The Math Gender Gap: The Role of Cultureftp.iza.org/dp8379.pdf · culture in influencing the math gender gap. It may be that girls’ lower performance in

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Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der ArbeitInstitute for the Study of Labor

The Math Gender Gap: The Role of Culture

IZA DP No. 8379

August 2014

Natalia NollenbergerNúria Rodríguez-PlanasAlmudena Sevilla

The Math Gender Gap: The Role of Culture

Natalia Nollenberger Queen Mary University of London

Núria Rodríguez-Planas

Queens College - CUNY and IZA

Almudena Sevilla

Queen Mary University of London and IZA

Discussion Paper No. 8379 August 2014

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IZA Discussion Paper No. 8379 August 2014

ABSTRACT

The Math Gender Gap: The Role of Culture* This paper explores the role of cultural attitudes towards women in determining math educational gender gaps using the epidemiological approach. To identify whether culture matters, we estimate whether the math gender gap for each immigrant group living in a particular host country (and exposed to the same host country’s laws and institutions) is explained by measures of gender equality in the parents’ country of ancestry. We find that the higher the degree of gender equality in the country of ancestry, the higher the performance of second-generation immigrant girls relative to boys. This result is robust to alternative specifications, measures of gender equality and the inclusion of other human development indicators in the country of ancestry. The transmission of culture is higher among those in schools with a higher proportion of immigrants or in co-educational schools. Our results suggest that policies aimed at changing beliefs can prove effective in reducing the gender gap in mathematics. JEL Classification: I21, I24, J16, Z13 Keywords: gender gap in math, immigrants, gender identity Corresponding author: Núria Rodríguez-Planas Queens College - CUNY Powdermaker Hall 65-30 Kissena Blvd. Queens, NY 11367 USA E-mail: [email protected]

* This paper has benefitted from comments from participants of the 2014 ESPE conference, the 9th IZA/World Bank Conference on Employment and Development, and the 2014 IZA/SOLE Transatlantic Meeting of Labor Economists. The authors would like to express their thanks for the financial support provided by the Economic and Social Research Council (Grant Number ES/K003127/1) and the Spanish Ministry of Education and Science (Project ECO2012-34828).

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1

1. Introduction

It has been widely documented that teenage boys tend to outperform girls in math tests

in many industrialized countries. A recent study using longitudinal data for the US

found that by the end of fifth grade, girls had fallen more than 0.2 standard deviations

behind boys, which is equivalent to 2.5 fewer months of schooling (Fryer & Levitt,

2010).1 Using 2003 data from the Program for International Student Assessment

(PISA) reporting on mathematic tests scores of 15-year-old students from 40 countries,

Guiso et al. (2008) document that "girls’ math scores average 10.5 (or 2 percent) lower

score points than those of boys, but the results vary by country: -22.6 in Turkey to 14.5

in Iceland".2 Given that mathematical ability has been found to determine field choice

for college graduates (Paglin and Rufolo 1990 and Turner and Bowen 1999) and a

significant part (between 8 and 20 percent) of the gender wage gap can be explained by

choice of major (Machin and Puhani 2003, and Black et al. 2008), understanding the

causes behind the divergence in math test scores between boys and girls is the first step

towards designing policies that aim to improve the conditions for female workers.3

Thus far, the literature has focused on two broad explanations of the

mathematics gender gap: the biological versus the environment explanation. On the

one hand, some scholars claim that the math gender difference is innate and rooted in

1Much of the research documenting gender gap in math scores has been based upon US data. The size of the gap

reported depends on the test and time-period. Some recent studies suggest that the average gender gap in math scores

among teenagers has been narrowing (Hyde & Mertz, 2009), while others document persisting large differences in

the average performance of girls relative to boys (Fryer and Levitt 2010). There is a wide consensus that substantial

differences persist at the top of the distribution (Ellison & Swanson, 2010; Hyde & Mertz, 2009) and that the fraction

of males to females who score in the top 5 percent of the distribution in high school math has remained constant at

two to one over the past 20 years (Xie & Shauman, 2003). Ellison and Swanson (2010) document that the gender gap

in secondary school math at high achievement levels is present in every US high school, although the size of the gap

varies between schools. Bedard and Cho (2010) review the existing evidence documenting gender gap in math scores

in OECD countries. 2 The gender gap is calculated as the girls’ average score minus the boys’ average score, whereby a negative gap

means that boys over perform girls while a positive gap means that girls over perform boys. 3 Black et al. (2008) find that between 45 and 53 percent of the gender wage gap among college graduates in the US

is explained by age, highest degree and major.

2

biology, and exists due to genetic (Geary, 1998), hormonal (Kimura, 2000) or cerebral

differences (Halpern, 2000). On the other hand, several theories rely on societal factors

(including gender differential treatment by teachers, parents' differential expectations on

math achievement for girls and boys, and gender differences in expected returns to math

skills, among others) as the cause for the math gender gap (see Fryer and Levitt 2010

for a thorough literature review--page 212). An influential article in Science using data

from 40 countries finds that "girls’ underperformance in math relative to boys is

eliminated in more gender-equal cultures", suggesting the important role of the

environment behind the math gender gap (Guiso et al., 2008). Using cross-country data

from 41 countries from Trends in Mathematics and Science Studies (TIMMS), Fryer

and Levitt (2010) also find support for this hypothesis when Muslin countries or

countries with high sex-segregated education are excluded from the sample.4 However,

these studies fail to distinguish between the role of institutional constraints versus

culture in influencing the math gender gap. It may be that girls’ lower performance in

math may be the result of having internalized what constitutes being a girl and behaving

according to a girl’s gender identity (Akerlof and Kranton 2000).5 Alternatively, girls

may choose to invest less in math than boys (independent on beliefs) because they

expect lower labor market returns to math skills given the laws, regulations and labor

market institutions in their society (Albanesi & Olivetti, 2009). In this paper, we

investigate the extent to which beliefs and preferences (as opposed to institutional

constraints) explain the math gender gap. If beliefs and preferences about gender roles

are important, policies aiming to alter them early in life would be optimal. By contrast,

4 Using 2009 PISA data, González de San Román and de la Rica (2012) find a similar relationship across regions

within a country (Spain) that constitutes a more homogeneous institutional setting. 5 Note that girls' actions may be influenced by their own beliefs, or by those of their families or neighbours through

the rewards and punishments associated with different actions.

3

if institutional constraints are most relevant, policies aiming at changing institutions in

both the labor market and education system would be preferred.

To examine whether culture can explain gender differences in math test

performance, we follow the epidemiological approach fully developed in Fernández and

Fogli (2009) and reviewed in Fernández (2011).6 This approach focuses on second-

generation immigrants who are exposed to the same host country's labor markets,

regulations, laws and institutions but are also influenced by the different cultural beliefs

of their parents. To identify the effect of culture, we estimate whether the math gender

gap for each immigrant group living in a particular host country is explained by

measures of gender equality in the country of ancestry.7 For this purpose, we merge

2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 data from PISA and the 2009 World Economic Forum’s

gender gap index (GGI), which reflects economic and political opportunities, education

and well-being for women in the country of ancestry.8 Using a data set containing

12,027 second-generation migrants from 45 different countries of ancestry and living in

twelve host countries, we show that the same pattern as found by Guiso et al. (2008) is

evident between the math gender gap of 15-year-old second-generation migrants and the

measures of gender equality in the migrants' country of ancestry. We find that the

higher the degree of gender equality in the country of ancestry, the higher the

6 Using the epidemiological approach, several studies have examined the effect of culture on different socio-

economic outcomes, including savings rates (Carroll, Rhee, & Rhee, 1994), fertility and female labor force

participation (Antecol, 2000; Fernández & Fogli, 2006, 2009; Fernández, 2007), living arrangements (Giuliano,

2007), the demand for social insurance (Eugster, Lalive, Steinhauer, & Zweimüller, 2011), preferences for a child’s

sex (Almond, Edlund, & Milligan, 2013) and divorce (Furtado et al., 2013). 7 We follow Fernández and Fogli (2009) and define culture as "systematic differences in preferences and beliefs

across either socially or geographically differentiated groups". 8 This is the same index used by Guiso et al. (2008) and Fryer and Levitt (2010). As we explain in the data section,

we are constrained to using contemporary measures of gender equality in the ancestry country because the GGI is

only first available in 2006, albeit even then only for a subset of countries. In the robustness section, we use

alternative proxies of culture measured in the 1990s, which is closer in time at which the parents left their country of

birth.

