Imperialism 2003

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    International Relations

    IMPERIALISM

    TERM REPORT

    INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (SECTION C)

    SUBMITTED TO : DR SAHIB ALI KHAN CHANNA

    DATED : 8th April 2010

    PREPARED BY: Irfan Junejo - 9063

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    TABLE OF CONTENTS

    LETTER OF ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................. 5

    INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 7

    HISTORY OF IMPERIALISM .................................................................................. 7

    EARLYEMPIRES...........................................................................................................................7

    CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY....................................................................................................................8

    MIDDLE AGES ...........................................................................................................................8

    COLONIALEMPIRES ....................................................................................................................10

    MODERNPERIOD ......................................................................................................................11

    EMPIREFROM 1945 TOTHEPRESENT...............................................................................................14

    OVERVIEW ....................................................................................................... 17

    DEFINITIONS FROM SOME OTHER SOURCES ....................................................... 18

    EMPIRE ............................................................................................................ 19

    TYPES OF IMPERIALISM .................................................................................... 20

    CULTURAL IMPERIALISM................................................................................................................20

    HEGEMONY..............................................................................................................................22

    NEW IMPERIALISM......................................................................................................................23

    Background ....................................................................................................................24

    Rise of New Imperialism .................................................................................................25

    Theories Of New Imperialism .........................................................................................27

    OIL IMPERIALISM .............................................................................................. 35

    Control of oil...................................................................................................................35

    Criticism .........................................................................................................................36

    SCIENTIFIC IMPERIALISM ....................................................................................................36

    CRITIQUE OF POWER ......................................................................................................37

    RELIGION OF INTELLECTUALS .........................................................................................38

    MARGINALIZED ...............................................................................................................38

    IN MEDICINE ...................................................................................................................39

    ULTRA-IMPERIALISM (HYPER IMPERIALISM) ....................................................... 40

    AMERICAN IMPERIALISM .................................................................................. 42

    IMPERIALISM IN ASIA ........................................................................................ 44

    IMPERIALISM IN CHINA ..................................................................................... 46

    QINGTERRITORIALEXPANSION.........................................................................................................46

    USINGIMPERIALISMTODESCRIBE QINGEXPANSION.................................................................................46

    THEPROCESSOFEXPANSION..........................................................................................................47

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    EUROPEANPENETRATIONOF CHINA...................................................................................................49

    LIST OF TERRITORIES OCCUPIED BY IMPERIAL JAPAN .......................................... 52

    OVERVIEW..............................................................................................................................52

    PRE-WORLD WAR II..................................................................................................................52

    WORLD WAR II........................................................................................................................53

    JAPANESE AND CHINESE RESPONSES TO IMPERIALISM ....................................... 54

    DEFINITION OF IMPERIALISM IN DIFFERENT DICTIONARIES ................................. 56

    DICTIONARY.............................................................................................................................56

    BUSINESS DICTIONARY.................................................................................................................56

    US MILITARY DICTIONARY............................................................................................................56

    GEOGRAPHY DICTIONARY..............................................................................................................57

    POLITICAL DICTIONARY.................................................................................................................57

    CRITIQUE OF IMPERIALISM ................................................................................ 58

    THE PLACE OF IMPERIALISM IN HISTORY ........................................................... 64

    VLADIMIR LENINS APPROACH ........................................................................... 67

    LENINISM................................................................................................................................67

    IMPERIALISM, THE HIGHEST STAGEOF CAPITALISM.................................................................................68

    PUBLICATIONHISTORY..................................................................................................................69

    INDEX .............................................................................................................. 70

    REFERENCES .................................................................................................... 71

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    Letter of Acknowledgement

    I am thankful to Allah Almighty for giving me the capability and strength to complete

    this Term report on Imperialism of the Course, International Relations.

    I would also like to thank my course instructor Dr. SAHIB ALI KHAN CHANNA whose

    utmost dedication and devotion provided me with the insight to analyze all the

    situations. It was due to his guidance and teachings that enabled me to finish thisterm report.

    I would also like to thank All the Sources who have cooperated with me and provided

    me with all the information that I required to complete this report. I express sincere

    gratitude to our parents for their continuous support throughout the preparation of

    this report.

    Prepared By:

    Irfan Junejo

    2008-1-83-9063

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    LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

    Dr SAHIB ALI CHANNA November 23, 2010

    Course Instructor, Department of International Relations

    Institute of Business Management

    Korangi Creek

    Karachi

    Dear Sir,

    Here is my term report on IMPERIALISM, which is to be submitted on April 8 . This

    report analyzes the various practices of IMPERIALISM followed by the WORLD.

    I greatly benefited from this report as my term report.It helped me to widen my

    vision, improve my quality of work, build self-reliance work and it gave a vital experience in

    order to improve my analytical skills.

    I hope it is up to your expectations and fulfils all the requirements given by you.

    Sincerely,

    Irfan Junejo

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    INTRODUCTION

    Imperialism is autocratic, and also sometimes monolithic in

    character. While the term imperialism often refers to a political

    or geographical domain such as the Ottoman Empire the

    Russian Empire, or the British Empire, etc., the term can

    equally be applied to domains of knowledge, beliefs, values

    and expertise, such as the empires of Christianity or Islam.

    The belief in the desirability of the acquisition of colonies and

    dependencies, or the extension of a country's influencethrough trade, diplomacy, etc.

    HISTORY OF IMPERIALISM

    Early empires

    The imperial concept predates the Roman Empire by millennia;

    the Akkadian Empire of Sargon of Akkad (24th century BC),

    was the earliest model of a geographically extensive terrestrial

    empire. In the 15th century BC, the loosely-organized New

    Kingdom of Ancient Egypt, ruled by Thutmose III, was the

    ancient Near Easts major force upon incorporating Nubia and

    the ancient city-states of the Levant. Despite their imperial

    condition, these early empires had no effective administrative

    control of their subject territories. The ancient worlds earliest,

    centrally-organized empire, comparable to Rome, was the

    Assyrian empire (2000612 BC), and the first, successful, multi-

    cultural empire was the Persian Achaemenid Empire (550330

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    BC), then the most extensive, comprehending Egypt, Greece,

    Western Asia (the Middle East), Central Asia, and India.

    Classical Antiquity

    The Roman Empire was the most extensive Western empire

    until the early modern period.

    Prior to the Roman Empire the kingdom of Macedonia, under

    Alexander the Great, became an empire that spanned from

    Greece to India. After Alexanders death, his empire fractured

    into four, discrete kingdoms ruled by the Diadochi, which,

    despite being independent, are denoted as the "HellenisticEmpire", given the Greek influence.

    In the East, the term Persian Empire denotes the imperial

    states established at different historical periods of preIslamic

    and postIslamic Persia. And in the Far East, various Celestial

    Empires arose periodically in China between periods of civil

    war and foreign conquests. The Han Empire was one of the

    worlds largest Empires in Antiquity, and one of Chinas most

    long lived dynasties.

    Middle Ages

    The Mongol Empire was the largest contiguous empire.

    For centuries, in the West, empire was exclusively applied to

    States that considered themselves the heirs and successors of

    the Roman Empire, e.g. the Byzantine Empire, the German Holy

    Roman Empire, the Russian Empire, yet, said states were not

    always technically geographic, political, military empires.To legitimize their imperium, these states directly claimed the

    title of Empire from Rome. The sacrum Romanum imperium

    (8001806), claimed to have exclusively comprehended

    Christian German principalities, was only nominally a discrete

    imperial state. The Holy Roman Empire was not always

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    centrally-governed, as it had neither core nor peripheral

    territories, was not multi-ethnic, and was not governed by a

    central, politico-military lite hence, Voltaires remark that

    the Holy Roman Empire was neither holy, nor Roman, nor an

    empire is accurate to the degree that it ignores German ruleover Italian, French, Provenal, Polish, Flemish, Dutch, and

    Bohemian populations, and the efforts of the eighth-century

    Holy Roman Emperors (i.e. the Ottonians) to establish central

    control; thus, Voltaires . . . nor an empire observation

    applies to its late period.

