Project São José, Project Alvorada and Project one million

Cisterns have taken a different set of alternatives in water supply for the population

(either drilling wells, construction of cacimbas and cacimbões or cisterns). In recent

years, although there are still problems of sanitation in rural areas, it is no longer as

common to suffer walking long distances to fetch water. The 100 percent of the

households with piped water in the carrasco shows the success and clear aim of the

government and non governmental organizations towards more vulnerable groups,

especially in drought years.

Another factor that suggests a change in access to water in the communities is

improved water quality. As is apparent from Figure 29, the majority of respondents

consider the quality good for consumption. There are those that have complained about

the excessive taste of chlorine in the water, but the secretary of health in Guaraciaba do

Norte say it is necessary given the biological contamination that is found in some of the

wells. Today over eighty wells are monitored constantly for biological contaminants.

They do not however monitor for any heavy metal contaminants`, the main source of

contaminants from the use of fertilizers and pesticides/herbicides.

121

Figure 29: Distribution of rural producers according to the opinion on water quality.

Carrasco segments, zona húmida and irrigators in the municipality of Guaraciaba Norte-

Ceará.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Periods of drought in Ceará are recurrent and may persist for months even years.

The reservoirs dry up and the water supply becomes the main concern of public

managers. From this situation emerged the water tanker (carro pipa) (Figure: 30). The

water tanker is used by local politicians to take water to despaired and isolated

populations in rural areas. For many this is an instrument of domination that imposes a

significant barrier to structural measures that could, in fact, reduce the vulnerability of the

population to droughts (Finan and Nelson, 2009).

93

8991

7

7

9

4

carrasco zon húmida irrigators

good salobra low quality

122

Figure 30:Water tanker supplying a cisterna near the Castanhão water reservoir during

the 2013 drought.

Source: (Xavier, Rocha, Pires, and Gurjão, 2013).

A set of actions and policies for tackling the problems of water shortage has

reduced the presence of carros pipa. Programs such as One million Cisterns have been

efficient but are still insufficient when it comes to attending the needs of the poor and

drought stricken population. Another problem that still needs attention is the access and

sometimes undemocratic distribution of the resource. The solution suggested by the state

government is to strengthen the model adopted by the SISAR and consolidate the bottom-

up, participatory water management model (Sales, 2013).

Before the 2013 drought, which was considered one of the worst in the past 50

years, the water tanker was not the main source of water in traditional water stressed

regions such as the carrasco. Only 11% of the households of the zona húmida segment

were supplied by such measure exactly the same households with cisterns (rainwater

123

captured from the roof during the rainy season) as main water source. In the carrasco and

for the irrigators there was no recurrence to this supply source. Despite the small number

of residences that needed their water supply from the water tankers, there was still a clear

problem of quality. The water (for the water tankers) had as source reservoirs with low

quality water. As one smallholder stated:

“A qualidade não é boa, dá pra sentir um cheiro forte, mas é o que temos, daqui

pro final do ano a coisa vai ficar pior, o cheiro fica mais forte”.

“The quality is not good, you can smell a strong odor, but it’s what we’ve got, it

will get worse till the end of the year, the smell is even stronger”

Water quality is clearly a problem seen through all three categories and tends to

increase as drought prolongs. The necessity to expand the SISAR program to all

communities is essential given that the municipal secretary of health does not monitor the

water distributed by water tankers.

Access to credit

The use of water scarcity as justification for the meager results of the agriculture

sector in Ceará does not contribute to the understanding of the problem or even to the

elaboration of rural development plans for the State. Reality shows other problems,

among them the fact that most rural producers of Ceará have low capital and investment

capacity, are contributing to the state’s weak agricultural performance. As an aggravating

and limiting factor for competitiveness, few have access to financing and many resist

increase debt as a way to increase business. This trend was clearly perceived among the

producers interviewed in Guaraciaba do Norte (Figure 31).

124

Figure 31: Distribution of rural producers according to the realization of loans through

banks or other financial institution for the 2013 harvest for the carrasco, zona húmida and

irrigators segments in Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

The vast majority, from all three categories, did not withdraw any kind of

financial loan. The numbers presented for the irrigators category can be misleading, since

their main source of finance is through private businesses, mainly through big producers

and input/irrigations shops, such as Agrofértil and Agroforte, located in the sede of

Guaraciaba do Norte. The preference for private loans is explained by the fear many have

on taking loans from the bank and not being able to repay them, resulting in loss of asset

(particularly land).

When having a bad harvest or when the prices for a commodity are too low,

creating financial loss, private organizations tend to be more flexible about repayment

allowing for partial payments and the possibility of carrying the debt until the next

23

1122

77

8978

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

yes no

125

harvest. Vegetable producers prefer this method of private finance and loaning given the

trust and relationships they have with the shops and big producers. Unfortunately this

relationship has little to do with the conditions of such loans, since the interest rate from

the private sector is just as high and in some cases higher than from the official channels.

As one producer stated:

“A gente prefere pegar na loja porque nois já conhecemos, se agente pegar

prejuizo nessa safra ou o preço dê “bambu56”, o pagamento passa pra próxima, ou se

não agente vende alguma coisa que tem pra cobrir a perda. No banco não, se não pagar

aí corre o risco de perder a terra. Quem trabalha com hortaliça sabe que o risco é muito

grande, então eu fico mesmo com o pessoal da loja que eu conheço”.

“We prefer to get it (the loan) in the shop, because we know each other, if we

have a loss in this harvest or the price is “bamboo”, the payment is transferred for the next

one (harvest), or in some cases we sell something we have to cover the losses (usually a

car or motorcycle). The bank, if you do not pay, you run the risk of losing the land. Who

works with vegetables knows the risks are high, for this reason I prefer to stay with the

people from the shops that I know”.

An analysis of over the last five years, shows a rise in the percentage of producers

who have resorted to loans in the three segments evaluated, however this rise still does

not reach even half of the respondents interviewed(Figure 32); demonstrating continued

skepticism by producers. Conversely, development banks argue that there is no reason

why the smallholder should be skeptical or afraid of withdrawing loans. According to

them, they offer considerable advantages to smallholders, such as a two-year grace

period, and in case of drought year the debt is considerably reduced and in some

occasions is forgiven. Additionally the official developments banks, specially the BNB,

56Expression used by vegetable producers when there is an overproduction, resulting in market price below

the costs of production, hence in financial loss for the producer.

126

have increased available resource for small landholders, through the Family Agriculture

Program (Programa da Agricultura Familiar – PRONAF. One of the problems though is

the need for collateral assets to participate in the program making it difficult for landless

farmers to enroll and receive financial benefits from the program.

Figure 32: Distribution of rural producers that have taken loans through banks or other

financial institution in the last five years excluding the 2013 harvest for the carrasco, zona

húmida and irrigators segments in Guaraciaba do Norte

Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

PRONAF has twelve different lines of credit, all which are dedicated to small

rural family operations. The two most commonly used by the rainfed producers are

PRONAF B, which is designed to support poor rural producers, and PRONAF C, granted

to undercapitalized producers. These two categories represent 60% of the total contracts

signed among the existing lines of credit for PRONAF in the state of Ceará

2532

38

7568

63

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrasco zona húmida irrigators

yes no

127

(www.bnb.gov.br). For PRONAF group B, family gross income must be no more than

three thousand reais per year and in group C gross family income must range between

three and seventeen thousand per year (Ministry of Agricultural Development). In terms

of technical assistance, there is the PNATER – the National Plan in Technical Assistance

and Rural Extension. Despite the name, the main initiatives under the PNATER do not

give technical assistance or extension training, but are actually designed to provide

insurance programs. These insurance programs target small rainfed producers located in

Northeast Brazil, with family income up to one and a half the minimum wage per month

with land plots no bigger than ten hectares (minifundistas). Such programs include:

PROAGRO (covers 60% to 100% of the value financed for agricultural investments),

PROAGRO MAIS (covers 100% of the value financed for agricultural investments and

guarantees a minimal income of seven hundred reais divided in seven alotments) and

Garantia Safra(guarantees a minimal income of seven hundred reais divided in seven

alotments). The insurance premiums are granted in the condition of drought and loss of at

least fifty percent of the harvest, which are declared through official institutional channels

such as FUNCEME (the state meteorological institution).

There is a great consistency in the amount that producers that take on, as well;

also demonstrating producers hesitancy to borrow. As clearly noted in Table 23, the

average of the producers from the carrasco and zona húmida financed up to R$ 3,000.

None of them exceeded the value of R $ 12,000. The values of the loans in the irrigators

group are statistically superior, when comparing to the other segments, with an average of

128

about R$ 10,500; two and a half times the average loan in the carrasco and the zona

húmida.

The amount of credit is a clear depiction of the divide when considering the

rainfed group compared to the irrigators. This reflects the positive, yet unequal, effects of

the implementation of the new technological package of the Green Revolution. The

average amount of loan in the irrigators category reveals the important role that vegetable

production has had in the economic push for some of the município and in widening the

gap between irrigators and rainfed agriculturists.