4

performance of second-generation immigrant girls relative to boys. Our results suggest

that cultural beliefs about gender roles explain a large part of the difference in math

performance between girls and boys. More precisely, we find that a one standard

deviation increase in the country of ancestry's GGI is associated with a decline in the

math gender gap of second-generation migrants of 15 percent. Our results are robust to

different (1) specification strategies, (2) the inclusion of a large set of individual,

parental and country of ancestry controls, (3) adjustments of standard errors, (4)

measures of gender equality and (5) changes in sample criteria.

We find that the effect of culture is mostly driven by immigrant girls. In

addition, the transmission is higher among those in schools with a higher proportion of

immigrants or in co-educational schools. The former result is consistent with higher

intergeneration transmission of culture when ethnic social networks are stronger

(Fernández and Fogli 2009 and Furtado, Marcén, and Sevilla 2013 find a similar result),

whereas the latter result suggests that gender equality considerations are less important

when peer pressure is low, consistent with Fryer and Levitt's lack of finding in countries

with same-sex schools and with gender differential responses to competitive testing

environments (Niederle & Vesterlund, 2010).

Our contribution to the math gender gap literature is threefold. First, we isolate

the role of culture from institutional constraints. Second, we shed some light on a

causal interpretation of Guiso et al.'s (2008) and Fryer and Levitt's (2010) findings,

showing that the same pattern exists among second-immigration immigrants. Third, we

find that heterogeneity matters with the effect of culture being driven by schools with

lower proportion of girls and those with a higher proportion of immigrants.

5

The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Sections 2 and 3 describe

the empirical strategy and the data and sample selection, respectively. Sections 4 and 5

present the main results and the robustness checks, respectively. After presenting

evidence on the transmission of culture in Section 6, Section 7 concludes.

2. Empirical Strategy

To distinguish the effect of culture from that of institutions and other environmental

factors in explaining variation in math scores between girls and boys, our empirical

approach makes use of the fact that all second-generation immigrants have been

exposed to the host country´s markets and institutions. Thus, evidence that gender

equality in the immigrant´s country of ancestry can explain math scores of second-

generation immigrants suggests that the preferences and beliefs of the migrant's

ancestors matter and have been transmitted to them by their parents and/or their ethnic

community. We use OLS to estimate the following baseline specification:

Eijkt=α1femalei + α2(femalei GEj)+ λj+ λk+ δ(femalei λk)+ λt+ X’ijktβ1+

(X’ijktfemalei)β2 + εijkt (1)

where i is the second-generation immigrant whose country of ancestry is j and lives in

host country k at time t.9 Eijkt indicates an individual’s educational attainment in math

test scores. To identify the differences in educational attainment between sexes, the

variable femalei is a dummy equal to one if the individual is a girl and zero otherwise.

9 Throughout the paper, we will refer to the country where each individual is born and lives as their “host country”.

Given that they are second-generation immigrants, the country where they were born and live is actually the host

country of their parents.

6

The variable GEj is a measure of gender equality from the immigrant’s country

of ancestry, such that a higher value is associated with a more egalitarian culture. Our

coefficient of interest on the interaction between GEj and the female dummy, α2,

captures the role of gender equality in explaining the gender differences in the

educational achievement of second-generation immigrant boys and girls. A positive

and significant α2 would suggest that more egalitarian attitudes in the immigrant’s

country of ancestry are associated with a higher relative performance of second-

generation immigrant girls over boys, and thus a smaller gender gap in children

educational attainment. Thus, the gender gap in math scores between a boy and girl

from a country of ancestry j with more egalitarian gender roles (higher GEj) would be

smaller than the gender gap between a boy and girl from a country of ancestry with less

egalitarian gender roles (lower GEj).

We also include country of ancestry fixed effects (λj) to account for

characteristics in the immigrant’s country of ancestry that may be related to gender roles

and educational achievements of second-generation immigrants. We include year fixed

effects (λt) to account for cohort differences and other time variation. In contrast to

previous studies using the epidemiological approach that focus on second-generation

immigrants living in one country (in general US or Canada), we need to include host

country fixed effects (λk) in our specification to account for the host country’s

characteristics that may be related to educational attainment. Crucially, host country

dummies are interacted with the female dummy to account for variation in the host

country’s educational gender gaps that may arise from cross-country differentials in

cultural or institutional channels.

7

The vector Xijkt includes a set of individual characteristics that may affect

educational attainment for reasons unrelated to gender equality, and their interaction

with female dummy. In our baseline specification, we only include the age of the child

at the time of the exam and a dummy indicating whether the individual is in a different

grade from the modal one in the country. Since all additional socio-demographic

characteristics that we observe at age 15 are potentially endogenous, we do not include

them in our baseline specification (see specification 3 instead).

A second specification further includes GDP per capita (in logarithms) from the

immigrant’s country of ancestry interacted by the female dummy.10

Including the

interaction between the female dummy and the level of development of the country of

ancestry ensures that our coefficient of interest α2, captures the effect of gender equality

and not differences in the level of development that may affect an immigrant’s test

scores for reasons unrelated to gender equality.11

Throughout the paper, we will refer to

this specification as our “preferred specification”.

Eijkt=α1femalei + α2(femalei GEj)+ α3(femalei lgdpj)+ λj+ λk+ δ1(femalei λk) + λt+

X’ijktβ1+ (X’ijktfemalei)β2 + εijkt (2)

Several sources of heterogeneity across individuals other than cultural beliefs on

gender roles may affect their educational attainment. To take this into account, a third

specification additionally adds to equation (2) socio-demographic characteristics related

to the immigrant’s family (vector X) and school (vector Z) and their interaction with the

10 The gross domestic product per capita is expressed in real terms deflated with Laspeyres price index. Source: Alan

Heston, Robert Summers and Bettina Aten, Penn World Table Version 7.0, Center for International Comparisons of

Production, Income and Prices at the University of Pennsylvania, June 2011. 11 As a robustness test, we also estimate a specification in which we also control for the Human Development Index

(HDI) as proxy of the level of development of the country of ancestry.

8

female dummy. As family controls, we include the mother’s and father’s highest

educational attainment, two dummy variables indicating whether the mother and father

work or not, two indexes indicating the cultural and educational resources at home, and

a dummy variable indicating whether the individual speaks a different language at home

than the standard in the host country. As school controls, we include the percentage of

girls enrolled at school, whether the school is publicly or privately financed, and

whether or not the school is in a metropolitan area. Information on how these variables

are defined and descriptive statistics are shown in Appendix Table A.1.12

Without these controls, α2 may capture a spurious correlation between the

individual’s unobserved factors and our measures of gender equality. For example, if

more educated mothers increase the test performance of girls relative to boys, and if it is

less costly for a girl to perform relatively better in school if her parents come from an

egalitarian country, the correlation captured by α2 would be due to the correlation

between parental characteristics by country of ancestry and female education.

Eijkt=α1femalei+ α2(femalei GEj)+ α3(femalei lgdpj)+ λj+ λk+ δ1(femalei λk) + λt+

X’ijktβ1+ (X’ijktfemalei)β2 + Z’ijktβ3+ (Z’ijktfemalei)β4+ εijkt (3)

The fourth specification substitutes the interaction between the female dummy

and the host country fixed effects in equation (2) by the interaction between the female

dummy and gender equality (GEk) and GDP per capita (lgdpk) in the host country. In

12 To avoid losing observations due to item non-response in one or several of these questions, we impute the missing

values following the MICE method of multiple multivariate imputation described by Van Buuren, Boshuizen, and

Knook (1999). This multiple imputation approach is more appropriate when the assumption of random distribution

of non-response is dubious. The basic idea is to create a small number of copies of the data (in our case 5), each of

which has the missing values suitably imputed. For each imputation, we use the command mvis in Stata and control

for country of ancestry, year and country of birth. Subsequently, estimates of the parameters of interest are averaged

across the five copies to give a single estimate and standard errors are computed according to the “Rubin rules”

(Rubin, 1987).