    In 1204, after the Fourth Crusade sacked Constantinople, the

    crusaders established a Latin Empire (12041261) in that city,while the defeated Byzantine Empires descendants

    established two, smaller, short-lived empires in Asia Minor: the

    Empire of Nicaea (12041261) and the Empire of Trebizond

    (12041461). In the event, the Muslim Ottoman Empire

    (ca.13001918), conquered most of that region by 1453.

    Moreover, Eastern Orthodox imperialism was not re-

    established until the coronation, in 1682, of Peter the Great as

    Emperor of Russia. Like-wise, with the collapse of the Holy

    Roman Empire, in 1806, during the Napoleonic Wars (1803

    1815), the Austrian Empire (1804-1867), emerged

    reconstituted as the Empire of AustriaHungary (18671918),

    having inherited the imperium of Central and Western

    Europe from the losers of said wars.

    In the South India the Dravidian empire the Cholas were at the

    height of their power continuously from the latter half of the

    9th century till the beginning of the 13th centuries. Under

    Rajaraja Chola I and his son Rajendra Chola I, the dynastybecame a military, economic and cultural power in Asia. During

    the period 10101200, the Chola territories stretched from the

    islands of the Maldives in the south to as far north as the

    banks of the Godavari River in Andhra Pradesh. Rajaraja Chola

    conquered entire South India, annexed parts of Sri Lanka and

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    occupied the islands of the Maldives. Rajendra Chola sent a

    victorious expedition to North India that touched the river

    Ganga and defeated the Pala ruler of Pataliputra, Mahipala. He

    also successfully invaded kingdoms of the Malay Archipelago.

    The Mongol Empire, under Genghis Khan in the thirteenth

    century, was forged as the largest contiguous empire in the

    world. Genghis Khan's grandson, Kublai Khan, was proclaimed

    emperor, and established his imperial capital at Beijing;

    however, in his reign, the empire became fractured into four,

    discrete khanates.

    Colonial empires

    The discovery of the New World (the Americas and Australasia)

    in the 15th century, proved opportune for European countries

    to launch colonial imperialism like that of the Romans and the

    Carthaginians. In the Old World, colonial imperialism was

    attempted, affected, and established upon the Canary Islands

    and Ireland, wherein, the conquered lands and peoples became

    de jure subordinates of the empire, rather than de facto

    imperial territory and subjects. In the event, such subjugation

    elicited client-state resentment that the empire unwisely

    ignored, leading to the collapse of the European colonial

    imperial system in the late-nineteenth century and the early-

    and mid-twentieth century.

    An inherent problem of European colonial imperialism was the

    matter of the arbitrary territorial boundaries of the colonies.

    For administrative expediency, discrete colonies wereestablished solely by convenient geography while ignoring

    the sometimes extreme cultural differences among the

    conquered populace(s); effective in the short-term control of

    the subject peoples, but politically, militarily, and economically

    ineffective in the imperial long-term. For the British Empire,

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    this occurred with the populaces of the colony of India the

    Indian sub-continent who, on partition and independence, in

    1947, divided themselves by culture and religion, not

    geography, and established the modern countries of India and

    Pakistan (the geographically-distant states of West Pakistanand East Pakistan), which later, respectively, became Pakistan

    (The Islamic Republic of Pakistan), in 1947, and Bangladesh

    (The Peoples Republic of Bangladesh), in 1971. Moreover, in

    Africa, said arbitrary imperial borders remain, and define the

    contemporary countries, because the African Unions explicit

    policy is their preservation in avoiding political instability and

    concomitant war.

    Modern period

    In time, most monarchies,

    usually kingdoms, styled

    themselves as having greater

    size, scope, and power than the

    territorial, politico-military, and

    economic facts allowed; despite

    that, they assumed the title of

    Emperor (or its corresponding

    translation: Tsar, Emperador,

    Kaiser, et cetera) and re-named their states as The Empire

    of . . . . For example, in 1056, King Ferdinand I of Len,

    proclaimed himself Emperor of Hispania, and began the

    Reconquista (7181492) of the Iberian Peninsula from the

    Muslims; another, medieval example is Bulgaria.

    In the 19th century, the French emperors Napoleon I and

    Napoleon III (See: Second Mexican Empire [18641867]) each

    attempted establishing a Western imperial hegemony based in

    France; and the German Empire (18711918), another heir to

    the Holy Roman Empire arose in 1871. In consequence, the

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    The SpanishPortuguese Empire in theIberian Union (15801640) period;Spanish Empire (red), Portuguese Empir(blue)

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    Europeans began applying the conceptual political structure of

    empire to non-European monarchies, such as the Manchu

    Dynasty and the Mughal Empire, and then to past polities,

    leading, eventually, to the looser denotations applicable to any

    political structure (monarchic or not) meeting the criteria ofimperium; thus, the empire synonyms: tsardom, realm, reich,

    and raj.

    Empires accrete to different types of states, although, they

    traditionally originated as powerful monarchies ruled by an

    hereditary (sometimes self-appointed) emperor, nevertheless,

    the Athenian Empire, the Roman Empire, and the British

    Empire developed under elective auspices, while the BrazilianEmpire declared itself an empire born of a Portuguese colony

    in 1822, and France has twice transited from being the French

    Republic to being the French Empire; whilst nominally a

    republic, France remained an overseas empire; to date, it

    governs a territorial, colonial empire (French Guyana,

    Martinique, Runion, French Polynesia, New Caledonia) and an

    hegemony in Francophone Africa (Chad, Rwanda, et cetera).

    Historically, empires resulted from military conquest, with the

    conqueror incorporating the vanquished states to its political

    union; yet, a strong state could establish imperial hegemony

    with minimal militarism. The victim-states inability to

    militarily resist, and its knowledge of that inability, usually

    suffices to convince it to negotiate for annexation, rather than

    conquest, to the empire. For example, the bequest of

    Pergamon, by Attalus III, to the Roman Empire, in antiquity,

    and, the Unification of Germany as the empire accreted to the

    Prussian metropole, whose military action was less a military

    conquest of the German states, than their political divorce

    from the Austrian Empire. Having convinced them of its

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    military prowess and having excluded the Austrians

    Prussia dictated the terms of imperial membership to the

    nominally independent German states joining what initially

    was a revamped customs union; thus, via Prussian hegemony,

    the German states mostly retained the trappings ofsovereignty, and the hegemon empire avoided a protracted

    war of conquest and consolidation.

    In sub-continental Asia, the Sikh Empire (17991846) was

    established in the Punjab, by the Maharaja Ranjit Singh, after

    the Sikhs defeated the Afghan Empire; it comprised the

    territory from Kabul to Delhi. The Sikh Empire collapsed at

    Ranjit Singhs death, when despite the Sikhs havingopportunity of capturing the local colony of the British Empire

    Tej Singh and Lal singh betrayed their army to the British in

    1846.

    Politically, it was typical for either a monarchy, or an oligarchy,

    rooted in the original, core territory of the empire, to continue

    dominating said union of states. Usually, such government was

    maintained via control of a natural resource vital to the

    colonial subjects, usually, water; such rgimes were

    denominated hydraulic empires. Moreover, pace Edward

    Gibbon, the empires introduction of a common religion

    amenable to every subject populace also strengthened the

    imperial political structure, as occurred with the adoption of

    Christianity under Constantine I.

    In time, an empire metamorphoses to another form of polity;

    thus, the Bernese Empire of conquest ceased existing when its

    conquered territories were (culturally) incorporated, either to

    the Canton of Bern or to other cantons of the Swiss

    Confederation. To wit, the Holy Roman Empire, a German re-

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    constitution of the Roman Empire, metamorphosed into

    various political structures (i.e. Federalism), and, eventually,

    under Habsburg rule, re-constituted itself as the Austrian

    Empire an empire of much different politics and vaster

    extension. After the Second World War (19391945) the BritishEmpire, evolved into a loose, multi-national Commonwealth of

    Nations; while the French Colonial empire metamorphosed to a

    Francophone commonwealth; and the Soviet Empire became

    the Commonwealth of Independent States.