Table 23:Descriptive statistics for the variable amount loaned from financial institution

for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in Guaraciaba do Norte*. (R$).

category average minumum maximum median

carrasco 3,062 300 12,000 2,000

zona húmida 2,688 700 12,000 2,000

irrigators 10,616 1,500 30,000 11,850 Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013. *The ANOVA pointed out significant differences between irrigators compared to zona húmida and carrasco

regarding the variable amount loaned from financial institution, at a 5% level of significance.

Besides the fear of losing their hard-earned assets, smallholders argue that one of

the main barriers to acquire a financial loan is the heavy bureaucratic exigencies imposed

by the banks. According to various smallholders, “you only take a loan once, after the

first experience you never go back.” Besides the hassle of writing a feasibility project for

the amount requested, there is also the process to analysis assets used as collateral in the

event of any miss payment; both requirements leave poor farmers discouraged to take out

loans. In case of an external event, such as a drought, the situation can become critical.

Those without a safety net can find themselves in an extremely vulnerable situation,

129

owing the bank, losing assets and not having guaranteed sufficient production of staple

crops for the year.

The difficulties, or barriers for official loans can be better understood by

observing Figure 33. These values started to be collected in 1993 by the central bank

(BACEN), and the purpose of such loans is exclusively for the agricultural sector and

divided in three categories, costs; investments and commercialization. Commercialization

was proportionality irrelevant when compared to costs and investments, being accounted

for only during the years 2002, 2003 and 2004, representing less than one percent of the

loans. Loans for costs where proportionally higher from 1993 to 2004, afterwards shifting

to investments. The majority of the loans under the investment imprint were meant to

purchase equipment, such as motor pumps and livestock, especially cattle.

What is most surprising and corroborates with the barriers regarding access to

credit is the number of contracts for these loans. These contracts, as stated above, include

all the money destined to cover agricultural activities, and include those under the

PRONAF category. There does not seem to have a clear relation among the number of

contracts and the amount financed. From 1993 to 2003 the amount of loans is related to

the economic performance of the country.

130

Figure 33: Total loans (costs, investment and commercialization) and total number

contracts for agriculture in Guaraciaba do Norte 1993 to 2012.

Source: BACEN, various years.

From 1995 to 1999occurred the economic “boom” of the Real Plan, loans where

over five hundred thousand reais, but the numbers of contracts where just above two

hundred. This reveals the limited reach agricultural development programs had, given it

benefited less than one percent of agriculturalist. The 1999 debt crises of the states

resulted in a massive devaluation of the Real to the Dollar, impacting the economy

severely, causing a considerable reduction in the total amount of loans, despite the

increasing number of contracts. The economic stagnation lasted through the transition of

Fenando Herique to Lula’s government, in 2002. In 2004, reflecting Lula’s desire to

increase access of loans, resulted in record number of contracts in Guaraciaba do Norte,

reaching just over 1500. The number of contracts could still be considered small when

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

1400

1600

1800

0

500000

1000000

1500000

2000000

2500000

199

3

199

4

199

5

199

6

199

7

199

8

199

9

200

0

200

1

200

2

200

3

200

4

200

5

200

6

200

7

200

8

200

9

201

0

201

1

201

2

costing/defrayal investment contract (inverted y axis)

131

compared with the total amount of families that depend on agriculture for their livelihood,

but it is quite larger when compared to the previous period (1993 to 2003).

Production and income

The main source of income for those interviewed among the three categories, as

seen previously originated from agricultural and non agricultural sources. Only a small

number of those interviewed had a parallel activity outside agriculture, such as

construction (pedreiro), school driver for the município (motorista) and even an

elementary school teacher in the district of Sussuanha that worked alongside his brother

in the production of tomatoes.

One of the most important sources of income in all three categories are

government transfer programs. The Bolsa Familia Programa (BFP)is considered by

many to be one of the most successful programs of cash transfer from the government to

the extreme poor of the population, benefiting about 11 million families (Lindert, 2006;

Soares et al., 2010). Although some have raised concerns related to targeting, political

patronage and dependency compromising long-term investments into basic social

infrastructure (Hall, 2006); BFP has been responsible for the enhancement of well-being

(safety net) in Brazilian rural areas, especially in Northeast Brazil. BFP has had the

greatest impact on zona húmida and carrasco, as demonstrated by Table 24, which is

understandable given the program’s goals to end hunger and poverty.

132

Table 24: Relative frequency distribution according to participation in the bolsa família

program for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators.

category yes No

carrasco 60 40

zona húmida 57 43

irrigators 22 78 Source: Data collected in study area. June/2013.

Although BFP has succeed in increasing well-being, there have been criticism of

“side effects” attributed to its implementation. This stems from the perceived belief that

the increase in total household income, provided by BFP and Seguro Safra (Drought

Insurance Program) has negatively affected Brazilian work ethic. In short, some

landowners state that the cash transfer program has made the rural laborer lazy; Bolsa

Família “make the workers lazy […] the situation is worse now, because the only thing

they do is stay in the house, getting drunk and procreating, so they can get more money

from the government”. There is however another point of view that is worth analyzing

further, that of prioritization or choice. For the rural laborer, the cash transfer program has

given them the possibility to dedicate more of their time to their own crops and better

securing their livelihoods. Before BFP they had no other source of income so they were

“forced” to work in the fields of the patrão (the boss) to “make ends meet”.

This all changed with the Bolsa Familia, as one smallholder put it:

“Eu posso dedicar mais tempo as minhas terras e garantir uma safra melhor. Se

eu precisar de dinheiro e se não tiver que cuidar da terra é só procurar quem precisa de

trabalhador. Serviço nunca falta pra quem tá procurando.”

“I can dedicate more of my time to my own fields now, and guarantee a better

crop. If I need money, and there's nothing to do in my fields, I’ll just look to see who

needs a worker. There is never a shortage of jobs, if you’re looking for one”.

133

One important consequence derived from the BFP was the increase in wages for

rural workers in the vegetable fields. With the difficulties in hiring, the patrão at the end

of each harvest are now splitting the profits with the laborers. Everyone has a share in the

profits, but those considered most loyal have a bigger share, this is considered an

effective way of incentivizing and increasing labor productivity, and is now practiced by

all vegetable producers. As one producer put it:

“Arranjar mão-de-obra onde a pessoa seja comprometida é díficil, então no final

de cada safra agente sempre dá um dinheiro a mais aqueles que são mais comprometidos

isso incentiva os outros também.”

“To hire committed labor is hard to come by, so at the end of each harvest we (the

patrão) always give a bit more money to those most committed, it works as an incentive

for the others”.

This, however, is more of a reality for those landless or smallholder that live

nearby the irrigation zones, where the patrão is always in need of extra labor to work in

the land57. BPF is not the only government cash transfer programs, there are two other

government benefit programs that bring relief when drought strikes. The first is the Bolsa

Estiagem (BE). This give to agricultural workers a value of eighty reais, paid in four

allotments, from September to December (Table 25). The second is the Garantia Safra

(GS), which is a type of drought insurance. Small landholders receive this benefit when

droughts are officially declared by the municipal government, supported by the state

government, and at least fifty percent of the harvest is proven to be lost. The value of this

57One important consequence of the vegetable production process was the increase number in population in

communities near the zona húmida, such as Sussuanha, Limoeiro dos Pompeus e Morrinhos Novos,

according to some interviewed the population more than doubled in these places.

134

benefit was seven hundred and sixty reais in 2013, paid in five allotments, September

2013 through January 2014.

Table 25: Relative frequency distribution according to participation in in the bolsa

estiagem for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators.

category yes No

carrasco 50 50

zona húmida 43 57

irrigators 15 85 Source: Data colected in study area. June/2013.

Given the limited budget available for the BE program, the value is determined by

the number of household members who received benefits through any other program. The

municipal government use local health agents of the localities as mediators, since they

have a profound knowledge of the families situation under their care. Generally those

families benefited by BFP were not benefited by the BE, but may have been benefited by

GS.

There is one important note worth mentioning here, which is the importance the

Rural Workers Union (RWU) have in the lives of smallholders and landless

agriculturalist. The benefits of rural pension, GS and BE at some point go through the

RWU. For example, for an individual to be benefited with rural pension, he or she have to

be registered and pay, during twelve years, a minimum monthly fee to the RWU. The

registration in RWU is the only proof individuals have that demonstrate that agriculture is

the household's main source of income. Another example is the fee paid of seventeen

reais to have the right for the GS when drought is declared; which, ironically, is a benefit

135

no one is looking forward to receiving, given the profound impacts of drought in their

livelihoods.

The cash transfer programs have also had an effect on migration patterns, where

fewer people are migrating to the Southeast. Those that did would go during the dry

season and come back during the rainy and harvest season. This is quite a change in

social dynamic of the município. The improvements in education and health have also

given new opportunities for those that stay.

“Antigamente saía muito mais, hoje sai menos, ao contrário, tem mais gente

voltando. Antes da aposentadoria e da bolsa família os filhos migravam para ajudar os

pais. Hoje isso não é mais necessário. Hoje não estão saindo tanto como antes. Muitas

vezes a migração é sazonal. Durante a estiagem eles vão ao Sul e voltam durante o

inverno para trabalharem na terra. Hoje a quantidade de aposentados é muito grande, o

que possibilita que sustentem os netos e filhos.”