9

doing so, this specification accounts for the fact that immigrants from countries of

ancestry with less gender-equal culture may tend to settle in host countries with similar

gender-equal culture and institutions. If this is the case, our coefficient of interest in

equation (2) would be biased upwards as it would capture the effect of the host

country’s culture and institutions, in addition to the effects of culture in the immigrant’s

country of ancestry.

Eijk= α1 femalei+ α2 (femalei GEj)+ α3(femalei lgdpj)+λj + λk +λt + δ1(femalei GEk)+

δ2(femalei lgdpk)+ X’ijktβ1+ (X’ijktfemalei)β2 +εijk (4)

Because identification in our models comes from the variation of gender equality across

country of ancestry, standard errors are clustered at this level.

3. Data and Sample

Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) Data

Our main data set uses the 2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 student-level data from the PISA,

an internationally standardized assessment conducted by the Organization for Economic

Cooperation and Development (OECD) and administered to 15-year olds in schools

every three years since 2000. In contrast to other international assessment, such as

TIMSS, which focuses on assessing what students have learned in the classroom, the

purpose of PISA is to test whether students have acquired the essential knowledge and

skills for full participation in society near the end of compulsory education. These skills

include whether they can analyze, reason and communicate effectively. According to

the OECD, the PISA math test assesses “the capacity to identify and understand the role

that mathematics plays in the world, to make well-founded judgments and to use and

engage with mathematics in ways that meet the needs of that individual’s life as a

10

constructive, concerned and reflective citizen” (OECD, 2004, p. 26). Else-Quest, Hyde

and Linn (2010) suggest that PISA may be more relevant to measure the math gender

gap than TIMMS, because it is a more challenging assessment. Even if we wanted to

use TIMMS, the lack of information on the country of ancestry of second-immigrants

prevents us from doing so.13

PISA assesses a range of relevant skills and competencies in three main

domains: mathematics, reading and science. In addition, students and school principals

also answer questionnaires to provide information about the students' backgrounds,

schools and learning experiences, as well as the broader school system and learning

environment. Our analysis focuses on mathematics and begins in 2003 because

questions entering the math scores are not comparable before and after that year. PISA

tests are paper and pencil tests, lasting up to two hours for each student. Participation in

PISA tests is voluntary for schools and students, although a minimum participation rate

of 65 percent (80 percent) of schools (students) from the original sample is required for

a country to be included in the international database. Each subject is tested using a

broad sample of tasks with differing levels of difficulty to represent a comprehensive

indicator of the continuum of students’ abilities. The PISA program presents the tests

scores in standardized form, whereby they have a mean of 500 test-score points and a

standard deviation of 100 test-score points across the OECD countries.

PISA uses imputation methods, denoted as plausible values (hereinafter PV), to

report student performance. In all of our analysis, we use PV and follow the OECD

recommendations that involve estimating one regression for each set of PV (there are

13 TIMSS is an international assessment of mathematics and science learning in eighth graders, conducted on a four-

year cycle by the International Association for the Evaluation of International Achievement (IEA), in collaboration

with Statistics Canada and the Educational Testing Service.

11

five PV to each domain) and subsequently report the arithmetic average of these

estimates. In addition, PISA sample is stratified at two stages: first, schools are

randomly selected; and second, students at each school are randomly assigned to carry

out the test in all three subjects. Our results are robust to applying the Fay’s Balanced

Repeated Replicated (BRR) methodology, which takes into account this two-stage

sample design (as shown in the Results Section).

Gender Equality Measures

To measure gender equality in an immigrant’s country of ancestry, we follow Guiso et

al. (2008) and use the Gender Gap Index and the Political Empowerment Index

(henceforth GGI, PEI, respectively) from the World Economic Forum (Hausmann,

Tyson, & Zahidi, 2009). We also use female labor force participation in the

immigrant’s country of ancestry from the International Labour Organization. All these

measures are standard in the literature (Fryer and Levitt 2010; Guiso et al. 2008).

The GGI measures the relative position of women in a society taking into

account the gap between men and women in economic opportunities, economic

participation, educational attainment, political achievements, health and well-being.

The PEI is a sub-index from the GGI and measures the gap between men and women in

political participation based upon the ratio women to men with seats in parliament, the

ratio of women to men in ministerial level and the ratio of the number of years with a

woman as head of state to the years with a man. Both indicators range from 0 to 1 and

larger values point to a better position of women in society.

As an additional robustness check, in Section 5 we show that our results are

robust to using an index of cultural attitudes towards women from the World Value

12

Survey (also used in Guiso et al. 2008), and the literacy rate gender parity index.14

Appendix Table A.2 presents a detailed description of all the gender equality measures

used in the analysis, as well as basic descriptive statistics.

Information of GGI and PEI is available beginning from 2006. In this year, 115

countries were included in the indexes, 128 in 2007, 130 in 2008 and 134 in 2009. In

order to maximize the number of countries in our sample, we focus on 2009 values for

all our gender equality indicators in the immigrant’s country of ancestry. The use of

contemporaneous measures of gender equality rather than those observed at the time

parents migrate is a common practice in the literature. First, it is reasonable to expect

that countries' aggregated preferences and beliefs about the role of women in society

change slowly over time. Second, as Fernández and Fogli (2009) point out, "one could

argue that the values that parents and society transmit are best reflected in what their

contemporaneous counterparts are doing in the country of ancestry". Rather than

trying to solve this debate on theoretical grounds, we take an empirical approach and

also check the robustness of our results to using proxies of gender equality measured in

the 1990s (shown in the Results Section).

Sample

Following the literature, our sample comprises second-generation immigrants who were

born and reside in a participating host country but whose parents (both of them) were

born in another country. We pool the 2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 PISA waves to have

the larger variation possible in terms of both host countries and countries of ancestry.

14 We use the 1990-94, 1995-99 and 1999-2004 waves of the World Value Survey and the 1999 data of the literacy

rate. Unfortunately, these two variables are missing for many countries, thus precluding us from using them as main

indicators.

13

To determine the students’ country of ancestry, we need specific information on their

parents’ country of birth. This question is not consistently asked among participating

countries. For instance, when asking about the country of origin, the US only provided

the options “United States of America” and “another country”. Consequently, only data

from those participating countries providing detailed information about the parents’

birth place were used in the analysis.15

Based upon Blau et al. (2013), who find that the

effect of mother’s country of origin on second-generation immigrants girls tend to be

stronger than the effect of the father’s country of origin when parents come from

different countries, we assign the mother’s country of origin.16

We restrict our sample

to those individuals for whom we observe gender equality measures for both their

country of ancestry and their host country, focusing our analysis on host countries with

immigrants from at least four countries of ancestry to ensure that we do not compromise

the identification in our model, which arises from variation in the gender equality in the

immigrant’s country of ancestry within a given host country.17

We also drop second-

generation immigrant children whose country of ancestry has fewer than five

observations in a given host country.18

In the robustness section, we explore the

robustness of our results to changes in sample criteria.