    An autocratic empire can progress to being a republic, usually

    with a coup detat (e.g. Brazil in 1889; the Central African

    Empire in 1979); or it can become a republic with its imperialdominions reduced to a core territory (e.g. Weimar Germany,

    19181919 and the Ottoman Empire, 19181923). The

    dissolution of the AustroHungarian Empire, in 1918, is an

    example of a multi-ethnic superstate devolving to its

    constituent states: the republics, kingdoms, and provinces of

    Austria, Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and

    Herzegovina, Czechoslovakia, Ruthenia, Galicia, et al.

    Empire from 1945 to the present

    * Etymology and semantics; Contemporaneously, the

    concept of Empire is politically valid, yet, is losing semantic

    cohesion; for example, Japan, the worlds sole empire, is a

    constitutional monarchy, with an heterogeneous population

    that is 97 per cent ethnic Japanese and a land mass smaller

    than that of other modern nations. Moreover, given thedisfavour against absolute monarchy and the absence of any

    government with explicitly imperial policies, the term empire

    might become a linguistic anachronism; nonetheless, as

    political science, the military command of Imperium evolved to

    the political structure of Empire, which evolved into hegemonic

    Imperialism its theoretical denotations and connotations of

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    global capitalism as imperialism derive from Imperialism, the

    Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916), Vladimir Lenins incisive,

    analytic study of cultural and economic hegemony.

    * Communist Empire; the USSR (19221991) met the

    imperium criteria, was governed by a ruling group, not an

    hereditary emperor (cf. Soviet Empire), yet never identified

    itself as such; nevertheless, its anti-Communist, ideological

    opponents, most notably the US President Ronald Reagan and

    the UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, named it The Evil

    Empire, tacitly contrasting it with The Good Empire of the

    democratic West. Academically, the USSR was denominated

    imperial, given its likeness to empires past and its ideologicappeal to the poor peoples of Eurasia.[citation needed].

    * Capitalist Empire; identifying the USAs American Empire,

    by its international behavior, is controversial in that country.

    To wit, Stuart Creighton Miller posits that the publics self-

    styled sense of innocence about Realpolitik (cf. American

    Exceptionalism) impairs popular recognition of US imperial

    conduct, because it governs via surrogates domestically-

    weak, right-wing governments that collapse without US

    support. To wit, G.W. Bush Administration Secretary of

    Defense Donald Rumsfeld having said: We dont seek

    empires. Were not imperialistic; we never have been

    directly contradicts Thomas Jefferson, in the 1780s, awaiting

    the fall of the Spanish empire: . . . till our population can be

    sufficiently advanced to gain it from them piece by piece

    [sic]. In turn, historian Sidney Lens confirms Jefferson, notingthat, from its British imperial independence, the US has used

    every means to dominate other nations.

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    * Historically imperial countries China, India, Indonesia,

    Myanmar, Russia, Spain whose body politic comprises

    violent and peaceful political separatist groups, whether or not

    State action controlling their activities is legitimate law-

    enforcement or imperial repression remains debated. Unlike anempire, modern multi-ethnic states are federations (e.g.

    Belgium) and commonwealth unions (e.g. the UK) whose

    democratic political systems share governing power at the

    federal, provincial, and state jurisdictions.

    * European Empire redux; in the postCold War era, since

    the European Union began, in 1993, as a west European trade

    bloc, it established its own currency, the Euro, in 1999,established discrete military forces, and exercised its

    hegemony in eastern Europe and in Asia, behavior which the

    political scientist, Jan Zielonka, posits as imperial, because it

    coerces its neighbor countries to adopt its European economic,

    legal, and political structures.

    * The Age of Nation Empires as the Order of the World in the

    twenty-first century; in his book review of Empire (2000), by

    Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Mehmet Akif Okur positsthat, since the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the US,

    the international relations determining the worlds balance of

    power (political, economic, military) have been altered by the

    intellectual (political science) trends that perceive the

    contemporary worlds order via the re-territorrialization of

    political space, the re-emergence of classical imperialist

    practices (the inside vs. outside duality, cf. the Other), the

    deliberate weakening of international organizations, the

    restructured international economy, economic nationalism, theexpanded arming of most countries, the proliferation of

    nuclear-weapon capabilities, and the politics of identity

    emphasizing a States subjective perception of its place in the

    world, as a nation and as a civilization. These changes

    constitute the Age of Nation Empires; as imperial usage,

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    nation-empire denotes the return of geopolitical power from

    global power blocs to regional power blocs (i.e. centered upon

    a regional power State [China, Russia, US, et al.]), and

    regional multi-state power alliances (i.e. Europe, Latin

    America, South East Asia), thus nation-empire regionalismclaims sovereignty over their respective (regional) political

    (social, economic, ideologic), cultural, and military spheres.

    OVERVIEW

    Imperialism is found in the ancient histories of the Assyrian

    Empire, Roman Empire, Greece, the Persian Empire, and the

    Ottoman Empire (see Ottoman wars in Europe), ancient Egypt,

    India, the Aztec empire, and a basic component to the

    conquests of Genghis Khan and other warlords. Although

    imperialist practices have existed for thousands of years, the

    term "Age of Imperialism" generally refers to the activities of

    nations such as Britain, Japan, and Germany in the late

    nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, e.g. the "Scramble

    for Africa" and the "Open Door Policy" in China.

    The word itself is derived from the Latin verb imperare (to

    command) and the Roman concept of imperium, while the

    actual term 'Imperialism' was coined in the sixteenth century,

    reflecting what are now seen as the imperial policies of

    Portugal, Spain, Britain, Belgium, France, and the Netherlands

    in Africa, Asia, and the Americas. Imperialism not only

    describes colonial, territorial policies, but also economic and/ormilitary dominance and influence.

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    DEFINITIONS FROM SOME OTHER SOURCES

    Definition 3 in the Shorter Oxford Dictionary (2007) is

    particularly apropos to our second (attitude) meaning above;

    and also to the issue of how far non-military and not-overtly-

    territorial control can be called imperialism:

    [Imperialism:] The belief in the desirability of the acquisition

    of colonies and dependencies, or the extension of a country's

    influence through trade, diplomacy, etc. Usu. derog.

    Also on the issue of non-military control, we have this from the

    first paragraph of the article, "Imperialism," in the

    International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (second

    edition):

    . . . Commonly associated with the policy of direct extension

    of sovereignty and dominion over non-contiguous and often

    distant overseas territories, it also denotes indirect political oreconomic control of powerful states over weaker peoples.

    Regarded also as a doctrine based on the use of deliberate

    force, imperialism has been subject to moral censure by its

    critics, and thus the term is frequently used in international

    propaganda as a pejorative for expansionist and aggressive

    foreign policy.

    The following passage, from Wm. Roger Louis, Imperialism

    (1976) is also informative. He is discussing an influentialtheory of 19th century European imperialism by the historians

    John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson:

    More specifically, Robinson and Gallagher attack the

    traditional notion that "imperialism" is the formal rule or

    control by one people or nation over others. In their view,

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    historians have been mesmerized by formal empire and maps

    of the world with regions colored red. The bulk of British

    emigration, trade, and capital went to areas outside the formal

    British Empire. A key to the thought of Robinson and Gallagher

    is the idea of empire "informally if possible and formally ifnecessary." [This last phrase referring to the fact that the

    British government was often reluctant to entangle itself with

    formal colonies. -- Wikipedia.

    EMPIREEmpire derives from the Latin word imperium, denoting

    military command in Ancient Rome. Politically, an empire isa geographically extensive group of states and peoples (ethnic

    groups) united and ruled either by a monarch (emperor,

    empress) or an oligarchy. Geopolitically, the term empire has

    denoted very different, territorially-extreme states at the

    strong end, the extensive Spanish Empire (16th c.) and the

    British Empire (19th c.), at the weak end, the Holy Roman

    Empire (8th c.19th c.), in its Medieval and early-modern

    forms, and the anmic Byzantine Empire (15th c.), that was a

    direct continuation of the Roman Empire, that, in its final

    century of existence, was more a city-state than a territorial

    empire.