"There used to be more migration, there is less migration today, on the contrary,

there is more people coming back. Before the retirement pension and the BFP the sons

and grandsons would migrate to help the family. Today this is not necessary. Today they

are not migrating as before. Lots of times its sazonal. During the drought period they’ll go

to the South and come back during the winter (rainy season) to work in the land. Today

the number of retired people with pension is big, and they are able to support sons and

grandsons."

In terms of production capacity, irrigators have a significant advantage compared

to the other two rainfed categories. The thirty irrigators interviewed were responsible for

the production of 6,319 tons in vegetables, rasing R$ 5,045,012 in revenue58. Among the

produce registered was production of tomato59, green pepers, carrots, coriander, chive,

beet, cabbage, sweet potatoes, cucumber, passion fruit, bananas, brown sugar (sugar-

58One producer was responsible for more than half of the amount raised (R$ 3,616,320.00). He is one of the

biggest producer of the micro-region. 59Representing 53% of the total production and 50% of the total revenue.

136

cane), lettuce, chard, pumpkin and chayote. Of course, irrigators did have higher

production and maintenance costs, however, they were still able to have a higher income

when compared to the Carasco and zona húmida producers (Table 26).

Table 26: Descriptive statistics for the variable total monthly amount of income in the

household for carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators*. (R$).

Category Average Minumum Maximum Median

carrasco 774 140 2,982 500

zona húmida 839 272 2,500 600

irrigators 2,600 300 20,000 1,400 Source: Data colected in study area. June/2013.

*The ANOVA pointed out significant differences between irrigators compared to zona húmida and carrasco

regarding the variable total monthly amount of income in household, at a 5% level of significance.

Looking at the average household income in Table 26, carrasco and zona húmida

have just about over the minimum wage. Unfortunately this does not reflect that the

majority in the two categories were in actuality earning below minimum wage. A second

very important component of household income is the rural retirement pension (Figure

35), of one minimum wage. Those households with one or two senior citizens that

benefited from such pension acted as the “safety-net” for the entire household, including

sons and grandsons. So looking at the average income and the number of residents in each

household, results in a per capita income were in many cases below the poverty line.This

was also a reality for the irrigators category, but not as common as in the rainfed

categories.

Government transfers were especially critical in the carrasco, where only thirty

percent of those interviewed were able to produce some subsistence staple, corn and/or

beans, and in some cases manioc flour (more predominant in the zona húmida category).

137

Comparing all three categories, carrasco was able to produce a total of only 0.58 tons in

subsistence stables. In comparison, zona húmida producers were able to produce a total of

9 tons of subsistence crops (corn and beans). Only fifty three percent of the producers in

the irrigators category harvested corn and beans, but obtained an output of 24 tons in

subsistence grains, which is explained by the larger average size of cultivated land.

Figure 34: Proportion of households with at least one individual benefited from rural

pension: carrasco, zona húmida and irrigators in Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source: Data colected in study area. June/2013.

This difference in production corroborates with the hypothesis that those rainfed

smallholders living in the humid zone are able, even in drought years, to harvest some

staple goods. In this case, in contrast from what is observed in the irrigators category,

land size was not the main variable to explain the difference in production, since, as seen

earlier, carrasco and zona húmida producers had on average the same harvested land size.

4029

38

6071

63

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

carrco zona húmida irrigantes

yes no

138

The difference in production results reveal a real opportunity of growth and

economic betterment of those that practice vegetable production, emphasizing in cash

crops such as tomatoes, green peppers, cabbage, carrots and onions. There is however

clear lack of political support, in terms of public policies, especially related to inflexible

labor rights and technical assistance with proper outreach programs.

This apparent indifference of the government towards vegetable producers has

resulted in the rise of the private sector in strategic roles once played by government

institutions, such as loans and harvesting practice/management. Chapter Five will analyze

how the demands of production have changed along the decades, and how these practices

have impacted the environment in Guaraciaba do Norte.

139

CHAPTER FIVE

TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS IN

GUARACIABA DO NORTE

This chapter assesses the changes of technological adoption and how these

changes relate to environment impacts. It traces the pathway of technology adoption over

time and compares these changes with evolving environmental concerns with regard to

such factors as adaptations to the rise in average temperature and the reduction of water

availability for human and agricultural use. The case of Guaraciaba do Norte shows that

technological change is triggered as a response not only to rising economic costs but also

to such environmental factors as below average rainfall.

Bowonder (1979) states that one of the consequences of the Green Revolution

technology is the increased use through time of chemical fertilizers and pesticides. As in

other parts of the world that implemented the Green Revolution package, Guaraciaba do

Norte has also experienced a significant increase in the demand for water, pesticides and

fertilizers. This has had effects on the environment (especially soil and water) and

consequently on productivity, forcing measures to use dwindling resources more

efficiently. Adding to environmental problems, there are also issues related to health.

There is a consensus among health specialists (doctors and nurses) interviewed in

Guaraciaba and health authorities of the state,that the use of chemical pesticides and

fertilizers has resulted in serious human hazards for those that are constantly in contact

with these inputs.

140

It is important to acknowledge that the adoption of new technology by producers

in Guaraciaba do Norte is dependent upon previous knowledge accumulated during the

past decades and adapted accordingly. When a new technique or technology adapted to

their reality and climate is shown to be a success, it is quickly disseminated among

producers. Despite the disinclination toward cooperative activity in production and

marketing, there abundant sharing when it comes to the adoption of a cost effective new

technologies, such as an irrigation techniques or new seed varieties.

This chapter thus focuses on the recent history of technological innovation and its

intricate relationships with a changing environment. In doing so, it combines economic

decision making with natural resource use and public health. Since agriculture requires

land, the chapter also addresses the process of deforestation in the region. Finally, the

focus shifts to organic production that is seen as a response to the Green Revolution

production practiced in Guaraciaba do Norte.

The evolution of technical change in vegetable production and their environmental

impacts

Success in tomato farming requires constant adjustment to the reality of market

demand and the adoption of technological alternatives that overcome the increasing

obstacles in the production process. These adjustments in the other hand also have

substantial impact to the environment. I will focus my description and analysis in three

fundamental changes in the production process, and their influence in the environment:

the use of covered and better-protected fields; the improved handling of HYV seeds, and

irrigation technology.

141

Covered netting

It is still common practice for vegetable producers in Guaraciaba do Norte to

cultivate their crops in open fields (Figure 35). Its consensus among the most advanced

producers that the next evolutionary stage in the production process would be to cover the

field with netting (the material used is resistant nylon) on an elevated support to better

control pests, sunlight, and moisture, but this is an expensive investment with uncertain

economic returns (given the variability of vegetable prices during the year). Those that

still use open fields state that the initial investment needed for the netting combined with

the already heavy costs of fertilizers and pesticides, renders the vegetable production

operation economically nonviable60. This is true especially in small operations with small

economic gains of scale compared to bigger producers61. One producer that harvested

vegetable in one and a half hectares of open field stated:

“É muito comum se plantar em campo aberto. Esse negócio de produção telada,

quase ninguém tem. É muito caro, e do jeito que o preço do tomate fica variando não dá.

Esse nosso negócio de plantar hortaliça, é arriscado, principalmente o tomate. Então não

dá pra ir se aventurando assim. Tirando empréstimo em banco pra construir uma tela e

depois não ter retorno garantido no preço.”

“It’s common to harvest in open fields. This thing of using a protective netting,

almost no one does it. It is very expensive, and the way tomato prices vary makes it

unfeasible. This vegetable business is very risky, especially tomatoes. Therefore, you

cannot just go adventuring yourself that way. Withdrawing a loan from the bank to build

a netting structure and not have any guaranteed financial return afterword.”

Vegetable producer in Cruz das Almas, Guaraciaba doNorte.

60Each hectare of area covered with netting costs about $ 30,000 Reais (about US $13,000 – exchange rate

of June 2013) and has a life cycle of ten to twelve years. 61Guaraciaba’s producer association states that open field is the reality of most vegetable producers, which

operate in areas of up to one hectare.

142

Those that do cover their fields with netting (Figure 36) affirm that vegetable

production is no longer for amateurs because “the stakes are too high62”. Leaving the crop

unprotected from pests and the influence of climate result in lower productivity levels63.

Thus the advantages of having a netted structure is both a reduction of costs due to less

use of pesticides and a higher yield per plant.

Figure 35:Open field of tomato production (in its final cycle), in Cruz das Almas,

Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source: MAYORGA, F.D.O. June 2013.

62Curriously enough, they use the same argument as those that harvest in open field, which is maket

variability. 63In the case of tomatoes, open fields productivity due to pest infestation averages 2.5 – 3 kgs per plant.

With a netted structure, productivity is twice as high.