15These are Australia, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Greece, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg,

New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Switzerland and Scotland in 2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 PISA; Argentina, Czech

Republic, Israel, Netherlands and Qatar in 2009 and 2012 PISA; and China, Costa Rica and Turkey in 2012. 16In any case, 85 percent of the second-generation immigrants in our sample have parents who emigrate from the

same country. 17The lack of gender equality measures for all countries implies losing the following countries of ancestry:

Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cape Verde, Occupied Palestine, Iraq, Lebanon, Liechtenstein, Netherlands

Antilles, Somalia, Somoa and Serbia-Montenegro (4,345 observations) and the host country of Liechtenstein (or 135

observations). In any case, most of the countries of ancestry we lose are from conflictive zones, which are commonly

excluded from this kind of analysis (see Fernández and Fogli 2009, and Furtado, Marcén, and Sevilla 2013). In

addition, by limiting our analysis to host countries with at least four different groups of immigrants we lose 3,983

observations from the following ten host countries (Costa Rica, China, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Latvia, Norway,

Portugal, Qatar and Turkey), and seven countries of ancestry (Brazil, Bulgaria, Belarus, Jordan, Egypt, Nicaragua and

Yemen). 18 This is a common practice in the literature. For instance, Fernández and Fogli (2009) eliminate those countries of

ancestry with fewer than 15 observations. Given that our regressions are run at the individual level, whether we

14

Our final sample has 12,027 second-generation migrants from 45 different

countries of ancestry and living in twelve host countries (as shown in Appendix Table

A.3). Host countries are mainly OECD countries, whereas countries of ancestry are

from various continents and levels of development. For instance, the countries of

ancestry in our sample cover all continents, with many European (24 countries) and

some transition economies (Albania, Poland, Russia and Ukraine), several countries in

the Americas (Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, Suriname, United States and Uruguay),

some in Asia (Bangladesh, China, India, Korea, Malaysia, Philippines and Vietnam),

the Middle East (Iran, Egypt and Pakistan), Africa (Ethiopia, Morocco and South

Africa) and Oceania (Australia and New Zealand). Second-generation immigrants

whose country of ancestry is Portugal, Turkey or Italy represent 47 percent of the

sample. Host countries with the highest sample of second-generation immigrants are

Australia, Switzerland and Luxembourg (immigrants living in these countries represent

68 percent of the sample).

Descriptive Statistics

Table 1 presents summary statistics of our countries of ancestry's gender equality

measures for our sample of second-generation immigrants. Countries of ancestry are

ordered from highest to lowest gender gaps in math test scores, measured as the average

boy’s minus the average girl’s scores. Panel A shows a large variation in the gender

gap in math scores across countries of ancestry. At the bottom 10 percent of the

distribution of the math gender gap by country of ancestry, second-generation

immigrant girls substantially underperform boys by 62 score points (0.6 standard

include these small numbers of observations does not affect our results. With this adjustment, we lose only 20

individuals and five different countries of ancestry (Colombia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Panama and Thailand).

15

deviation), a difference equivalent to about 1.5 years of schooling. At the top 10

percent of the math gender gap distribution, second-generation immigrant girls

outperform boys by 34 scores points (0.3 standard deviation), which is equivalent to ten

months of schooling. On average, the difference in math score between girls and boys

across our sample is -18.29, the equivalent to 5.5 months of schooling. This gender gap

in math scores is quite similar to that observed among all second-generation immigrants

and natives living in the host countries included in our analysis, and is not too distant

from those shown when all countries participating in PISA assessments are considered

(see Table A.4).

Panel A also shows the different measures of gender equality by country of

ancestry. The GGI takes values between zero and one and averages 0.68 with a

standard deviation of 0.06, varying from 0.55 in Pakistan to 0.81 in Sweden. The PEI

displays high variation across countries with a minimum of 0.02 in Iran and a maximum

of 0.50 in Sweden, averaging 0.16 with a 0.12 standard deviation in the whole sample.

FLFP also varies widely by country, moving from 0.16 percent in Iran to over 78

percent in Ethiopia--the average FLFP in the sample is 49 percent with a standard

deviation of 12 percent. Panel B shows the cross-country correlation across the

different gender equality measures: unsurprisingly, we find that these measures are

correlated. The cross-country correlation between the GGI and PEI or the GGI and the

FLFP ranges between 0.78 and 0.67, while the PEI and FLFP have a cross-correlation

of 0.32.

Figure 1 plots the average math gender gap of second-generation immigrants by

country of ancestry (column 1 of Table 1) versus the three measures of gender equality:

GGI, PEI, and FLFP (columns 2 to 4 of Table 1). Overall, the raw data show that the

16

more gender equality in the country of ancestry the higher the relative performance in

math scores of second-generation immigrant girls with respect to boys. The correlations

range from 0.18 to 0.20 percent and are statistically significant at conventional levels

(see column 1 in Panel B of Table 1).

4. Main Results

Can Gender Equality Explain the Gender Gap in Math Scores?

Table 2 displays the coefficient on the interaction between the female dummy and

gender equality measure in the country of ancestry, α2, which informs us about the

effect of gender equality on the gender gap in mathematics. Each column displays the

results estimating the different empirical specifications, while each row displays the

results using alternative measures of gender equality in the country of ancestry.

Column 1 in Table 2 shows a positive and statistically significant coefficient on

the interaction between the female dummy and gender equality measure, α2, suggesting

that the gender gap in mathematics narrows among children whose country of ancestry

is one with more egalitarian attitudes towards women. The results are qualitatively the

same in our preferred specification shown in column 2, which includes the interaction

between the female dummy and the GDP per capita of the country of ancestry as in

equation (2). The coefficient of interest, α2, remains positive and statistically

significant. In fact, this coefficient increases in most specifications with respect to the

coefficient estimated in column 1, suggesting that not taking into account differences in

17

the economic development of the immigrant’s country of ancestry could lead to a

downward bias in the estimated effect of gender equality and the gap in math scores.19

The magnitude of the coefficient on the interaction between female dummy and

gender equality measure, α2, suggests that gender identity may explain an important part

of the variation in the gender gap in mathematics across immigrants from different

countries of ancestry. For instance, the coefficient α2 in the first row of column 2

estimates that an increase in the level of GGI by one standard deviation is associated

with a reduction of 6.94 score points in the gender gap in mathematics, the equivalent of

a little over 2 months of schooling. It also accounts for a 15 percent of the variation in

the gender gap across countries of ancestry.20

Alternatively, if immigrants from Turkish

descent, whose country of ancestry has a GGI of 0.58 and who present a gender gap in

math scores of -13.82 score points, were characterized by the mean gender equality

(GGI = 0.67), our statistical model would suggest that the mean score performance in

mathematics of second-generation Turkish girls relative to boys would increase by 10

score points, thus practically eliminating their gender gap.21

Similar results are obtained when we use the other measures of gender equality.

According to the second row in column 2 of Table 2, an increase in the level of PEI by

one standard deviation (across countries of ancestry) is associated with a reduction in

the gender gap in mathematics of 7 score points, representing 15 percent of the variation

in the gender gap across different ancestries. When we use the labor force participation

19 Guiso et al. (2008) also find that not taking into account differences in the economic development across countries

leads to a downward bias of the estimate effect of gender equality in the math gap (Table S4, supporting material on-

line). 20 Using values from Table 1 this effect was calculated as

21 This is calculated as [ ]

18

rate to measure gender equality, we continue to find that the gender gap in math scores

decreases with gender equality. The coefficient in rows 3 of column 2 indicates that an

increase in the FLFP by one standard deviation is associated with a reduction in the

gender gap in math scores of 3.8 score points, which is 8 percent of the variation in the

gender gap across ancestries.22

Guiso et al.'s (2008) estimated effects of the gender equality measures over the

gender gap in math scores using PISA 2003 are 105.49, 29.1 or 45.0 when the GGI, PEI

or FLFP indices are used as gender equality measures, respectively. This implies that

an increase in the level of each of these measures by one standard deviation is

associated with a reduction in the gender gap across countries between 51 and 68

percent, depending on the measure used.23

While these magnitudes represent about four

times our estimates, they are not directly comparable due to the different identification

across studies and the data period under analysis. In their analysis, the identification

comes from the variation of the level of gender equality across home countries using

both natives and immigrants' gender differences in mathematics test scores. In contrast,

in our model, identification comes from the variation across country of ancestry within

host country using only second-generation immigrant children. Having said this, we

can compare our analysis to what we would have obtained using all individuals and

22 This is calculated as

23 The cross-country standard deviation of the GGI, PEI and FLFP in Guiso et al.’s (2008) sample is 0.05, 0.15 and

0.09 respectively. Given the coefficients estimated by the authors, an increase of one standard deviation in the GGI

(0.05) implies a reduction of 5.3 score points in the math gender gap, which represent a reduction of 68 percent of the

variation in the gender gap across countries in the their sample (the cross-country standard deviation in the math

gender gap is 7.74 according to our own calculation using 2003 PISA). Similarly, an increase of one standard

deviation in the PEI and FLFP reduces the gap in math scores in 4.4 or 4.1 points or 56 (51) percent of the cross-

country variation in gender gap in their sample. Information about standard deviations of each gender equality

measure is available in their Supporting Online Material, available at

www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/320/5880/1164/DC1. To make their results of FLFP comparable with ours, we

divide their FLFP measure by 100 (and also their estimated coefficient).

http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/320/5880/1164/DC1

19

only exploiting the cross-country of residence variation as in Guiso et al. (2008) with

PISA 2003-2012 to obtain an approximation of how much of the math gender gap

across countries of residence is explained by culture versus institutional constraints.