    Etymologically, the political usage of empire denotes a

    strong, centrally-controlled nation-state, but, in the looser,

    quotidian, vernacular usage, it denotes a large-scale business

    enterprise (i.e. a transnational corporation) and a politicalorganization of either national-, regional-, or city scale,

    controlled either by a person (a political boss) or a group

    authority (political bosses).

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    An imperial political structure is established and maintained

    two ways: (i) as a territorial empire of direct conquest and

    control with force (direct, physical action to compel the

    emperors goals), and (ii) as a coercive, hegemonic empire of

    indirect conquest and control with power (the perception thatthe emperor can physically enforce his desired goals). The

    former provides greater tribute and direct political control, yet

    limits further expansion, because it absorbs military forces to

    fixed garrisons. The latter provides less tribute and indirect

    control, but avails military forces for further expansion.

    Territorial empires (e.g. the Mongol Empire, the Median

    Empire) tended to be contiguous areas; while maritime

    empires or thalassocracies, (e.g. the Athenian, Achaemenid

    Persian Empire, and British Empire) are intercontinental, far-flung overseas empires.

    TYPES OF IMPERIALISM

    Cultural Imperialism

    Cultural imperialism is the practice of promoting,

    distinguishing, separating, or artificially injecting the culture

    or language of one culture into another. It is usually the case

    that the former belongs to a large, economically or militarily

    powerful nation and the latter belongs to a smaller, less

    important one. Cultural imperialism can take the form of an

    active, formal policy or a general attitude. The term is usually

    used in a pejorative sense, usually in conjunction with a call to

    reject foreign influence.

    Cultural imperialism is the practice of promoting,

    distinguishing, separating, or artificially injecting the culture

    or language of one culture into another. It is usually the case

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    that the former belongs to a large, economically or militarily

    powerful nation and the latter belongs to a smaller, less

    important one. Cultural imperialism can take the form of an

    active, formal policy or a general attitude. The term is usually

    used in a pejorative sense, usually in conjunction with a call toreject foreign influence.

    Some real-world examples that may illustrate various forms of

    cultural imperialism are:

    * The forced assimilation of the Ainu of Japan through the

    slaughter of the deer they depended on for sustenance andcultural survival.

    * The beating of Native Hawaiian children for speaking the

    Hawaiian language in school during the early territorial period.

    * The importation of items such as infant formula into non-

    Westernized societies (see Nestl boycott).

    * The active suppression of pre-war Yugoslavian cultural

    practices and common language in Croatia.

    * The ongoing threat to the Inuit hunting culture in

    Greenland by environmental groups such as Greenpeace, and

    of the traditional Thule culture in Greenland by encroachment

    of a cash-based economy.

    * The forced use of French as the language of Occitania.

    * The forced use of French and Spanish as languages of

    Catalonia.

    * The beating of Scottish and Welsh children for speaking

    Scottish Gaelic and Welsh instead of English in schools in the

    early 20th century. See the Welsh Not.

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    * The use of US culture in marketing and advertising

    worldwide

    * Residential schools in Canada designed to assimilate First

    Nations, Mtis and Inuit children into the predominate

    European cultures of Canada (anglophone, francophone).

    Hegemony

    Hegemony (leadership) first denoted the dominance

    (leadership) of a Greek city-state over other city-states, and

    then denoted the dominance of one nation over others. The

    political scientist Antonio Gramsci developed the formerconceptions to identify the dominance of one social class over

    the other social classes in a society by means of cultural

    hegemony. Moreover, a hegemony is the type of empire,

    wherein, the imperial state controls the subordinate state with

    power (the perception that it can enforce its political goals),

    rather than with force (direct physical action to compel its

    political goals), (cf. suzerainty).

    In the field of international relations, the hegemon (leader)

    dictates the politics of the subordinate states upon whom it

    has hegemony via cultural imperialism the imposition of its

    way of life, i.e. its language (as imperial lingua franca) and

    bureaucracies (social, economic, educational, governing), to

    make its dominance formal and, so, render as abstract its

    foreign domination of the subordinate state; thus, power does

    not rest in a given person, but in the way things are, yet, any

    rebellion (social, political, economic, armed) is eliminated bythe local police and military, without the hegemons direct

    intervention, e.g. the Spanish and the British empires, and the

    united Germany (extant 18711945).

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    Politically, hegemony is the predominance of one political unit

    over other units in a political group a province within a

    federation (Prussia in the Second Reich), one man in a

    committee (Napoleon Bonaparte in the Consulate), and one

    state in a confederation (France in the EU). Sociologically, ascultural hegemony, it denotes and explains the domination and

    maintenance of power (either by a person or a group), and how

    the hegemon class persuades the subordinated social

    classes to accept and adopt the imposed external values, i.e.

    bourgeois hegemony; per Gramsci, the hegemonic Imperial

    State is a mixture of coercion and hegemony, distinguishable

    as force and power. To wit, it is the social and political

    power(s) derived from the populaces spontaneous consent

    given because of the intellectual and moral authority thatgrant leadership to the "subalterns" of the Imperial State

    thus, hegemony is exercised through power (coercion and

    consent), rather than through force (arms). These constitute

    the cultural hegemony its agents (the Imperial States

    subalterns) are the press (mass communications media),

    organized religion, the schools (educational curricula), and the

    commercialized popular arts (cinema, music, et cetera)

    imposed from above, that influence the citizens of the

    subordinate state to accept the hegemons (foreign, external)values, thereby, maintaining the hegemonic status quo, so

    that the empire can continue.

    New Imperialism

    New Imperialism refers to the colonial expansion adopted by

    Europe's powers and, later, Japan and the United States,

    during the 19th and early 20th centuries; approximately from

    the Franco-Prussian War to World War I (c. 18701914). The

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    period is distinguished by an unprecedented pursuit of what

    has been termed "empire for empire's sake," aggressive

    competition for overseas territorial acquisitions and the

    emergence in some colonizing countries of doctrines of racial

    superiority which purported to explain the unfitness ofbackward peoples for self-government.

    Background

    The term imperialism was used from the third quarter of the

    nineteenth century to describe various forms of political

    control by a greater power over less powerful territories ornationalities, although analytically the phenomena which it

    denotes may differ greatly from each other and from the

    "New" imperialism.

    A later usage developed in the early 20th century among

    Marxists, who saw "imperialism" as the economic and political

    dominance of "monopolistic finance capital" in the most

    advanced countries and its acquisition and enforcementthrough the state of control of the means (and hence the

    returns) of production in less developed regions. They

    supported it as a necessary phase of human development.

    Elements of both conceptions are present in the "New

    imperialism" of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. But

    along with the adoption of ultra-nationalist and racial

    supremacist ideologies, the period saw a shift to pre-emptive

    colonial expansion, fueled by the imposition of tariff barriers

    aimed at excluding economic rivals from markets.

    English writers have sometimes described elements of this

    period as the "era of empire for empire's sake," "the great

    adventure," and "the scramble for Africa." During this period,

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    the advanced European nations conquered 20% of the Earth's

    land area (nearly 23,000,000 km). Africa, Asia and the Pacific

    Islands, the remaining world regions that had largely been

    uncolonized by Europeans, became the primary targets of this

    new phase of imperialist expansion; in the latter two regions,Japan and the United States joined the European powers in the

    scramble for territory.

    Rise of New Imperialism

    The Rise of the New Imperialism overlaps with the Pax

    Britannica period (1815-1870). The American Revolution andthe collapse of the Spanish empire in the New World in the

    early 1810-20s, following the revolutions in the viceroyalties of

    New Spain, New Granada, Peru and the Rio de la Plata ended

    the first era of European empire. Especially in the United

    Kingdom (UK), these revolutions helped show the deficiencies

    of mercantilism, the doctrine of economic competition for

    finite wealth which had supported earlier imperial expansion.