143

When considering the environment, producers stated that covered netting was a

necessity and direct result of increasing temperatures due to climate change of the

Ibiapaba region64. This climate change is attributed mainly to the deforestation in the zona

húmida, which is seen as responsible for affecting the average temperature, luminosity,

moisture and wind velocity of the region--all critical to the productivity of tomatoes and

other vegetables. The netting provides better climate control, making it cooler in very hot

days (reduces the temperature between five to eight degrees Celsius), conserves moisture

levels (between sixty and eighty percent higher), preventing high winds (maintains a

constant wind between ten and twenty kilometers per hour) and luminosity (from twelve

to sixteen percent less light) from damaging the crops. It also protects the cultures from

excessive rain, very important in above average precipitation years.

Covered netting also means a reduction in the use of pesticides, since the structure

protects the crops from undesirable pests (e.g. bugs and butterflies). There is considerably

less pesticide usage (thirty to forty five percent less according to producers). The

reduction in application is especially beneficial for those that handle pesticides directly

and are vulnerable to the health consequences of heavy exposure as well as for the soil,

which can be contaminated by toxic residues65. In fact, information on soil contamination

levels was one of the biggest challenges of this research, since there are no studies in the

64Producers assign this climate change to deforestation in the zona húmida, which shall be analyzed latter in

this chapter.

65Depletion of micronutrients such as magnesium, zinc and molybdenum have been found deficient in soils

of areas with intense input usage. There is also the indiscriminate use of NPK (nitrogen, phosphorus and

potassium) resulting in dangerous soil imbalances, affecting food production (Bowonder, 1979).

144

area of the Ibiapaba region that confirm contamination of the soil due to

pesticide/fertilizer usage.

Figure 36: Covered vegetable plantings in Timbaúba, Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source: MAYORGA, F.D.O. June 2013

The necessity to increase the use of pesticide with time has been one of the most

persistent obstacles faced by those who adopt the Green Revolution. The increase in pest

and pathogens has generated the concomitant need for more chemical, non-biodegradable

pesticides (Ninan and Chandrashekar, 1993). So has it been In Guaraciaba do Norte. All

the irrigators in my sample recognized that the quantity of pesticides and fertilizers has

vastly expanded since the beginning of the tomato fever in the 1970’s. This statement

below was typical.

145

“No início o veneno era de quinze em quinze dias, depois passou a ser uma vez

por semana. Até alguns anos atrás eram duas pulverizadas por semana, pra “lagarta do

fura”, agora não tá mais adiantando três, tem que partir pra quatro pulverizações por

semana pra tratar de duas praga diferente.”

“In the beginning we had to apply the poison every other week, then it was once a

week. Until not long ago, we had to pulverize our fields twice a week. Nowadays not

even three is getting the job done, we are having to pulverize our field four times a week

to deal with two kinds of plagues.”

Producer from Tamboatazinho

Not only can the infestation problem vastly reduced productivity of tomatoes and

vegetables, it also increases the costs of production to prohibitive levels. In the case of

tomatoes, there is no other crop as vulnerable to production loss due to pests. compares its

expense and the amount of production loss. Some producers say that losses exceeded fifty

percent making production nonviable in 2013. Usually the technical direction to avoid

such losses comes from the advisors hired by the input suppliers in town. Information on

the appropriate dosage and application of pesticide/herbicides and fertilizer is commonly

provided through this source and is offered freely with the purchase of the pesticides.

“[…] tem os agrônomos que vem e nos auxilia na aplicação dos defensivos e dos

fertilizantes. A quantidade de defensivo tem aumentado muito com o passar do tempo.

Esse ano, em algumas hortas, perdi em torno de setenta porcento por causa das pragas,

em outras tá dando pra controlar. O uso do agrotóxico é grande o que aumentou o custo

da cultura. Repolho ano passado foi difícil. O controle é necessário desde o início”.

“[...] there are the agronomists that aid us in the application of pest control and

fertilizers. The quantity of required poison has increased with time. This year, in some of

my gardens I lost about seventy percent in production because of the plagues, in other

gardens I’ve been able to control. The use of agro toxic is high, what increased our cost of

production. Cabbage last year was difficult. Control is necessary from the beginning of

each harvest”.

146

Recently, the state has expanded its vigilance through new environmental

regulations approved by congress in 2013. Now all producers are required to properly

dispose of their pesticide packing rather than deposit them in the river, as was the case

previously. Today, the farmers rinse the residue off the packaging and the input shops are

obliged to pick up and deliver the used packaging to a specialized disposal facility in a

neighboring município66. The pesticide producers are ultimately responsible for the safe

disposal of the packaging, and the entire process is overseen by the Ceará Secretariat of

the Environment – SEMACE, the agency that establishes the rules and guidelines.

Overall, this process has received positive feedback from both producers and residents

who appreciate the reduction of pollution. Certainly, these environmental requirements

and the new environmental law put into practice in 2013 bring new challenges. Increased

specialization and training, jointly with government support, are necessary for a

successful and sustainable future in the vegetable production business in the micro region.

In terms of soil quality, some producers state that the high quantities and

increasing applications of pesticide have negatively affected soil productivity. Others,

however, dispute this saying that appropriate crop rotations can maintain a healthy soil

such as cultivating sweet potatoes or corn after a vegetable crop67. This debate is

summarized in the two following testimonies of producers: distinct testimonies

considering these problems, such as:

66Ubajará has an appropriate facility responsible for gathering and disposing of these packaging. 67Rotation agriculture is most common among those irrigators with three parcels. Those with only one

parcel have to sequence the crops, as stated above.

147

“O cultivo intensivo e o veneno tem influenciado na qualidade do solo, você

percebe que tá ficando mais fraco. Todo mundo tá percebendo isso no campo. Não é mais

o solo de antigamente”

“The intense cultivation and the poison has influenced in soil quality, you notice

that its weaker. Everyone is noticing that in the fields. It not the same soil as it used to be

before.”

Vegetable producer from Cruz das Almas

“O solo não fica muito diferente, a irrigação joga muito sal, mas é só plantar um

milho ou batata-doce pra corrigir. Essas culturas absorvem bem o excesso de sal. E

também tem que deixar a terra descansar uns dois ou três anos. Se você for plantar

seguidamente é claro que não vai ter a mesma produtividade”

“The soil doesn’t change that much, irrigation accumulates salt, but just plant corn

or sweet potatoes to correct it. These cultures do a good job in absorbing the excessive

salt. You also have to rotate the fields you use and let the land rest two or three years. If

you harvest in the same area in following years it’s obvious that you won’t have the same

productivity”

Vegetable producer from Tamboatazinho

Nursery seedling production

Another major technological innovation occurred due to the increased costs of

HYV seeds. At first, farmers planted their seeds directly in the field, and there was

significant loss. As seed costs increased, farmers came to increasingly depend upon the

purchase of seedlings from specialized local nurseries that appeared around the time of

the research. In Guaraciaba do Norte there were two specialized seedling greenhouses. A

former tomato farmer built the first greenhouse nursery and developed his own compost

to use in the seedling production process. As word of his specialized know-how spread,

148

he increased his market demand and today produces 50-100,000 seedlings per month. As

one producer notes:

“Antigamente se fazia uma cova e colocava a semente. A perda era grande.

Muitas sementes não vingavam. Hoje com o custo de mil sementes, não dá mais pra

ariscar. Tem que levar pra germinarem em uma estufa. Custa em torno de quarenta

centavos por semente. Ainda se perde em torno de vinte por cento daquelas que

germinam, mas é menor se comparar quando era feito em cova. Nessa época a perda era

muito alta, em torno de quarenta porcento”.

"In the beginning we would put the seeds on a small hole in the open field. The

loss was great. Many seeds would not germinate. Today with the cost of a thousand seeds

we can't risk it. You have to take them to a greenhouse to germinate. It costs around forty

cents per seed. We still have loses at around 20 per cent of those that germinate, but is

less when compared to when we opened holes in the ground. At that time the loss was

very high, around forty per cent."

Producer in Picada, Guaraciaba do Norte.

The environmental advantage of this technology has been the use of HYV seeds

with increased resistance to specific pests and pathogens, thus the decreased use of

pesticides. This advantage is realized primarily during the first years of a specific

infestation, since after two to three years the pests themselves become more resistant.

Irrigation technology

Another substantial change in production technology has been in field irrigation

systems. There are fundamentally two changes in irrigation technology. First, there is the

transition of hose irrigation to drip irrigation, in the beginning a response to the necessity

of reducing production costs, but that later, with the increased drought effects, also

became a response to reduction in water availability. The second is the transition from

149

using water directly from the river to deep well sources, because of the lack of water in

the rivers.

From hose to drip irrigation

The traditional system involved the use of a hose drawing its water from a well or

river which workers ran up each pair of rows watering plants on either side. It was labor-

intensive and inefficient in the use of water68. The adopted technology change employs

micro-sprinklers and drip irrigation from plastic tubing set in the fields. Water is

distributed directly to each plant in the appropriate amounts and the labor costs are highly

reduced Figure 37.

The environmental consequence of this change was obvious. Were not for the new

method put in practice, given the increasing demand in water, there would have probably

been a total water collapse for irrigation and human consumption. As one vegetable

producer from Picada states:

“Hoje não dá mais pra plantar tomate usando a mangueira por dois motivos: o

primeiro é pela falta de água, com o uso de micro-aspessor e gotejamento da quantidade

de água utilizada é menor, então a gente consegue aproveitar melhor o uso da água, mas

como tem muita gente plantando e com a seca dos dois últimos anos o rio tem secado é

cedo. Em setembro e outubro tem gente que para. O segundo motivo é que fica mais

barato, a gente usa menos água e aproveita melhor o fertilizante que vai direto com a

água.”