When we replicate Guiso et al. (2008) using all countries in PISA 2003, 2006, 2009 and

2012, we find that the effect of GGI over the gender gap in math scores is 47.92

(standard error = 0.048), implying that an increase in the level of this measure by one

standard deviation is associated with a reduction in the gender gap across countries of

25 percent. Although this is only a back-of-the-envelope exercise, it suggests that the

transmission of beliefs and preferences accounts for 60 percent of the total effect.24

While the results from Guiso et al. (2008) suggest the important role of a

country’s culture and institutions (as opposed to biological explanations) in influencing

the relative performance of girls in mathematics, our results assess the relative

importance of culture versus institutions, suggesting that the former plays an important

role in explaining gender differences in mathematics. It is also important to highlight

that owing to our identification strategy, we only capture the effect of inter-

generationally transmitted culture as opposed to the effect of culture in the host country,

and thus our estimates of the effect of culture should be considered as a downward bias

of the total effect of culture.

5. Robustness Checks

This section explores the robustness of these results to (1) specification strategies, (2)

the inclusion of a large set of individual, parental and country of ancestry controls, (3)

24 If this back of the envelope analysis is restricted to only host countries included in our analysis, we find a similar

result. In particular, we find that the GGI the over the gender gap in math scores is of 26.55 (standard error = 0.036),

implying that an increase in the level of each of these measures by one standard deviation is associated with a

reduction in the gender gap across host countries of 22 percent.

20

adjustments of standard errors, (4) measures of gender equality and (5) changes in

sample criteria.

Sensitivity Analysis

One concern is that our results may capture educational differences in the country of

ancestry rather than differences in gender equality. If those more egalitarian countries

also have more advanced educational systems, the effect of gender equality measures on

math gender gap would be upward biased. We check this possibility in column 3 of

Table 2 by adding the interaction between the female dummy and the Human

Development Index (HDI), which in addition to income (as GDP per capita), includes

measures of life expectancy and education (such as mean years of schooling and

expected years of schooling). As can be seen, adding this variable has little effect when

using GGI or PEI, and reduces precision when using FLFP.

As explained in Section 2, without individual controls, α2 may still capture

spurious correlation between the individuals' unobserved factors and our measures of

gender equality. To explore whether omitted variable bias is an issue, results from

equation (3) are reported in columns 4 and 5 of Table 2 where family and school

characteristics are controlled for, respectively. Column 6 includes both family and

school covariates. After controlling for the immigrants' family and school

characteristics, the coefficient α2 remains positive and statistically significant.

Column 7 in Table 2 also shows that our results remain practically unchanged

when we adopt even a more flexible specification where each year fixed-effect is

interacted by the female dummy to allow different math gender gaps by the cohort

assessed in different PISA waves.

21

Columns 8 and 9 in Table 2 evaluate the extent to which our results are biased

due to migrants' parents moving into host countries that are similar in terms of gender

equality to their country of ancestry. For this purpose, we substitute the interaction

between the female dummy and host country dummies with interactions between the

female dummy and gender equality measures and log GDP per capita in the host

country, as explained in equation (4) and shown in column 8. In terms of gender

equality measures, we include the GGI, the PEI, the total FLFP and the labor force

participation for women between 35 and 54 years old, which captures the cohort of

women with the same age interval as the mothers of the PISA students under analysis.

The idea behind including all these host country gender equality measures is to capture

as many dimensions of gender equality as possible in the host country. If those

immigrants from countries with less gender-equal cultures also tend to settle in host

countries with less gender-equal cultures and institutions, our coefficient of interest may

capture the effect of the host country laws and institutions rather than the effect of the

culture of ancestry. While the results in column 8 are smaller and less precise than

those in our preferred specification (shown in column 2), they are consistent with

beliefs from the ancestry country explaining the math gender gap. Column 9 shows that

the results are also robust to adding the interaction between the female dummy and host

country’s HDI to the specification in equation (4).

As explained in Section II, all of our estimates are calculated by clustering

standard errors at the country of ancestry level. However, due to the double

stratification of the sampling design employed by PISA, column 10 of Table 2 shows a

specification that applies the Fay’s BRR methodology. Again, the results are robust to

22

this alternative adjustment of the standard errors when we use the GGI or PEI indices,

although we lose precision with the FLFP.

Alternative Measures of Gender Equality

Table 3 displays the results from estimating our main specification using alternative

measures of gender equality. Panel A tests the robustness of our results to the use of

gender equality indexes measured in the 1990s. In particular, we use the proportion of

seats held by women in national parliaments in 1990-1997, and female labor

participation rates in 1990. As can be seen, the effect remains positive in both cases,

but it loses significance when using female labor force participation rates measured in

1990. Following Guiso et al. (2008), Panel B checks the robustness of our results to

using two alternative proxies of gender equality in the country of ancestry, namely an

indicator elaborated from a series of questions about gender roles included in the World

Values Survey (WVS) and the literacy rate gender parity index, which constitutes a

good proxy of gender inequality in the access to the educational system.25

In both

cases, our main results hold and remain statistically significant. Most importantly, the

magnitude of the effect remains consistent with our main findings. In particular, an

increase by one standard deviation in each of these gender equality measures is

associated with a reduction in the gender gap in mathematics of 5.55, 3.35, 5.87 or 5.89

25 Both measures are described in Appendix Table A.2. Note that these measures are not available for many of the

countries of ancestry in our dataset, precluding their use in main analysis. In the case of the WVS indicator, we lose

nine of the 45 countries of ancestry, while with the literacy rate we lose 28 countries of ancestry.

23

score points, respectively, which accounts for a 12, 7, 11 and 14 percent of the cross-

country variation in the gender gap in mathematics.26

Changes in Sample Criteria

Table 4 shows that our results are not driven by the main group of immigrants (the

Portuguese) or the host country with the largest sample of immigrants (Switzerland)--

shown in panels A and B. Panel C shows that the effect remains when only one host

country is used (although the coefficient is no longer statistically significant in the case

of Switzerland). Furthermore, the fact that our results remain when using alternative

measures that are only available for a smaller number of countries of ancestry, as in

Panel B of Table 3, represents additional evidence that our results are not sensitive to

changes in sample criteria.

6. Cultural Transmission

This section explores how culture is transmitted. We first consider whether the effect of

culture on closing the gender gap in math is due to more positive attitudes about the role

of women in society increasing a girl’s math score, as opposed to decreasing a boy’s

math score. Exceeding at mathematics is not considered part of a girl’s identity. Using

a sample of adults and children, Cvencek, Meltzoff and Greenwald (2011) show that

‘girls don’t do math’ is a widespread cultural stereotype.27

This stereotype works in an

asymmetric way, particularly affecting girls who deviate from the norm, as opposed to

26 Columns 3 and 4 of Table 3 display the cross-country standard deviation of each of these alternative measures and

of the math gender gap used to these calculations. 27 Anecdotally, in 1994 Mattel created a Barbie™ doll that said, “Math is hard.”

24

boys (Spencer, Steele, & Quinn, 1999). This asymmetry has also been shown in studies

exploring the impact of teacher’s gender on the math performance of girls and boys.