    The 1846 repeal of the Corn Laws marked the adoption of free

    trade by the UK. As the "workshop of the world", the UnitedKingdom was even supplying a large share of the

    manufactured goods consumed by such nations as Germany,

    France, Belgium and the United States. The Pax era also saw

    the enforced opening of key markets to European, particularly

    British, commerce. This activity followed the erosion of Pax

    Britannica, during which British industrial and naval

    supremacy underpinned an informal empire of free trade and

    commercial hegemony.

    During this period, between the 1815 Congress of Vienna

    (after the defeat of Napoleonic France) and the end of the

    Franco-Prussian War (1871), Britain reaped the benefits of

    being the world's sole modern, industrial power. As the

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    "workshop of the world," Britain could produce finished goods

    so efficiently and cheaply that they could usually undersell

    comparable, locally manufactured goods in foreign markets.

    The erosion of British hegemony after the Franco-Prussian War

    was occasioned by changes in the European and world

    economies and in the continental balance of power following

    the breakdown of the Concert of Europe, the balance of power

    established by the Congress of Vienna. The establishment of

    nation-states in Germany and Italy resolved territorial issues

    that had kept potential rivals embroiled in internal affairs at

    the heart of Europe (to Britain's advantage).

    Economically, adding to the commercial competition of old

    rivals like France were now the newly industrializing powers,

    such as Germany and the United States. Needing external

    markets for their manufactured goods, all sought ways to

    challenge Britain's dominance in world trade the

    consequence of its early industrialization.

    This competition was sharpened by the Long Depression of

    1873-1896, a prolonged period of price deflation punctuated

    by severe business downturns, which added to pressure on

    governments to promote home industry, leading to the

    widespread abandonment of free trade among Europe's

    powers (in Germany from 1879 and in France from 1881).

    The resulting limitation of both domestic markets and export

    opportunities led government and business leaders in Europe,

    and later the U.S., to see the solution in sheltered overseas

    markets united to the home country behind imperial tariff

    barriers: new overseas colonies would provide export markets

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    free of foreign competition, while supplying cheap raw

    materials.

    The revival of working-class militancy and emergence ofsocialist parties during the Depression decades led

    conservative governments to view colonialism as a force for

    national cohesion in support of the domestic status quo. Also,

    in Italy, and to a lesser extent in Germany and Britain, tropical

    empires in India and Burma were seen as outlets for what was

    deemed a surplus home population.

    Theories Of New Imperialism

    Hobson's accumulation theory

    The accumulation theory, conceived largely by Karl Kautsky

    and J.A. Hobson, then popularized by Lenin, centers on theaccumulation of surplus capital during the Second Industrial

    Revolution.

    Both theorists linked the problem of shrinking continental

    markets driving European capital overseas to an inequitable

    distribution of wealth in industrial Europe. They contended

    that the wages of workers did not represent enoughpurchasing power to absorb the vast amount of capital

    accumulated during the Second Industrial Revolution.

    Hobson, a British liberal writing at the time of the fierce

    debate on imperialism during the Second Boer War, observed

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    the spectacle of what is popularly known as the "Scramble for

    Africa", and emphasized changes in European social structures

    and attitudes as well as capital flow (though his emphasis on

    the latter seems to have been the most influential and

    provocative). His so-called accumulation theory suggested thatcapitalism suffered from under-consumption due to the rise of

    monopoly capitalism and the resultant concentration of wealth

    in fewer hands, which apparently gave rise to a misdistribution

    of purchasing power. Logically, this argument is sound, given

    the huge impoverished industrial working class - then often far

    too poor to consume the goods produced by an industrialized

    economy. His analysis of capital flight and the rise of

    mammoth cartels later influenced Lenin in his Imperialism, the

    Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916) which has become a basisfor the modern neo-Marxist analysis of imperialism. Thus some

    have argued that the New Imperialism was caused essentially

    by a flight of foreign capital.

    New Imperialism was one way of capturing new overseas

    markets.

    By the eve of World War I, Europe, for instance, representedthe largest share (27 %) of the global zones of investment,

    followed by North America (24 %), Latin America (19 %), Asia

    (16 %), Africa (9 %), and Oceania (5 %) for all industrial

    powers. Britain, the forerunner of Europe's capitalist powers,

    however, was clearly the chief world investor, though the

    direction of its investments underwent a striking change,

    becoming oriented less toward Europe, the United States, and

    India, and more toward the rest of the Commonwealth and

    Latin America. In non-industrial regions that lacked both theknowledge and the power to direct the capital flow, this

    investment served to colonize rather than to develop them,

    destroying native industries and creating dangerous political

    and economic pressures which would, in time, produce the so-

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    called "north/south divide." Dependency Theory, devised

    largely by Latin American academics, draws on this inference.

    Some have criticized J.A. Hobson's analysis of over-accumulation and under-consumption, arguing it does not

    explain why less developed nations with little surplus capital,

    such as Italy, participated in colonial expansion. Nor does it

    fully explain the expansionism of the great powers of the next

    century the United States and Russia, which were in fact,

    net borrowers of foreign capital. Opponents of his

    accumulation theory also point to many instances in which

    foreign rulers needed and requested Western capital, such as

    the hapless modernizer Khedive Ismail Pasha.

    Since the "Scramble for Africa" was the predominant feature of

    New Imperialism and formal empire, opponents of Hobson's

    accumulation theory often point to frequent cases when

    military and bureaucratic costs of occupation exceeded

    financial returns. In Africa (exclusive of South Africa) the

    amount of capital investment by Europeans was relatively

    small before and after the 1880s, and the companies involved

    in tropical African commerce exerted limited political

    influence. First, this observation might detract from the pro-

    imperialist arguments of Lopold II, Francesco Crispi, and Jules

    Ferry, but Hobson argued against imperialism from a slightly

    different standpoint. He concluded that finance was

    manipulating events to its own profit, but often against

    broader national interests. Second, any such statistics only

    obscure the fact that African formal control of tropical Africahad strategic implications in an era of feasible inter-capitalist

    competition, particularly for Britain, which was under intense

    economic and thus political pressure to secure lucrative

    markets such as India, China, and Latin America.

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    Lenin's theory of monopoly capitalism

    Lenin, like Kautsky in the 1900s, argued that capitalism

    necessarily induced monopoly capitalism - which he also called

    "imperialism" - in order to find new markets and resources,

    representing the last and highest stage of capitalism. This

    theory of necessary expansion of capitalism outside the

    boundaries of nation-states - one of the foundations of

    Leninism as a whole - was also shared by Rosa Luxemburg and

    then by liberal philosopher Hannah Arendt. Since then,

    however, Lenin's theory has been extended by Marxist

    scholars to be a synonym of capitalistic international trade and

    banking.

    While Karl Marx never published a theory of imperialism, he

    referred to colonialism in Das Kapital as an aspect of the

    prehistory of the capitalist mode of production. In various

    articles he also analyzed British colonial rule in Ireland and

    India. Moreover, using the Hegelian dialectic, he predicted the

    phenomenon of monopoly capitalism in The Poverty of

    Philosophy (1847), hence the slogan "Workers of the world,unite!"). Lenin defined imperialism as "the highest stage of

    capitalism" (the subtitle of his outline), the era in which

    monopoly finance capital becomes dominant, forcing nations

    and corporations to compete themselves increasingly for

    control over resources and markets all over the world.

    Marxist theories of imperialism, or related theories such as

    dependency theory, focus on the economic relations between

    countries (and within countries, as outlined below), rather

    than the more formal political and/or military relationships.

    Imperialism thus consists not necessarily in the direct control

    of one country by another, but in the economic exploitation of

    one region by another, or of a group by another. This Marxist

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    usage contrasts with a popular conception of 'imperialism', as

    directly controlled vast colonial or neocolonial empires.