68The loss of water using hose is considerably higher in addition to increase the concentration of salt and

minerals (fertilizer and pesticides) in the soil Lopes et al (2008). The few studies available for the state of

Ceará and that cover problems of water and soil contamination due to irrigated agriculture, concentrate their

analysis in the Jaguaribe, Acaraú and Curu watersheds in the North and Center South regions. The main

studies looked at the influence agricultural irrigation had on the quality of surface and groundwater and on

the soil (Aquino, et al, 2008; Lopes et al, 2008; Frota Júnior et al, 2007; Lopes et al, 2008). No studies have

however looked at possible natural resource contamination due to chemical pesticides and fertilizer use.

150

"Today you can't plant tomatoes using the hose, for two reasons, the first is the

lack of water, with the use of a sprayer and drip irrigation water loss is less, so we can

enjoy better water use, but like a lot of people are planting combined with the drought of

the last two years the river has dried up too early. In September October some producers

have stop their operations (due to the lack of water). The second reason is that it's

cheaper, uses less water and takes advantage of better fertilizer that goes straight to the

water."

Figure 37: Drip irrigation method used in the production of cabbage near Picada in

Guaraciaba do Norte.

Source: MAYORGA, F.D.O. June, 2013

151

From the river to the deep well

This has been the most striking change of the last five years and is a direct result

of the below average precipitation levels afflicting the state of Ceará since 2011. The

small but once permanent rivers that cross the Serra have experienced unprecedented

drying and in 2015 surface water supplies for agriculture were in collapse. The increasing

access to river surface water has forced vegetable producers to shift to wells that can tap

into alluvial groundwater supplies. The number of poços amazonas (piezometric wells –

concentrated in the zona húmida)andpoços profundos (deep wells – concentrated along

the rivers) grew rapidly from 2012 to 2013, as confirmed by the number of credit loans

destined for this purpose. In 2015, the number of deep wells has not only increased but

are being dug to greater depths into the aquifer. In Guaraciaba do Norte, water reduction

in the local rivers and consequently in the wells was seen by the município Secretary of

the Environment as the sum of two important factors: the rising demand of water for

irrigation (through the increase in the number of deep wells especially near the river) and

insufficient riparian vegetation alongside the rivers, resulting in increased

silting69.According to him:

“Com a horticultura o uso da água é muito grande, os olhos d’água foram

desaparecendo. Os rios hoje não correm tanto porque existem barragens para a

agricultura...o desmatamento da mata ciliar também teve grande contribuição na

redução da quantidade de água, em alguns lugares esse processo foi acelerado devido ao

processo de assoreamento no rio.”

69The secretary was especially concerned that the new environmental law passed in congress in 2013 further

deepen the problem concerning riparian conservation. Small properties are required to conserve fifteen

meters of the riparian vegetation starting on the riverbed.

152

“With vegetable production the use of water is intense, the water springs slowly

disappeared. The rivers today don’t flow as they used to because of the water dams for

agriculture..the deforestation of riparian vegetation also had great contribution in reducing

the amount of water, in some places this process was accelerated due to the silting process

of the river.”

And further:

“Os dois últimos anos foram de seca, isso afetou a quantidade de água nos rios,

uma época dessas (junho de 2013), era pra os rios estarem correndo, cheios de água.

Com a falta, a medida tomada pelos agricultores foi de perfurar poço profundo. Eles (os

produtores) estavam furando um poço profundo a cada dois dias. Isso diminui mais ainda

a quantidade de água disponível. Tivemos que suspender (prefeitura) a perfuração de

mais poços pra evitar um colapso de água nos distritos (especificamente nos distritos do

Mucambo, Várzea do Espinhos e Várzea Redonda, localizados na região do carrasco). Se

não tiver chuva suficiente em 2014 a coisa vai ficar complicada, porque o rio seca e a

quantidade de água no subsolo também vai diminuir ai a agricultura para de vez

(agricultura irrigada).”

"The last two years of drought affected the amount of water in the rivers, at this

time of the year (June 2013), the rivers were to be running, filled with water. With the

water shortage, the action taken by farmers was to drill deep wells. They (the producers)

were drilling a deep well every couple of days. This decreases even further the amount of

water available. We (município government) had to suspend the drilling of more wells to

avoid a collapse of water in the districts (specifically in Mucambo, Várzea dos Espinhos

and Várzea Redonda, located in the carrasco region). If we do not have sufficient rain in

2014, things will get complicated, because the rivers will dry and the amount of

underground water will decrease, which will stop (irrigated) agriculture for good. "

Secretary of the Environment for the municipal government.

This increase in deep wells and consequently in the demand for groundwater

means that irrigators must “guess” how much land can be cultivated with available water

resources. All the irrigator farmers in the sample cited the variation in water availability

as a production constraint, forcing them to take uncertain decisions concerning the size

and type of crop given their own assessments of water scarcity. Some vegetable producers

153

have progressively reduced field size water levels drop or have opted for crops with that

are less water dependent or have a shorter cycle. Their testimonies are summarized

below:

“Não sei se depois do maracujá, planto pimentão ou batata–doce, isso vai

depender da quantidade de água disponível, como os dois últimos invernos foram fracos,

pode ser que eu irrigue só até outubro, ai depois tem que esperar até o próximo inverno.”

"I don't know if after the passion fruit harvest, I’m going to plant green peppers or

sweet-potatoes, it’s going to depend on the amount of water available, since the last two

winters were weak, it may be that I’ll only irrigate until October, then we have to wait

until the next winter."

Vegetable producer from Tamboatá

“O poço profundo tá diminuindo a quantidade de água disponível. De 2011 pra

cá (junho de 2013) só tem diminuído a água, isso faz com que eu tenha que diminuir a

produção em 80% (diminui a área plantada). Ano passado eu tava aguando só as

pastagens pra alimentar o gado, eu tive que decidir entre manter o gado vivo e as

verduras.”

"The amount of water in the (deep) well is decreasing. From 2011 until now (June

2013) the water level has continued to drop, causing me to decrease the area of

production by 80%. Last year I only irrigated some fodder to feed the cattle, I had to

decide between keeping the livestock alive and vegetables."

Producer in Várzea dos Espinhos – downstream from the Piau river

“Quando falta água, aqueles que não tem poço profundo, tem que cavar o poço

amazonas e vê se consegue tirar um pouco mais de água pra evitar perda. Esse ano a

partir de agosto vou ficar só com a área do maracujá, que é menor e fica mais próxima

ao rio.”

"When there is no water, those that don't have a deep well have to dig the

piezometric well (poco amazonas) deeper and see if they can get more water and avoid

losses. This year, starting in August, I will only be planting the area where the passion

fruit is now, which is the smallest and lies closest to the river. "

Producer in Tambotazinho

154

“Quando chega agosto já começo a diminuir (tamanho da área plantada).

Começo com um e meio hectare e termino o ano só com meio hectare. No final do verão

(outubro novembro) escolho o que seja mais barato e que saia mais rápido então eu vou

com a cenoura e a beterraba. Esse ano acho que quando chegar em outubro vou ter que

para total por falta de água, aí agente come o que ganhou pra trás.”

"When August comes around I begin to reduce ( the planted area). I start with one

and a half hectare and finish the year with only half a hectare. At the end of the summer

(dry season – October/November) I go for what’s cheaper and faster to harvest that’s why

I prefer carrot and beets. This year I think when we get to October, we’re going to a

complete stop, due to lack of water and eat off what we earned in the past.”

Producer from Várzea dos Espinhos

“Eu começo com seis mil pés de tomate, dois quilos de semente de cenoura e seis

mil bilotos de batata-doce. Quando chega em agosto já diminuo, continuo com os seis mil

de tomate e reduzo pela metade a cenoura e a batata-doce. Em outubro fico só com os

seis mil de tomate, que tem maior retorno e demanda menos água que a cebola (Essa é

sua estratégia em um ano de inverno normal). Esse ano como tivemos dois inverno fraco

seguido é provável que tenha que suspender antes do final do ano, já em outubro. No

final do ano ninguém vai tá trabalhando por falta d’água nos rios.”

"I start with six thousand tomato plants, two kilos of carrot seeds and six thousand

cuttings of sweet potatoes. In August I start reducing, I remain with the six thousand of

tomato and reduce by half the carrot and the sweet potatoes. In October remain only with

six thousand of tomato, which has higher return and demands less water than the onion

(This is his strategy in a year with an average precipitation level). This year since we had

two weak rainy seasons (2012 and 2013), it’s very likely I’ll have to suspend my

activities before the end of the year, in October already. At the end of the year nobody is

going to be working because of the lack of water in the rivers. "

Producer from Guarani dos Gerônimos

Overall, the increasing complexity of the production process make the 1970s

production technologies seem quaint and amateurish. But the professionalization of

tomato production, jointly with climate shocks, such as persistent drought throughout the

state, has also posed barriers to entry for smaller producers who in 1970 could venture

into a vegetable livelihood. The costs for setting up and maintaining a farm is high, and

155

the volatility of the market and most recently of the climate, makes vegetable production

a risky business indeed. Further pathways of change are anticipated for the future. For

example, mechanization is certainly around the corner. Smaller producers who wish to

triumph in this business must rely on continuous training and methods that are not only

cost efficient, but also sustainable.