For example, Carrell, Page and West (2010) find a differential effect of a professor’s

gender on the performance of boys and girls. Whereas girls are affected when reminded

about the belief that they are not supposed to be good at math when being taught by a

male teacher, boys are not necessarily affected when reminded that they are supposed to

be good. Similarly, Gneezy, Niederle and Rustichini (2003) present experimental

evidence that women’s performance in competitive environments substantially

decreases when competing against males, while the performance of men in single-sex

tournaments is not significantly different than in mixed-sex tournaments.

Table 5 presents the results from estimating equations (1) to (4) separately for

boys and girls. As can be seen in Panel A, the effect of gender equality in the country

of ancestry on girls’ math tests scores is always positive and statistically significant. An

increase of one standard deviation of the GGI index increases girls’ score in

mathematics by 15 points, explaining almost 25 percent of the cross-country variation in

girls’ test scores.28

In contrast to what we find for girls, Panel B of Table 5 shows that

the effect of culture on boys’ math test scores is smaller and not statistically significant.

These findings corroborate the asymmetric effect of culture and show that the reduction

of the gender gap found in Table 1 as a result from more egalitarian cultural attitudes

towards women primarily comes from girls performing differentially better than boys.

In what follows, we further explore the transmission of culture by conducting

subgroup analyses. First, Panel A in Table 6 explores the transmission of culture within

28 The cross-country standard deviation of girl’s math tests scores is 61.99, so that 15 divided by 61.99 is equal to

0.242

25

different types of schools. For example, Booth and Nolen (2012) and Booth (2009)

show that school gender peer effects can explain why girls in girls-only school behave

more like boys taking on more risks. They also find that college female students

attending female-only classes perform better relative to female students attending

mixed-sex classes. Here, we test whether the effect of more egalitarian attitudes

towards women in the country of ancestry on girls’ math scores remains after

controlling for school peer effects, as well as whether the effect of culture through peer

effects is greater when there is a higher proportion of boys in the school.

In Panel A, we consider the proportion of girls in the school (as recorded by the

school’s principal) and at single-sex schools (where 95 percent or more pupils are

girls).29

Although the GGI coefficient remains positive and significant after controlling

for school gender composition, we find that the effect of culture varies across

subgroups. Crucially, the effect of gender equality is not so important for girls with a

higher proportion of girls in the school, as shown by the coefficient on the interaction

between the GGI index and the proportion of girls in the school (Panel A.1) and the

single-sex dummy (Panel A.2). For example, an increase in the GGI index by one

standard deviation increases a girl’s math test scores by 16 points if attending a co-

educational school, whereas the effect almost halves to 9 points when attending a

single-sex school. This evidence is consistent with Fryer and Levitt's lack of finding in

countries with same-sex schools, and can be rationalized by the fact that girls in single-

sex schools do not fear being perceived as different and thus the cultural effect on girls’

performance resulting from the beliefs that girls are worse at math than boys is less

important. In line with the above literature concerning gender peer effects in schools,

29 See Appendix Table A.5 for definition and descriptive statistics of these variables.

26

we also find that more girls in a school or attendance at a single-sex school is associated

with higher math scores for girls.

Panel B explores the transmission within local communities by assessing the

extent to which culture is more important for second-generation immigrant girls having

a greater exposure to the cultural norms in the country of ancestry. Fernández and Fogli

(2009) show that the impact of culture appears to be greater for the descendants of those

immigrant groups that have a greater tendency to cluster in the same communities.30

In

particular, they argue that an immigrant ethnic network may be crucial for transferring

and protecting cultural beliefs, independently of the human capital externalities derived

from an immigrant’s neighborhood effects (as argued by Borjas 1995). In our context,

it is natural to think of an immigrant’s network as school communities. In particular,

there is evidence that the scores of immigrant children are different depending on the

immigrant concentration in the school although the direction of the effect remains

unclear (see for instance Jensen and Rasmussen 2011, and Schnepf 2007). Panel B in

Table 6 explores the implications for girls’ attainment of having more immigrants in the

school and whether the effect of culture depends on how many immigrants there are in

the school. To this end, we include the concentration of immigrants in the school and

its interaction with the culture proxy (GGI) in Panel B.31

30 Although the literature generally refers to immigrant concentration from the same ethnicity, we cannot undertake

the analysis by ethnicity at the school level, given that the sample sizes are very small; rather, we use the

concentration of immigrants in a given school as a proxy for the concentration of immigrants from the same ethnicity.

To the extent that immigrants are different from natives in a systematic way, independently of the ethnicity, this is

not a very strong assumption. In any case, note that findings that the transmission of culture is greater among schools

with a high proportion of immigrants would underestimate the true effects of the relevance of immigrant ethnic

network as transmission of culture. 31 We follow Schnepf (2007) and calculate the proportion of immigrants in each school from PISA (see Appendix

Table A 5). We include both, first and second-generation immigrants and use final student weights included in PISA

data. Given that schools and students participating in PISA are chosen randomly, this ratio should be representative.

27

The estimates presented in column 2 of Panel B show that the culture coefficient

remains positive and significant after controlling for the proportion of immigrants in the

school. Interestingly, when the interaction between the GGI index and the proportion of

immigrants in the school is included in column 3, we see that the effect of culture is

higher for those second-generation immigrant students in schools with a higher

proportion of immigrants. For example, an increase in the GGI by one standard

deviation is associated with an increase of 18 points in the math scores for girls

attending schools with a proportion of immigrants one standard deviation above the

median (46 percent), which is 4 points higher than the increase experimented for those

girls attending schools with the mean proportion of immigrants (34 percent). The

coefficient on the proportion of immigrants in the school is negative, suggesting that

second-generation immigrant girls perform worse in math the higher the concentration

of immigrants.32

Panel C explores transmission of gender identity from parents to children, a

channel that has been extensively documented in the literature (Bisin and Verdier 2001;

and Farré and Vella 2013). Using the 1995–2011 March Current Population Survey and

1970– 2000 Census data, Blau et al. (2013) find evidence of intergenerational

transmission of gender roles among the immigrant population from parents to children,

and in particular from mothers to daughters in issues related to fertility and labor force

participation.

32 It is important to take into account the fact that immigrants (both first- and second-generation) living in the host

countries included in our analysis have on average a lower score in math tests than natives: 470.56 (standard

deviation 104.71) versus 490.77 (standard deviation 98.77).

28

To test the extent to which the effect of cultural norms persist after controlling

for mother characteristics and whether there is a different effect of culture depending on

mother’s characteristics, we include the mother’s educational level and the mother’s

labor status and its interactions with our culture proxy in Panel C of Table 6. In our

sample, the proportion of second-generation immigrant girls who have a mother

working is relatively high (81 percent), although the mother’s educational level is below

upper-secondary school on average. Results in Panel C of Table 6 show that the

coefficient on culture remains positive and statistically significant after controlling for

the mother’s characteristics. Similarly, having a mother who works is positively

associated with girls’ higher math scores. Interestingly, however, the coefficient for the

interaction between the GGI and mother’s characteristics is not statistically significant.

Although the interaction of the GGI index with the mother’s work dummy is negative,

suggesting that the role of culture in determining a girl’s math scores is less important

for those girls whose mother is working, the coefficient is not precisely estimated.

6. Conclusion

This paper aims to rigorously disentangle the effects of markets and institutions from

the effects of culture in determining gender differences in educational attainment in

mathematics. Second-generation immigrants live in the host country and absorb their

country of ancestry’s culture from their parents and ethnic communities but are exposed

to the host country’s laws and institutions. We thus interpret the estimated effect of

gender equality in the country of ancestry on math scores of second-generation

immigrants as evidence of the role of culture.

29

We find that the higher degree of gender equality in the country of ancestry

improves the performance of second-generation immigrant girls relative to boys. In

particular, the gender gap disappears among immigrants from more gender-equal

cultures. Our results are robust to a battery of sensitivity tests. Our findings are

consistent with those of Guiso et al. (2008) and Fryer and Levitt (2010) using cross-

country variation in cultural attitudes towards women. Our findings show that the same

pattern exists among second-immigration immigrants, highlighting the relevance of

culture in explaining the variation in the math gender gap across countries of ancestry.