    Lenin held that imperialism was a stage of capitalist

    development with five simultaneous features as outlined

    below:

    1) Concentration of production and capital has led to the

    creation of national and multinational monopolies - not as

    understood in liberal economics, but in terms of de facto

    power over their enormous markets - while the "free

    competition" remains the domain of increasingly localized

    and/or niche markets:

    Free competition is the basic feature of capitalism, and of

    commodity production generally; monopoly is the exact

    opposite of free competition, but we have seen the latter being

    transformed into monopoly before our eyes, creating large-

    scale industry and forcing out small industry, replacing large-

    scale by still larger-scale industry, and carrying concentration

    of production and capital to the point where out of it hasgrown and is growing monopoly: cartels, syndicates and trusts,

    and merging with them, the capital of a dozen or so banks,

    which manipulate thousands of millions. At the same time the

    monopolies, which have grown out of free competition, do not

    eliminate the latter, but exist above it and alongside it, and

    thereby give rise to a number of very acute, intense

    antagonisms, frictions and conflicts. Monopoly is the transition

    from capitalism to a higher system.

    [Following Marx's value theory, Lenin saw monopoly capital as

    plagued by the law of the tendency of profit to fall, as the ratio

    of constant capital to variable capital increases. In Marx's

    theory only living labor or variable capital creates profit in the

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    form of surplus-value. As the ratio of surplus value to the sum

    of constant and variable capital falls, so does the rate of profit

    on invested capital.]

    2) Industrial capital as the dominant form of capital has been

    replaced by finance capital (repeating the main points of

    Rudolf Hilferding's magnum opus, Finance Capital), with the

    industrial capitalists being ever more reliant on finance capital

    (provided by financial institutions).

    3) The export of the aforementioned finance capital is

    emphasized over the export of goods (even though the latterwould continue to exist);

    4) The economic division of the world by multinational

    enterprises, and the formation of international cartels; and

    5) The political division of the world by the great powers, inwhich the export of finance capital by the advanced capitalist

    industrial nations to their colonial possessions enables them to

    exploit those colonies for their resources and investment

    opportunities. This super exploitation of poorer countries

    allows the advanced capitalist industrial nations to keep at

    least some of their own workers content, by providing them

    with slightly higher living standards.

    The Soviet Union, which claimed to follow Leninism,

    proclaimed itself the foremost enemy of imperialism and

    supported many independence movements throughout the

    Third World. However, at the same time, it asserted its

    dominance over the countries of Eastern Europe. Some

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    Marxists, including Maoists and those to the left of the

    Trotskyite tradition, such as Tony Cliff, claim that the Soviet

    Union was imperialist. The Maoists claim that this happened

    after Khrushchev's seizure of power in 1956, while Cliff claims

    it happened in the 1940s with Stalin's policies. Harry Magdoff'sAge of Imperialism is a 1954 discussion of Marxism and

    imperialism. Globalization is generally viewed as the latest

    incarnation of imperialism among Marxists.

    World Systems theory

    World-Systems theorist Immanuel Wallenstein addresses thesecounterarguments without degrading Hobson's underlying

    inferences.

    Wallensteins conception of imperialism as a part of a general,

    gradual extension of capital investment from the "centre" of

    the industrial countries to an overseas "periphery" coincides

    with Hobson's. According to Wallenstein, "Mercantilism

    became the major tool of (newly industrializing, increasinglycompetitive) semi-peripheral countries (i.e., Germany, France,

    Italy, Belgium, etc.) seeking to become core countries."

    Wallenstein hence perceives formal empire as performing a

    function "analogous to that of the mercantilist drives of the

    late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in England and

    France." Protectionism and formal empire were characteristics

    of this era of neo-mercantilism; the major tools of "semi-

    peripheral," newly industrialized states, such as Germany,

    seeking to usurp Britain's position at the "core" of the global

    capitalist system.

    The expansion of the Industrial Revolution thus contributed to

    the emergence of an era of aggressive national rivalry, leading

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    to the late nineteenth century scramble for Africa and formal

    empire. Hobson's theory is thus useful in explaining the role of

    over-accumulation in overseas economic and colonial

    expansionism while Wallenstein perhaps better explains the

    dynamic of inter-capitalist geopolitical competition.

    The interpretations of recent scholarship

    Benjamin Disraeli and Queen Victoria

    In this sense, contemporary imperial historian

    Bernard Porter argues that formal imperialismfor Britain was a symptom and an effect of its

    relative decline in the world, and not of

    strength. Symbolic overtures, in fact, such as

    Queen Victoria's grandiose title "Empress of

    India", celebrated during the second

    premiership of Benjamin Disraeli in the 1870s,

    helped to obscure this fact. Joseph Chamberlain thus argued

    that formal imperialism was necessary for Britain because of

    the relative decline of the British share of the world's export

    trade and the quick rise of German, American, and French

    economic competition.

    Porter, however, notes that Britain, "Struck with outmoded

    physical plants and outmoded forms of business organization...

    now felt the less favorable effects of being the first to

    modernize." He contends that "a kind of vicious circle had beenset up, with domestic industry lagging because capital was

    going elsewhere because industry was lagging." Unlike J.A.

    Hobson, however, who links under-consumption to a

    misdistribution of purchasing power, Porter argues that "the

    best thing that Britain could have done to correct [its balance

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    of payments] would have been to make her export industry

    more competitive improve her methods of manufacturing and

    marketing in order to sell more abroad."

    As mentioned, contemporary historians, such as Bernard

    Porter, P.J. Cain, and A.G. Hopkins, do not downplay the

    influence of financial interests of "the city" either, but contest

    Hobson's conspiratorial overtones and "reductionisms."

    Nevertheless, they often acted as repositories of the surplus

    capital accumulated by a monopolistic system and they were

    therefore the prime movers in the drive for imperial expansion,

    their problem being to find fields for the investment of capital.

    OIL IMPERIALISM

    Oil imperialism theories assert that direct and indirect control

    of world petroleum reserves is a root factor in current

    international politics.

    Control of oil

    While economists and historians agree that access to and

    control of the access of others to important resources has

    throughout history been a factor in warfare and in diplomacy,

    oil imperialism theorists generally tend to assert that control

    of petroleum reserves has played an overriding role in

    international politics since World War I. Most critics (and some

    supporters) of the Gulf War and the 2003 invasion of Iraq,

    argue that oil imperialism was a major driving force behind

    these conflicts. Some theories hold that access to oil defined

    20th century empires and was the key to the ascendance of

    the United States as the world's sole superpower and explain

    how an undeveloped country like Russia was able to

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    industrialize so quickly (see Economy of the Soviet Union).

    Petrodollar theory states that the recent wars in Iraq are

    partly motivated by the desire to keep the US dollar as the

    international currency.

    Criticism

    Critics of oil imperialism theories suggest that because the

    United States is the third largest oil producer, and that it has

    historically been the leading oil producer in the world, the

    United States would be unlikely to predicate its foreign policy

    on the acquisition of oil with such an undue focus. They point

    out that, even relative to its consumption rate, oil is not an

    expensive commodity in the market.

    SCIENTIFIC IMPERIALISM

    Scientific imperialism is a term that appears to have been

    coined by Dr. Ellis T. Powell when addressing the

    Commonwealth Club of Canada on 8 September 1920. Though

    he defined imperialism as "the sense of arbitrary and

    capricious domination over the bodies and souls of men," yet

    he used the term "scientific imperialism" to mean "the

    subjection of all the developed and undeveloped powers of the

    earth to the mind of man."

    In modern parlance, however, scientific imperialism refers to

    situations in which critics charge that science seems to act

    imperiously, such as "the tendency to push a good scientificidea far beyond the domain in which it was originally

    introduced, and often far beyond the domain in which it can

    provide much illumination." (John Dupr, Against Scientific

    Imperialism, 2006) Scientific imperialism can thus describe an

    attitude towards knowledge in which the beliefs and methods

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    of science are assumed to be superior to, and to take

    precedence over, those of all other disciplines. "Devotees of

    these approaches are inclined to claim that they are in

    possession not just of one useful perspective on human

    behavior, but of the key that will open doors to theunderstanding of ever wider areas of human behavior."

    Scientific imperialism is also apparent in "those who believe

    that the study of politics can and should be modeled on the

    natural sciences, a position defended most forcibly in the

    United States, and those who have dissented, viewing this

    ambition as methodologically unjustified and ethically

    undesirable."