The Green Revolution and the impacts on health

There are very few studies that relate the Green Revolution technology with

negative health consequences in the state of Ceará. In the irrigated Jaguaribe Valley

region, where there has been a long term use of pesticides, studies have suggested a

higher incidence of miscarriage and malignant tumors when compared regions of rainfed

agriculture. These studies also relate. contamination of groundwater and surface water

from pesticide use with increased cancer incidence (Rigotto et al. 2014; Pontes et al.

2013; Rigotto et al. 2013).

The information provided from the state and federal health agencies are not

helpful in verifying possible relations between pesticide usage and impacts on health.

However, according to doctors, nurses and other health professionals in the Guaraciaba

hospital, the high rates of tumors and neurological disease among vegetable producers

and laborers suggest excessive exposure to pesticides. Given the limited data available

and the complexity involved, this is a topic for future interdisciplinary research.

Deforestation

In terms of the Guaraciaba case study we are looking at four decades of impact of

the use of inputs in irrigated agriculture on the environment. Deforestation was not

156

citedas a major consequence of the implementation of the Green Revolution technology

during the research period. Many farmers stated that the process of deforestation had

occurred before the POLONORDESTE project in the Serra, and had deep historical roots

with the introduction of sugarcane, cassava, and staple food crops. The original European

settlement at the end of the eighteenth century brought these traditional land use patterns

and the expanding population with inheritance patterns that split landholdings equally

among heirs resulted in the minifúndio smallholdings described in Chapter 4. As the

number of small farmers grew so did the pressure upon the characteristic mata atlântica

(Atlantic forest) ecosystem of tropical forest that has mostly disappeared. A protected

forest reserve in the município of Ubajara provides a retrospective view of the zona

húmida forests prior to the population expansion. Many large tree species, such as pau-

d’arco (Tabebuia sp.), are increasingly rare in Guaraciaba, and the common wisdom

relates this deforestation to higher temperatures and climate change.

Climate change

Concerns regarding climate were a constant during all phases of data gathering.

There is a general consensus within the population of Guaraciaba do Norte that the

average temperature has risen and precipitation levels decreased, this is opinion shared

through the whole município, the carrasco and the zona húmida alike. This perception

has grown stronger in the wake of the last four years of drought (2012 – 2015) and

confirmed by the low average precipitation of 700 mm in comparison to the pervious

historical average (1974 – 2011) of 1300 mm (FUNCEME).

157

The biggest concern regarding climate change are the reductions in average annual

rainfall. There are various local testimonies stating that the reduction in average

precipitation can be easily confirmed by the reduction in the quantity of water in the

streams and rivers. Common statements concerning the matter recant the same message;

“There is no longer water in the rivers”,“The streams are disappearing”, and“This (when

the rivers dry) has never happened before, and now it happens every year, even in years

of good rain”.

Vegetable producers are particularly concerned with the reduction of average

rainfall and consequent availability of water for production, as it places their harvest at

risk. Water availability slowly reduces as you move down stream towards the carrasco.

This is because there is continuous demand for water along the river, and this demand has

grown as the result of drilling of deep wells in search of sources of water. Many

producers in Várzea dos Espinhos, located in the carrasco (the furthest vegetable

producers goes down the Piau river) had considerable losses in production as a

consequence of water shortage. One producer who lost two thirds of a previous harvest

because the water simply “disappeared”, emphatically stated “you plan to harvest a

certain amount of vegetable, and you count on that production to earn profit, but then this

happens (water shortage) and now I have to deal with loss and debt”.

The debt brought about as the diret result in the reduction of water availability is

the largest concern amongst local producers. Upstream and downstream producers are

highly sensitive to the possibility of water shortages impacting production yield. For this

reason, better water management measures such as drip irrigation, seen above, are priority

158

in the fields. It is fair to conclude that if, reduction on average rain (which is the main

source of water replenishing) is confirmed, this may create further vulnerability to

livelihoods dependent on the Green Revolution technology given the amount of water

(irrigation) required for successful use of this technique.

Organic farming: An alternative to the Green Revolution technology

Organic farming is now becoming an alternative for the Green Revolution

technology seen in Guaraciaba do Norte due to increasing awareness (and market) among

urban consumers. Organic farming was introduced as a state project in the mid 1990’s,

and it began with fourteen pilot producers. Of these, seven producers continue with their

organic certification which requires must undergo two years of experimentation and

supervision from the institute.

From interviews in 2009 and 2013, farmers noted the high costs associated with

the adoption of organic agriculture. Three organic producers affirmed that the initial cost

of preparing the land for organic production is very high and that the restrictions applied

during the first two years of implementation reduce adoption.

O Instituto Biodinâmico, junto com o Agropólos (não tem certeza se foi o

Agropólos) nos aproximou e quiseram fazer um teste experimental com quatorze

produtores aqui em Guaraciaba. Tivemos que preparar o terra de acordo com a

orientação dos técnicos. Durante dois anos eles vinham a nos orientar e ver como é que

estávamos indo.[...] O custo inicial de prepara a terra é maior do que na agricultura

convencional, ai nós tivemos que vender o nosso produto ao preço do convencional

durante dois anos. Foi aí que muita gente desistiu, não deu pra aguentar, só ficaram eu

mais seis no final. Mas depois que passou esse período de certificação vale a pena. Eu

consigo vender o meu produto a um preço estável durante todo o ano, eu não sofro as

variações de preço como os outros porque o meu produto agora é diferenciado. O bom é

que o mercado para esse tipo de produto no Ceará tá aumentando. Tem muita gente

procurando.

159

The Biodynamic Institute with Agropólos (a technical assistance agency)

approached some producers wanting to do some experimental tests with fourteen

producers here in Guaraciaba. We had to do everything in accordance with their

orientation. During the two probationary years, they would come orient us and see how

we were doing. […] The initial cost of preparing the land was higher when compared to

conventional agriculture, and we had to sell our products with the conventional

agricultural price during these two years. It was during this period that many gave up,

they were unable to resist, and only me and six more remained. But after this period of

certification passed by I found it to be worth it. I am able to sell my product at a more

stable price during the year, because my product is differentiated. The good thing is that

the market for this kind of product in Ceará is growing. There are many people interested.

An organic farmer in Guaraciaba

Organic farming has made a great difference for adopters. The second generation

of those who pioneered this new technology are studying agricultural sciences for the

Federal University of Ceará, and are improving their business skills. The organic farms

are involved not only in the production but also in marketing. One producer even has a

website and a restaurant in Fortaleza where he sells his products. According to him,

“business is good, and there has been a positive response from the consumers”.

There organic approaches are gradually spilling over to other smaller vegetable producers

in the area, who are beginning to move into organic technologies. Whether organic

farming is the future of vegetable production in Guaraciaba do Norte (and throughout

Ibiapaba) will also be a topic of further research.

160

CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSIONS AND FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

The implementation of the Green Revolution technology in Guaraciaba did have

considerable social, economic and environmental impacts. Everyone directly or indirectly

involved with the vegetable production process acknowledges its importance in the

generation of income in the region and on the economic expansion of the commercial

sector and levels of consumption. According to one resident, in a successful year with the

price of tomatoes above 30 reais you can see the impact on business—everyone is buying.

Commercial vegetables have been the main income source in Guaraciaba do Norte for

over three decades. The growth in overall economic activity has also increased

employment, not only in agriculture but with its multiplier effect on the economy as a

whole. Since 2003, other structural changes have occurred throughout Northeast Brazil,

particularly the conditional cash transfer programs, such as the well-known Bolsa Família

policy, and the poor in Guaraciaba have also benefited from these programs. But the

majority of the economic transformation in Guaraciaba has been agriculture-driven.

It is important to note that the economic impacts are not equally distributed among

the different types of producers and have been concentrated among the irrigator farmers.

But even for the rainfed farmers in the drier carrasco, there have been positive changes in

well-being. The traditional seasonal exodus to the southeast of the country (principally

São Paulo and Rio) has slowed among middle-aged adults. With the advent of the

161

conditional cash transfer programs, these families are better able to cope with a drought

year and survive to the next season. The younger members (18 – 25 years) of this

category still do migrate out in search of employment opportunities, principally to Sobral

and Fortaleza, urban centers in Ceará. The economic impacts created by both agriculture

and the social policies have also increased employment in the local commercial and

service sectors.

In terms of the environmental impacts of Green Revolution growth, there is

widespread awareness of the value of commercial vegetables in their daily lives as well as

the relationship between a healthy environment and a healthy livelihood. Thus, the

technologies that increase vegetable production economy and conserve the environment

are the major challenge. Farmers are quick to identify and to adopt those practices that

will improve the quality of the natural resources base, despite the tendency among some

to abuse pesticides.