We also explore the mechanisms through which culture is transmitted. We first

show that the effect of culture on closing the gender gap in math is due to more positive

attitudes about the role of women in society, increasing a girl’s math scores as opposed

to decreasing a boy’s. We find that whereas the effect of culture on a girl’s math test

scores is independent of whether the mother works, positive cultural views towards

women seem more important in increasing a girl’s math record if she attends a school

where the concentration of immigrants or the ratio of boys to girls is greater. These

results are suggestive of the relevance of schools and peers within the school, as

opposed to mothers and daughters within the family. However, we cannot rule out that

more egalitarian parents send their children to schools with a higher concentration of

immigrants and boys.

Our findings that a more gender-equal culture affects girls’ academic

achievement with respect to boys yield support for policies that alter the beliefs about

gender roles early in life--see for example work on the transmission of preferences from

mothers to daughters and sons (Blau et al. 2013; Farré and Vella 2013; Fernández,

Fogli, and Olivetti 2004). Our findings may also explain why similar educational

30

systems may have a differential impact on the relative performance on math for girls

and boys, as well as pointing to the interplay between culture and institutions as the key

factor.

31

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35

Table 1. Gender Gap in Math Scores and Gender Equality by Country of

Ancestry PANEL A

Country Math

Gender Gap GGI PEI FLFP N

1 Ukraine -174.97 0.69 0.06 0.53 5

2 Korea -78.24 0.61 0.07 0.49 46

3 Bangladesh -77.60 0.65 0.29 0.57 7

4 Macedonia -72.64 0.69 0.16 0.42 20

5 Slovenia -62.05 0.70 0.10 0.53 6

6 Uruguay -40.31 0.69 0.14 0.55 17

7 Fiji -38.99 0.64 0.06 0.39 35

8 Greece -35.53 0.67 0.09 0.44 46

9 Malaysia -35.19 0.65 0.06 0.44 34

10 United States -34.75 0.72 0.14 0.58 111

11 Croatia -31.74 0.69 0.16 0.47 77

12 Morocco -31.70 0.59 0.10 0.26 192

13 Sweden -31.38 0.81 0.50 0.59 9

14 Romania -30.52 0.68 0.04 0.48 58

15 Spain -25.55 0.73 0.37 0.51 246

16 Albania -25.51 0.66 0.04 0.50 136

17 United Kingdom -24.78 0.74 0.28 0.55 838

18 India -24.71 0.62 0.27 0.30 168

19 China -22.72 0.69 0.14 0.68 608

20 Italy -22.65 0.68 0.16 0.38 1,083

21 Poland -20.11 0.70 0.18 0.47 47

22 Russian Fed. -17.16 0.70 0.08 0.56 592

23 Belgium -15.56 0.72 0.24 0.47 159

24 Bolivia -14.36 0.67 0.15 0.63 131

25 Turkey -13.82 0.58 0.07 0.27 1,783

26 Hungary -12.50 0.69 0.11 0.43 7

27 Ethiopia -10.69 0.59 0.11 0.78 151

28 Suriname -10.39 0.67 0.16 0.40 107

29 Pakistan -9.95 0.55 0.15 0.22 36

30 Philippines -9.66 0.76 0.29 0.49 240

31 Portugal -8.53 0.70 0.16 0.56 2,846

32 South Africa -7.12 0.77 0.45 0.45 70

33 France -6.43 0.73 0.29 0.51 614

34 Viet Nam -2.95 0.68 0.12 0.73 359

35 Germany -1.75 0.74 0.31 0.53 398

36 New Zealand 2.42 0.79 0.39 0.62 376

37 Estonia 6.35 0.71 0.16 0.56 55

38 Paraguay 12.61 0.69 0.10 0.57 63

39 Australia 32.26 0.73 0.19 0.59 36

40 Austria 32.29 0.70 0.27 0.54 46

41 Chile 33.52 0.69 0.26 0.43 24

42 Slovakia 37.23 0.68 0.11 0.50 70

43 Iran 38.89 0.58 0.02 0.16 6

44 Netherlands 43.98 0.75 0.34 0.60 62

45 Brazil 180.38 0.67 0.06 0.59 7

mean -18.29 0.67 0.16 0.49 12,027

sd 47.51 0.06 0.12 0.18

PANEL B Math Gap 1 GGI 0.19* 1 PEI 0.18* 0.78* 1 FLFP 0.20* 0.67* 0.32* 1

Notes: Panel A displays the means of math gender gap and gender equality measures by country of ancestry

estimated using our sample of second-generation immigrants from 2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 PISA.

Countries are ordered by the gender gap in math scores. It was obtained from estimating a linear regression

using the plausible values provided by the PISA data sets as LHS variable and a female dummy as RHS (we

estimated one regression for each PV and present the average of the 5 coefficients estimated). See Appendix

Table A.2 for details about gender equality measures. The last two rows of Panel A display the mean and

cross-country standard deviation. Panel B display Pearson correlations between variables. *Indicates a

correlation statistically significant at 95 percent.

36

Figure 1. Gender Gap in Math Scores of Second-generation Immigrants

and Gender Equality in Countries of Ancestry

Notes: The figure displays the correlation between the average math gender gap among second-generation

immigrants and our three measures of gender equality in the country of ancestry. The math gender gap was

obtained from estimating a linear regression using the plausible values provided by the PISA data sets as

LHS variable and a female dummy as RHS variable. We estimated one regression for each PV for each

country and present the average of the 5 coefficients estimated. We use individuals whose both parents

were born in a foreign country from the 2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 PISA datasets. Definitions and data

sources of the gender equality measures are presented in Appendix Table A.2. For presentation purposes,

Brazil and Ukraine were not included in the figure.

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SpainSpain

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ItalyItaly

France

Turkey

Austria

GermanyFrance

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ChinaChina


China

Bangladesh

PakistanPakistan

China

PakistanPakistan

China

Pakistan

India


China

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ChinaChina

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Bangladesh


China

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China

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ChinaChinaChina

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ChinaIndiaIndia


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-100

-50

05

0

Gap

in M

ath

Score

.2 .4 .6 .8FLFP

37

Table 2. Math Scores and Gender Equality

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10)

1. GGI*Female 96.19** 115.73** 132.59** 112.67** 112.35** 109.05** 116.84** 101.15** 97.64* 115.73*

[41.85] [44.85] [52.83] [50.53] [44.56] [50.44] [49.51] [45.57] [48.93] [61.28]

2. PEI*Female 55.81** 58.31** 57.58** 56.59* 57.32** 55.25* 55.16* 50.03* 49.54* 58.31*

[27.00] [26.43] [25.90] [30.90] [25.98] [30.80] [27.93] [27.18] [27.71] [34.54]

3. FLFP*Female 30.29* 31.56* 30.97 36.58** 30.49* 35.76** 32.60* 22.41 20.46 31.56

[16.26] [16.99] [18.49] [16.51] [16.72] [16.29] [18.18] [14.70] [15.46] [23.49]

Observations 12,027 12,027 12,027 12,027 12,027 12,027 12,027 12,027 12,027 12,027

Year FE X X X X X X X X X X Country of ancestry FE X X X X X X X X X X Host country FE X X X X X X X X X X Host country FE*Female X X X X X X X X Individuals' age and grade level and its interactions

with Female dummy

X X X X X X X X X X

GDP (country of ancestry)*Female X X X X X X X X X HDI (country of ancestry)*Female X Family characteristics and its interaction with female X X School characteristics and its interaction with female X X Year FE*Female X Gender equality (host)*Female X X GDP (host)*Female X X HDI (host)*Female X SE adjusted by BRR X

Notes: Results from estimating equations (1) to (4) on individuals’ math scores. Specification (1) includes year, country of ancestry and host country FE, the interaction between host

country FE and female dummy, and control for individuals’ age and dummies for any students who are in a grade different from the modal one in the country and its interactions with the

female dummy. Specification (2), our preferred specification, adds the GDP per capita from the country of ancestry interacted by the female dummy. Specification (3) adds the HDI

interacted by the female dummy. Specifications (4), (5) and (6) include family, school characteristics or both and their interaction with the female dummy (see details in Appendix Table

A.1). Specification (7) replicate specification (2) but adds the interaction between year FE and female dummy. Specification (8) replaces the interaction between the female dummy and

host country FE by the interaction between the female dummy and (i) gender equality measures for the host country (see details in main text) (ii) the host country’s GDP per capita.