    CRITIQUE OF POWER

    It has also been defined as the "pursuit of power through the

    pursuit of knowledge," and its pejorative use arguably reflects

    the frustration felt by some with "the limitations of reductive

    scientism (scientific imperialism)." And "the myth that scienceis the model of truth and rationality still grips the mind of

    much of our popular and scientific culture. Even though

    philosophers of science over the past few decades have gutted

    many of the claims of this scientific imperialism, many

    thinkers, knee-jerk agnostics, and even judges persist in the

    grip of this notion." In its more extreme forms, critics of

    science even question whether we should "automatically

    assume ... that successful scientific theories are true or

    approximately true models of the world," and periodicallyexpress a desire to "dethrone science from an imperialistic

    stance over philosophy and theology." Such extreme critics

    also claim that maybe scientists harbor "unreal expectations

    and mistaken assumptions, their hubris and their imperialism,"

    in their desire to extend the methods and ideology of science

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    into regions of human investigation for which its methods

    might be unsuited, such as to religions and the humanities.

    RELIGION OF INTELLECTUALS

    Scientific imperialism, "the idea that all decisions, in principle,

    can be made scientifically - has become, in effect, the religion

    of the intellectuals," for it seems to reflect "a natural

    tendency, when one has a successful scientific model, to

    attempt to apply it to as many problems as possible. But it is

    also in the nature of models that these extended applicationsare dangerous." Science appears most imperialistic when it

    seeks domination over other disciplines and the subordination

    of 'non-believers,' or those it perceives as being insufficiently

    educated in scientific matters. It can thus involve some

    zealotry, and perhaps a fundamentalist belief that science

    alone stands supreme over all other modes of inquiry. In this it

    may resemble cultural imperialism, as a rather rigid and

    intolerant form of intellectual monotheism. If it acts

    monopolistically then science does indeed seem rigid, ruthlessand intolerant.

    MARGINALIZED

    Advocates of this critical position may describe themselves as

    marginalized and see their ideas described by scientists as

    irrational, and of being fairly or unfairly labeled as New Agersor religious romantics. In the science belief system, critics

    argue that those who have a tight adherence to the core

    dogmas of science attract the greatest credibility, respect and

    reverence. It is further argued that scientists extol the

    exclusive virtues of the scientific paradigm over other modes

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    of interpreting Nature, the world and human behavior. It

    seems a paternalistic attitude that scientists alone belong to

    an elite class of people who deal with matters of greatest

    importance, and may belittle the intellectual powers of the

    average citizen.

    IN MEDICINE

    Another meaning of this term is shown when it is claimed that

    "poor people in developing countries are being exploited in

    research for the benefit of patients in the developed world." In

    such an example, then it is clear that, "the scientific

    community has a responsibility to ensure that all scientific

    research is conducted ethically." Another example lies in the

    alleged misappropriation of indigenous drugs in poor countries

    by drug companies in the developed world: "Ethno

    pharmacology involves a series of sociopolitical, economic and

    ethical dilemmas, at various levels...frequently host country

    scientists, visiting scientists, and informants

    disagree...research efforts are (often) perceived as scientific

    imperialism; scientists are accused of stealing plant materialsand appropriating traditional plant knowledge for financial

    profit and/or professional advancement. Many governments, as

    well as indigenous societies are increasingly reluctant to

    permit such research...historically neither native population

    nor host countries have shared to a significant extent the

    financial benefits from any drug that reaches the

    market...unless these issues are amply discussed and fairly

    resolved, medicinal plant research runs the risk of serving

    ethically questionable purposes."

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    ULTRA-IMPERIALISM (HYPER IMPERIALISM)

    Ultra-imperialism, or occasionally hyper imperialism, is a

    potential phase of capitalism described by Karl Kautsky.

    Kautsky elucidated his theory in the September 1914 issue of

    Die Neue Zeit. He described the current phase of capitalism as

    imperialism. In Marxist theory, imperialism consists of

    capitalist states super exploiting labor in agrarian regions in

    order to increase both the imperialist nation's productivity and

    their market. However, imperialism also required capitalist

    states to introduce protectionist measures and to defend theirempires militarily. He believed that this was the ultimate cause

    of World War I.

    Kautsky noted that before the War, while industrial

    accumulation had continued, exports had dropped, as a result

    of a tendency of industry to expand out of proportion to

    agriculture. He pointed out that growing nationalism in the

    more industrially advanced colonies would necessitate a

    continuation of the arms race after the War, and that if

    happened, economic stagnation would worsen.

    In Kautsky's view, the only one way in which capitalists would

    be able to maintain the basic system, while avoiding this

    stagnation, would be for the wealthiest nations to form a

    "cartel", in the same manner as which banks had co-operated,agreeing to limit their competition and renounce their arms

    race, in order to maintain their export markets and their

    systems of super exploitation. In doing so, he postulated that

    war and militarism were not essential features of capitalism,

    and that a peaceful capitalism was possible.

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    Lenin disagreed with Kautsky's approach. In an introduction to

    Nikolai Bukharin's Imperialism and World Economy, written in

    1916, he conceded that "in the abstract one can think of such a

    phase. In practice, however, he who denies the sharp tasks of

    to-day in the name of dreams about soft tasks of the future

    becomes an opportunist."

    Lenin developed Bukharin's theories of imperialism and his

    own arguments formed the core of his work Imperialism: The

    Highest Stage of Capitalism. He wrote that Kautsky's theory

    supposed "the rule of finance capital lessens the unevennessand contradictions inherent in the world economy, whereas in

    reality it increases them." He gives examples of disparities in

    the international economy and discusses how they would

    develop even under a system of ultra-imperialism. He asks,

    under the prevailing system, "what means other than war

    could there be under capitalism to overcome the disparity

    between the development of productive forces and the

    accumulation of capital on the one side, and the division of

    colonies and spheres of influence for finance capital on theother?"

    Some Marxists have pointed out similarities between the co-

    operation between the capitalist states during the Cold War

    and ultra-imperialism. Martin Thomas of Workers Liberty

    claims that this "since the collapse of the Stalinist bloc in

    1989-91, that 'ultra-imperialism' has extended to cover almost

    the whole globe", but that "rather than being a sharply

    polarized world of industrial states on one side, agrarian

    states on the other, with the industrial states joining together

    to keep the agrarian states un-industrial by force, it is a very

    unequal but multifarious system, with political independence

    for the ex-colonies, rapidly-permuting new international

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    divisions of labor, and many poorer states exporting mostly

    manufactured goods."

    Other commentators have pointed to similarities between

    Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's theory of Empire and

    Kautsky's theory, although the authors themselves claim their

    theory is founded in Leninism.

    Opponents of the theory of ultra-imperialism argue that,

    whatever similar forms may have existed during the Cold War,

    since its end, inter-capitalist competition has tended to

    increase, and that the nature of capitalism makes it impossible

    for capitalists to make conscious decisions to avoid behavior ifin the short term it proves beneficial.

    AMERICAN IMPERIALISM

    Imperialism is defined as extending

    one countries ideals and values over

    another nation. A strong advocator ofimperialism was Teddy Roosevelt.

    Imperialism greatly benefited the

    United States in the early 1900s.

    Imperialism acted upon less

    developed countries in order to make

    them successful and able to thrive.

    Imperialism morally benefited both countries in that free

    trade became possible, America gained land, and economic

    development occurred. Free trade is trade between nations orcountries without a protective tariff. When annexing a country

    it becomes possible to have this. America has importation laws

    that state there is a fee that must be paid while sending

    something into America. If a country can develop into part of

    the United States then it is possible to override those tariffs.

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    The sugar industry was overwhelming in Hawaii, but because

    of the import tariff, large fees had to be paid in order to ship

    it. When the annexation of Hawaii occurred, it was evident that

    both countries would benefit from Hawaiis natural resources.