The strategies of environmental management are also influenced by the

environmental laws and regulations put in practice since 2013. This will prove to be a

challenge for the vegetable producers in the município, in terms of adjusting to the new

circumstances of the environmental norms and avoiding possible penalties, which can

result in augmenting costs, and eventually put some producers out of business. Given that

the federal government has given a certain amount of time for producers to adjust,

vegetable producers can waste no time, and must find solutions that reconcile economic

success with environmental sustainability.

162

In terms of the Green Revolution technology package, our case study contributes

to current development theory. In Guaraciaba, we find a case where a large-scale

technological package has been adapted to suit a land-scarce production system (average

area of three hectares), and that employs significant labor throughout the year. Compared

with other municípios in the semi-arid hinterland of Ceará, the implementation of the

Green Revolution technological package in Guaraciaba has resulted in significant

opportunities and the reduction of vulnerability.

Sustainable success in Guaraciaba has to be complementedby a stable policy

environment that reduces the risk of a highly uncertain livelihood and reconciles

economic growth with sustainable natural resource management. Cooperative is also a

key factor for the success of any development program. The participation of smallholders,

research institutes (private and public), universities (through research and outreach

programs), governmental institutions, and any other key stakeholders are essential and

there is great potential for creating a vast chain of cooperation in Guaraciaba do Norte.

Producers may be concerned with their individual outcomes, but this does not mean that

they see each other as competitors; on the contrary, they encourage and share valuable

information among themselves. Guaraciaba do Norte does not have a functioning

agricultural cooperative, but the need for cooperative action was one of the most

important appeals brought by producers in this research: “The cooperative exists, but it

needs to function to benefit everyone” (local producer).

There are specific measures that can be taken to guarantee a more just

development of “family agriculture” such as crop diversification; cash crops that are more

163

tolerant to the variations of weather (drought and excessive rain); better infrastructure

(roads, trains, ports, etc); and improvedprice, market, and credit policies. Smallholder

agriculture also needs technical support for better environmental conservation

practices.Investment in research that provides cost-effective,“smallholder friendly”

technologies that are less aggressive to the soil and water are essential. There must have a

clear understanding of the necessity to go from a “resource exploitation” that

characterizes the Green Revolution based growth strategy to a “resource conservation”

based strategy, guaranteeing the sustainable development of the smallholder sector.

Guaraciaba do Norte has much potential to establish an agro-industryinfrastructure

that can take advantage of the raw materials. Non-agricultural investments in tourism are

also possible, because the favorable climate and natural beauty of the region. Guaraciaba

now has several outreach campuses for the region universities, and the opportunities for

enhanced education are increasingly open those that 40 years ago had none. This case

study does not suggest the a Green Revolution by itself can transform the lives and

livelihoods of a once-impoverished population, but understanding how rapid growth must

account for both equity and environmental sustainability is the necessary component for

true development.

Suggested research

The results in this case study gave new insights to local impacts on well-being,

poverty levels and the impacts on the environment, after the implementation of a

development program having pillars such as the Green Revolution technology. But

164

further research is needed to expand our knowledge of such impact. The following topics

are suggested for future research.

1) Continued research in future market and environmental restraints for new

producers that are interested in entering the vegetable production business;

2) Further research on the impacts of cash transfer programs such as the Bolsa

Família, evaluating its effectiveness in reducing vulnerability on those households

contemplated by the program

3) Research on the impacts that new Brazilian environmental laws will have on the

production process, with consideration of new restraints in the usage of chemical

pesticides and fertilizers.

4) A continued study on the complex interactions between environmental and

economic forces, and how these interactions are effected by technological change.

5) Better understanding of how climate change will impact the production process in

the future and what are the current adaptations producers are developing to

overcome their exposure associated to climate change events.

6) Land use and land change research using appropriate satellite imagery will help

understand the production dynamics and give better insight of what goes on in the

field.

These recommendations should improve the results obtained in this research and

provide increased guidance for decision makers to better understand the process, reducing

economic and environmental vulnerabilities for vegetable and rainfed producers alike.

165

REFERENCES

Adger, W. N., & Kelly, P. M. (1999). Social Vulnerability to Climate Change and the

Architecture of Entitlements. Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies for Global

Change , 4, pp. 253-266.

Aghion, P., & Bolton, P. (1997). A theory of trickle-down growth and development.

Review of Economic Studies , 64, pp. 151-172.

Aquino, D. d., Andrade, E. M., Lopes, F. B., Teixeira, A. d., & Crisostomo, L. d.

(Abril/Junho de 2008). The impact of Irrigation over soil-water resources.

Revista de Ciência Agronômica , 39 (2), pp. 225-232.

Araújo, F. S., Sampaio, E. V., Figueiredo, M. A., Rodal, M. J., & Fernandes, A. G.

(Agosto de 1998). Composição florística da vegetação de carrasco, Novo

Oriente, Ceará. Revista Brasileira de Botânica , 21 (2), pp. 21-35.

Febuary 15, 2013Background Paper for the Expert Consultation on Resilience

Measurement for Food SecurityTANGO International

Bar-El, R., & Schwartz, D. (2006). Regional development as a policy for growth with

equity: The State of Ceará (Brazil) as a model. Progress in Planning , 65, pp.

131-199.

Barreiro, I. M. (2010). Política de educação no campo: para além da alfabetização

(1952-1963). SãoPaulo: Editora UNESP.

Bowonder, B. (1979). Impact Analysis of the Green Revolution in India. Technological

Forecasting and Social Change , 15, pp. 297-313.

Bruntland Commission (World Commission on Environment and Development). (1987).

Our Common Future. Oxford: University Press.

Clark, J. G. (1995). Economic Development vs. Sustainable Societies: Reflections on the

Players in a Crucial Contest. Annual Review of Econolgical Systems , 26, pp.

225-248.

Constanza, R., & Daly, H. E. (March de 1992). Natural Capital and Sustaianble

Development. Conservation Biology , 6 (1), pp. 37-46.

166

Davis, M. (2001). Late Victorian Holcausts: El Niño famines and the making of the tird

world. Rio de Janeiro: Record.

de Freitas, C. A., & Bacha, C. J. (01 de Dezembro de 2004). Contribuição do capital

humano para o crescimento da agropecuária brasileira: período de 1970 a

1996. Revista Brasileira de Economia , 58 (4), pp. 533-557.

de Oliveira, V. H., Loureiro, A. d., & Holanda, M. C. (2007). POBREZA,

DISTRIBUIÇÃO DE RENDA E BOLSA FAMÍLIA NO ESTADO DO CEARÁ.

INSTITUTO DE PESQUISA E ESTRATÉGIA ECONÔMICA DO CEARÁ -

IPECE. Fortaleza: IPECE.

Dethier, J.-J., & Effenberger, A. (2012). Agriculture and development: A brief review of

the literature. Economic Systems , 36, pp. 175-205.

FGV- Fundação Getúlio Vargas. (2013). Estimating Brazilian Monthly GDP: A State-

Space Approach. Rio de Janeiro: FGV.

Finan, T. J. (November, 1988). market relationships and market performance in Northeast

Brazil. American Ethnologist , 15 (4), pp. 694-709.

Finan, T. J. (1981). Peasant Middlemen and market Processes in northeast Brazil.

Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Tucson: University of Arizona.

Finan, T. J., & Nelson, D. R. (2009). Decentralized planning and climate adaptation:

toward transparent governance. In: W. N. Adger, I. Lorenzoni, & K. O'Brien

(Eds.), Adapting to Climate Change: Thresholds, Values, Governance (pp.

335-349). Cambridge University Press.

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2011). The state of food

insecurity in the world: How does international price volatility affect

domestic economies and food security? Fonte: Food and Agriculture

Organization of the United: http://www.fao.org/docrep/014/i2330e/i2330e.pdf

(accessed September 5th 2013)

Frankenberger, T., Swallow, K., Mueller, M., Spangler, T., Downen, J., & Alexander, S.

(July, 2013). Feed the Future Learning Agenda Literature Review: Improving

Resilience of Vulnerable Populations. USAID/TANGO International.

Frota Júnior, J. I., Andrade, E. M., Meireles, A. C., Bezerra, A. C., & Souza, B. F. (2007).

Anthropogenic influence on the additions of salts in the perennialized section

of the Curu basin, Ceará State, Brazil. Revista de Ciência Agrnômica , 38 (2),

pp. 142-148.

167

Furtado, C. (2006). Formação Econômica do Brasil. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.

Print.

Giambiagi, F. (2011). Economia Brasileira contemporanea: 1945-2010. Rio de Janeiro,

RJ, Brasil: Elsevier.

Gillis, M., Perkins, D. H., Roemer, M., & Snodgrass, D. R. (1987). Economic

Development (Second Edition ed.). New York: Norton.

Glasmeier, A. K., & Farrigan, T. L. (November de 2003). Poverty, Sustainability, and the

Culture of Despair: Can Sustainable Development Strategies Support Poverty

Alleviation in America's Most Environmentally Challenged Communities?

The Annals of the American Academy , pp. 131-149.

Goheer, N. A. (s.d.). Poverty in Pakistan: increasing incidence, chronic gender

preponderance, and plausibility of grameen-type intermediation. Pakistan

Development Review , 38 (4), pp. 873-893.