    America could now greatly benefit from the resource that onceseemed inaccessible. Hawaiis main exporter, Samuel Dole

    made millions of dollars when the tariff was waived because of

    the annexation. Combining the nations was an intelligent and

    beneficiary action taken by President McKinley. Expansion is a

    major part of Americas history. People always wanted to

    discover new land or expand on what they already had.

    Annexation of nations helped to add to that expansion in which

    people strived for. Having more land meant having more room

    for immigrants, or for new opportunities. Businesses beingable to expand meant more profit and income for the business

    owner. Also a major benefit of annexation was the Panama

    Canal. This giant canal made it possible for ships to sail

    through the country, instead of having to go all the way

    around Latin America. It quickened jobs and tasks that needed

    to be completed in Latin America. The United States made

    canal benefited many countries if not all, for it made a speedy

    process of transportation. Economic Development of Latin

    American Countries was limited. Annexation of countries madeit possible for America to instate ideas of democracy. America

    advocates for freedom in many aspects. Granting

    independence and freedom would cure domestic unrest.

    Domestic unrest causes a lack in growth for a country. Helping

    poorer countries develop economically would in turn benefit

    the United States. It gave America more territory to instill

    democratic views and values. America was prospering, which

    with the annexation of a nation would cause them to receive

    that money back in some other form. It became a situation in

    which both countries would benefit. Overall annexation and

    imperialism cannot be seen as morally wrong, but morally

    sound. It stopped tension within countries by promoting

    freedom and independence. With America gaining land and

    free trade between once foreign nations countries were

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    coming out with more benefits than drawbacks. Countries in

    the early 1900s needed guidance and support from larger

    more developed nations, which is exactly what America helped

    to do.

    IMPERIALISM IN ASIA

    Imperialism in Asia traces its roots back to the late fifteenth

    century with a series of voyages that sought a sea passage to

    India in the hope of establishing direct trade between Europe

    and Asia in spices. Before 1500 European economies were

    largely self-sufficient, only supplemented by minor trade with

    Asia and Africa. Within the next century, however, European

    and Asian economies were slowly becoming integrated through

    the rise of new global trade routes; and the early thrust of

    European political power, commerce, and culture in Asia gave

    rise to a growing trade in lucrative commoditiesa key

    development in the rise of today's modern world free market

    economy.

    In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese established a

    monopoly over trade between Asia and Europe by managing to

    prevent rival powers from using the water routes between

    Europe and the Indian Ocean. However, with the rise of the

    rival Dutch East India Company, Portuguese influence in Asia

    was gradually eclipsed. Dutch forces first established

    independent bases in the East (most significantly Batavia, theheavily fortified headquarters of the Dutch East India

    Company) and then between 1640 and 1660 wrestled Malacca,

    Ceylon, some southern Indian ports, and the lucrative Japan

    trade from the Portuguese. Later, the English and the French

    established settlements in India and established a trade with

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    China and their own acquisitions would gradually surpass

    those of the Dutch. Following the end of the Seven Years' War

    in 1763, the British eliminated French influence in India and

    established the British East India Company as the most

    important political force on the Indian Subcontinent.

    Before the Industrial Revolution in the mid-to-late nineteenth

    century, demand for oriental goods remained the driving force

    behind European imperialism, and (with the important

    exception of British East India Company rule in India) the

    European stake in Asia remained confined largely to trading

    stations and strategic outposts necessary to protect trade.

    Industrialization, however, dramatically increased Europeandemand for Asian raw materials; and the severe Long

    Depression of the 1870s provoked a scramble for new markets

    for European industrial products and financial services in

    Africa, the Americas, Eastern Europe, and especially in Asia.

    This scramble coincided with a new era in global colonial

    expansion known as "the New Imperialism," which saw a shift

    in focus from trade and indirect rule to formal colonial control

    of vast overseas territories ruled as political extensions of

    their mother countries. Between the 1870s and the beginning

    of World War I in 1914, the United Kingdom, France, and the

    Netherlands the established colonial powers in Asia added

    to their empires vast expanses of territory in the Middle East,

    the Indian Subcontinent, and South East Asia. In the same

    period, the Empire of Japan, following the Meiji Restoration;

    the German Empire, following the end of the Franco-Prussian

    War in 1871; Tsarist Russia; and the United States, following

    the Spanish-American War in 1898, quickly emerged as newimperial powers in East Asia and in the Pacific Ocean area.

    In Asia, World War I and World War II were played out as

    struggles among several key imperial powersconflicts

    involving the European powers along with Russia and the

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    rising American and Japanese powers. None of the colonial

    powers, however, possessed the resources to withstand the

    strains of both world wars and maintain their direct rule in

    Asia. Although nationalist movements throughout the colonial

    world led to the political independence of nearly all of theAsia's remaining colonies, decolonization was intercepted by

    the Cold War; and South East Asia, South Asia, the Middle

    East, and East Asia remained embedded in a world economic,

    financial, and military system in which the great powers

    compete to extend their influence. However, the rapid post-

    war economic development of the East Asian Tigers and the

    People's Republic of China, along with the collapse of the

    Soviet Union, have loosened European and North American

    influence in Asia, generating speculation today about thepossible re-emergence of China and Japan as regional powers.

    IMPERIALISM IN CHINA

    Qing territorial expansion

    During the eighteenth century, the Qing Dynasty government

    expanded its western borders to include areas such as Xinjiang

    and Tibet[citation needed] that had historically been under

    direct Chinese control during the Han, Tang, and Yuan periods.

    The name Xinjiang itself is Chinese for new territory. During

    the Han and Tang dynasties it was known as "protectorate of

    the west". The Qing expanded into Taiwan.

    Using imperialism to describe Qing expansion

    The process by which this occurred has been portrayed in

    current Chinese nationalist historiography as a process of

    national unification. Paradoxically Chinese nationalists,

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    particularly those of the nineteenth century, also regarded

    Qing expansion as imperialist and colonial when it came the

    Qing rule of Han Chinese areas, but not when it came to ruling

    outlying regions.

    Other alternative readings of history particularly by Tibetan,

    Xinjiang, and Taiwanese advocates of independence have

    portrayed Qing expansion as Chinese imperialism which is not

    fundamentally different from European imperialism. Also some

    Western studies of the Qing dynasty have used the concept of

    colonialism as a framework to describe the expansion of the

    Qing into neighboring areas such as Taiwan. The use of the

    term colonialism or imperialism to describe or not describe

    Qing territory expansion is highly controversial as it serves toeither legitimize or delegitimize claims of current governments

    to rule these territories.

    The process of expansion

    The ability of Qing China to project power into Central Asia

    came about because of two changes, one social and one

    technological. The social change was that under the Qingdynasty, from 1642, China came under the control of the

    Manchus who organized their military forces around cavalry

    which was more suited for power projection than traditional

    Chinese infantry. The technological change was advances in

    the cannon and artillery which negated the military advantage

    that the people of the Steppe had with their cavalry (although

    cannons and firearms were used in China centuries beforehand

    to combat similar threats, see Technology of Song Dynasty).

    Qing actions in Central Asia were aided by the preference of

    most local rulers (particularly in Tibet) for the relative light

    touch of Manchu control over the heavy-handedness of Russia

    or the British. The Manchus-Jurchens (originally from the

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    southern region of current-day Manchuria and the northern

    region of the Korean Peninsula) ruled China with the support

    of some people from Mongolia, Korea, Tibet and Xinjiang. The

    Manchu ruling family was a supporter of Tibetan Buddhism and

    so many of the ruling groups were linked by religion. Chinamost of the time had little ambitions to conquer or establish

    colonies. There were exceptions to this, such as the ancient

    Han Dynasty (202 BC-220 AD) establishing control over

    northern Vietnam, northern Korea, and the Tarim Basin of

    Central Asia. The short-lived Sui Dynasty (581-618 AD) had

    high imperial aims, reinvading Annam (northern Vietnam) and

    attacking Champa (southern Vietnam), while they also

    attempted to conquer Korea, which failed (see Goguryeo-Sui

    Wars). The later Tang Dynasty (618-907) aided the Korean Sill