Gomes, J. M. (Agosto de 1995). UMA RETROSPECTIVA DOS PROGRAMAS DE

DESENVOLVIMENTO REGIONAL INTEGRADOS – PDRI’S. Revista de

Políticas Públicas , 4, pp. 1-24.

Gupta, S. P. (s.d.). Trickle down theory revisited: the role of employmentand poverty.

Indian Journal of Labour Economics , 43 (1), pp. 25-34.

Hall, A. (2006). From Fome Zero to Bolsa Família: Social Policies and Poverty

Alleviation under Lula. Journal of Latin American Studies , 38, pp. 689-709.

Hall, J., Matos, S., & Langford, C. H. (January de 2008). Social Exclusion and

Transgenic Technology: The Case of Brazilian Agriculture. Journal of

Business and Ethics , 77 (1), pp. 45-63.

Hoffmann, R. (April-June de 1995). Desigualdade e pobreza no Brasil no periodo 1979-

90. Revista Brasileira de Economia , 49 (2), pp. 277-294.

Hsieh, W., & Hsing, Y. (s.d.). Ecoonomic rowth and social incicators : the case of

Taiwan. International Journal of Social Economics , 29 (7-8), pp. 518-525.

Hussen, A. (2004). Principles of Environmetal Economics. New York: Routledge.

IPECE - Instituto de Pesquisa e Estratégia Econômica o Ceará. (2005). Ceará em

Números. Fortaleza: Governo do Estado do Ceará 2004.

IPECE - Instituto de Pesquisa Economica do Ceará. (2006). Ceará em Números 2005.

Fortaleza: Governo do Estado do Ceará.

168

IPECE - Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica do Ceará. (2009). Ceará em Números.

Fortaleza: Governo do Estado do Ceará.

Jacquet, C. (2000). A Reestruturação da Agricultura Cearense: Notas sobre a Alteração

das Condições de Reprodução do Pequeno Campesinato. Dados , 43 (4), pp.

on line ISSN 1678-4588.

Johnson, A. W. (1971). Sharecroppers of the Sertão. Economics and Dependence on a

Brazilian Plantation. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Kuznets, S. (1957). Economic growth and income inequality. American Economic Review

, 45, pp. 1-28.

Langhelle, O. (1999). Sustainable Development. International Political Science Review ,

20 (2), pp. 129-149.

Lindert, K. (2005). Brazil: Bolsa Familia Program - Scaling-up Cash Transfers for the

Poor. In: MfDR Princeples in Action: Sourcebook on Emerging Good

Practices (pp. 67-74). Washington DC: World Bank.

Lopes, F. B., Teixeira, A. d., Andrade, E. M., Aquino, D. d., & Araújo, L. P. (July -

September de 2008). Map of Acaraú River water quality by the use of WQI

and GIS. Revista Ciência Agronômica , 39 (3), pp. 392-402.

Lopes, J. F., Andrade, E. M., & Chaves, L. C. (Jan/mar de 2008). Impacto da irrigação

sobre os solos de perímetros irrigados na bacia do Acaraú, Ceará, Brasil.

Engenharia Agrícola , 28 (1), pp. 34-43.

Manjengwa, J. M. (June de 2007). Problems Reconciling Sustainable Development with

Reality in Zimbabwe. Journal of Southern African Studies , 33, pp. 307-323.

Meleg, A. (2012). SISAR: a sustainable management model for small rural decentralized

water and wastewater systems in developing countries. Journal of Water,

Sanitation and Hygiene for Development , 2 (4), pp. 291-300.

Miro, V. H., Suliano, D. C., & de Oliveira, J. L. (2011). FATORES DETERMINANTES

PARA A QUEDA DA DESIGUALDADE NO CEARÁ NA ÚLTIMA DÉCADA.

INSTITUTO DE PESQUISA E ESTRATÉGIA ECONÔMICA DO CEARÁ -

IPECE. Fortaleza: IPECE.

Nafziger, E. (2006). Economic Development (Fourth ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

169

Nascimento, A. M. (2010). População e família brasileira: ontém e hoje. XIX Encontro de

Estudos Populacionais: população, governança e bem-estar (p. 24). São

Pedro - SP: abep.

Nelson, D. R. (2005). The Public and Private Sides of Vulnerability to Drought, an

Applied Model of Participatory Planning in Ceará, Brazil. Tucson, Arizona:

Ph.D. Thesis, The University of Arizona.

Nelson, D. R., & Finan, T. J. (2009). Praying for Drought: Persistent Vulnerability and

the Politics of Patronage in Ceará, Northeast Brazil. American Anthropologist

, 111 (3), pp. 302-316.

Nelson, D. R., Folhes, M. T., & Finan, T. J. (2009). Mapping the road to development: a

methodology for scaling up participation in policy process. Development in

Practice , 19 (3), pp. 386-395.

Neri, M. (2006). Desigualdade, estabilidade e bem-estar social. Ensaios Economicos (n.

673, Rio de Janeiro EPGE/FGV).

Ninan, K., & Chandrashekar, H. (20-27 de March de 1993). Green Revolutio, Dryland

Agriculture and Sustainability: Insights from India. Economic and Political

Weekly , 28 (12/13), pp. A2-A7.

1961Notes on the Theory of the Big PushNew YorkSt. Martin Press

Pontes, A. G., Gadelha, D., Freitas, B. M., Rigotto, R. M., & Ferreira, M. J. (2013). Os

perimetros irrigados como estratégia geopolítica para o desenvolvimento do

semiárido e suas implicações à saúde, ao trabalho e ao ambiente. Ciência &

Saúde Coletiva , 18 (11), pp. 3213-3222.

Ray, D. (1998). Development Economics. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University

Press.

Redclift, M. (1991). The Multiple Dimensions of Sustanable Development. Annual

Conference of The Geographical Association (pp. 36-42). The Geographical

Association.

Rigotto, R. M., da Silva, A. M., Ferreira, M. J., Rosa, I. F., & Aguiar, A. C. (2013).

Tendências de agravos crônicos à saúde associados a agrotóxicos em região

de fruticultura no Ceará, Brasil. Revista Brasileira Epidemial , 16 (3), pp.

763-773.

Rigotto, R. M., Vasconcelos, D. P., & Rocha, M. M. (2014). Uso de agrotóxicos no Brasil

e problemas para a saúde pública. Caderno de Saúde Pública , 30 (7), pp. 1-3.

170

Ross, A. (March de 2009). Modern Interpretations of Sustainable Development. Journal

of Law and Society , 36 (1), pp. 32-54.

Sales, Mércia Cristina Mangueira (Coord.);2013. O Caminho das Águas nas Rotas dos

Carros-PipaFortaleza, CearáInstituto Agropoplos e Governo do Estado do

Ceará

Schaller, N. (1993). The concept of agricultural sustainability. Agriculture, Ecosystem

and Environment , 46, pp. 89-97.

Silva, E. (1994). Thinking Politically about Sustainable Development in the Tropical

Forests of Latin America. Development and Change , 25, pp. 697-721.

Silva, V. H. (2006). Crescimento Econômico e Equidade Social nos Municípios do

Ceará: Uma Evidência Empírica entre 1991 e 2000. Fortaleza: INSTITUTO

DE PLANEJAMENTO DO ESTADO DO CEARÁ - IPLANCE.

Sneddon, C., Howarth, R. B., & Norgaard, R. B. (2006). Sustainable development in a

post-Brundtland world. Ecological Economics , 57, pp. 253-268.

Soares, F., Ribas, R., & Osório, R. (2010). Evaluating the Impact of Brazil's Bolsa

Família. Latin America Research Review , 45 (2), pp. 179-190.

Sotomayor, O. (October de 2004). EDUCATION AND CHANGES IN BRAZILIAN

WAGE INEQUALITY, 1976 - 2001. Industrial and Labor Relations Review ,

58 (1), pp. 94-109.

Stédile, J. P. (1999). Brava Gente. Fundação Perseu Abrano: São Paulo.

Tem água pra ver, mas não pra beberRevista Forum São PauloSão PauloBrasil

Tendler, J. (1997). Good Government in the Tropics. The Johns Hopkins University

Press.

The Environmental Consequences of Latin Americ's Agricultural Development: Some

Thoughts on the Brundtland Commission Report1989World Development

173365-377

The Meaning of Sustainable Development1992Geoforum 233395-403

The Second Green Revolution, Fall 2009 Race, Poverty & the Environment 162 78-81

Victor, D. G. (January/Febuary de 2006). Recovering Sustaninable Development. Foreign

Affairs , pp. 91-103.

171

WCED - The World Commission on Environmet and Development. (1987). Our

Common Future. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Williams, C. C., & Millingnton, A. C. (June de 2004). The diverse and contested

meanings of sustainable development. The Geographical Journal , 170 (2),

pp. 99-104.

World Bank. (1977 Report Number: 1580a-BR). Northeast Brazil: Appraisal of Ceara

Rural Development Project - IBIAPABA. New York: The World Bank.

World Bank. (2003). World Development Report 2004: Making Services Work for Poor

People. World Bank.