Specification (9) also adds the interaction with the host country’s HDI. In specifications (1) to (9), standard errors are clustered at country of ancestry’s level, while specification (10)

replicates specification (2) adjusting the Standard Error with the BRR methodology. * p<0.1, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01.

38

Table 3. Alternative Measures of Gender Equality

Table 4. Sensitivity of Sample Selection

GGI*female (Baseline) 115.73**

[44.85]

N 12,027

A. Dropping the origin with more observations (Portugal)

GGI*female 110.34**

[47.57]

N 9,181

B. Dropping the host country with more observations (Switzerland)

GGI*female 111.50**

[55.00]

N 9,117

C. Keeping only one host country

Switzerland

GGI*female 163.12

[106.77]

N 2,910

Australia

GGI*female 199.08**

[84.98]

N 2,447

Notes: Results from estimating equation 2 (preferred specification) on individuals’ math

scores using different samples of countries of ancestry (Panel A) and host countries

(Panel B and C). Standard Errors are clustered at the country of ancestry level, which

implies 44, 42, 8 and 14 clusters, respectively. * p<0.1, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01.

Mean and St.Dev

Effect estimated

(1)

GE measure

(2)

Math Gender Gap

(3)

A. Measures from 1990-1997

Parliament seats held by women (1990-97)*female 85.32*** 0.106 -18.21

[30.07] [0.065] [47.23]

N 12,007

FLFP(1990)*female 28.16 0.471 -18.29

[21.05] [0.119] [47.51]

N 12,027

B. Other measures of Gender Equality

WVS indicator*female 27.97** 2.72 -14.85

[13.27] [0.22] [51.88]

N 10,949

Gap in literacy rate*female 2.12*** 99.13 -19.10

[0.27] [2.78] [42.71]

N 6,797

Note: Column (1) displays the results from estimating equation 2 (preferred specification) on individuals’

math tests scores using alternative measures of gender equality (see Appendix Table A.2 for details and

definition of each measure). Columns (2) and (3) display the mean and cross-country-of-ancestry standard

deviation of each measure and the math gender gap, respectively. Standard Errors are clustered at country of

ancestry level, which implies 44, 45, 36 and 17 clusters, respectively. * p<0.1, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01.

39

Table 5. Effect of culture of ancestry on girls and boys

Panel A. Girls (1) (2) (3) (4)

GGI 236.31** 253.95** 251.61** 233.36**

[107.52] [107.68] [107.40] [94.66]

PEI 40.83 17.08 17.15 18.22

[75.16] [77.50] [77.74] [78.02]

FLFP 134.06** 136.48** 135.32** 116.01**

[52.84] [51.72] [51.50] [48.38]

N 6106 6106 6106 6106

Panel B. Boys

GGI 157.63 154.82 154.89 140.94

[121.37] [128.56] [127.72] [119.19]

PEI -15.08 -45.93 -45.68 -40.74

[79.98] [88.94] [88.32] [92.24]

FLFP 95.64 101.11* 101.30* 89.97*

[57.21] [52.18] [51.55] [51.50]

N 5921 5921 5921 5921

Year FE X X X X

Host country FE X X X

GDP country of ancestry X X X

Individuals' age and grade level X X X X

Family and school characteristics X

Host country Gender Equality

and GDP

X

Notes: Results from estimating equations (1) to (4) on girls’ and boys’ math scores separately. Specification

(1) includes year and host countries fixed effects and individual controls. Specification (2) adds the GDP per

capita of each country of ancestry. Specification (3) adds family and school characteristics and specification

(4) replace host country fixed-effect for host countries’ gender equality measures and GDP per capita.

Standard errors clustered at country of ancestry level (45 clusters). * p<0.1, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01.

40

Table 6. Cultural Transmission

(1) (2) (3)

A. Peer transmission of culture

GGI 253.95** 252.88** 334.74***

[107.55] [107.24] [111.32]

Proportion of girls 14.16* 127.56**

[7.14] [55.71]

GGI*Proportion of girls -167.58*

[83.59]

GGI 253.95** 254.16** 265.82**

[107.68] [107.83] [108.97]

Single-sex school 5.06 80.09*

[6.35] [44.60]

GGI*Single-sex school -111.44*

[67.60]

B. Network transmission of culture

GGI 253.95** 243.16** 57.00

[107.68] [103.52] [126.53]

Proportion of immigrants -18.50 -366.23***

[23.69] [131.64]

GGI*Proportion of immigrants 529.71**

[220.40]

C. Mother transmission of culture

GGI 253.95** 186.82* 248.68**

[107.55] [104.99] [118.40]

Mother’s education level 5.23*** -0.56

[1.53] [15.64]

Mother work (=1) 14.48** 87.28**

[6.54] [40.40]

GGI*Mother’s education 8.65

[23.10]

GGI*Mother work -111.39

[69.02]

Year FE X X X

Host Country FE X X X

Individuals' age and grade level X X X

Notes: Column (1) display the results from estimating equation (2) on girls’ math scores (column 2 of Panel

A in Table 5). In column (2) we also control for: the proportion of girls in the school or a dummy which

takes the value of 0 if the girl attend to a single-sex school and zero otherwise (Panel A), the proportion of

immigrants in the school (Panel B), or mother’s educational level and a dummy indicating whether the

mother is working or not (Panel C). Column (3) we add the interaction between these controls and the GGI.

See Appendix Table A 5 for definition and descriptive statistics of these variables. We impute missing

values in Panel A or C following the MICE method of multiple multivariate imputation. Standard errors

clustered at country of ancestry level (45 clusters). * p<0.1, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01.

41

Appendix

Table A. 1 Individual-level variables: Definition and Descriptive Statistics

Name Definition Mean St. Dev. across

countries of ancestry

A. Individual Characteristics

Female Dummy variable equal to 1 if the individual is a girl 0.51 0.11

Age Years and months 15.77 0.07

Different grade

Dummy equal to 1 if the current individual’s grade is

different from the modal grade at the children age in

the host country and 0 otherwise.

0.38 0.21

B. Family characteristics

Mother highest

level of education

(MISCED)

Index constructed by the PISA program based upon

the highest education level of each parent. It has the

following categories: (0) None; (1) ISCED 1 (primary

education); (2) ISCED 2 (lower secondary); (3)

ISCED Level 3B or 3C (vocational/pre-vocational

upper-secondary); (4) ISCED 3A (upper-secondary)

and/or ISCED 4 (non-tertiary post-secondary); (5)

ISCED 5B (vocational tertiary); and (6) ISCED 5A, 6

(theoretically-oriented tertiary and post-graduate).

3.42 0.95

Father highest level

of education

(FISCED)

3.70 0.84

Mother works Dummy equal to one if the mother (father) works,

and zero otherwise. Due to the direct question about

parents’ labor status is not included in all PISA

waves, we use the question about what is the mother

(father) main work. The dummy takes the value of

zero when the answer is housewife, student or social

beneficiary (unemployed, retired, sickness, etc.).

0.82 0.11

Father works 0.96 0.07

Index of cultural

possessions

(cultposs)

The CULTPOSS index, is based upon the students'

responses to whether they had the following at home:

classic literature, books of poetry and works of art.

These variables are binary and the scale construction

is done (by the PISA program) through IRT (item

respond theory) scaling. Positive values on this index

indicate higher levels of cultural possessions.

-0.30 0.35

Index of home

educational

resources (hedres)

The index of home educational resources (HEDRES)

is based upon the items measuring the existence of

educational resources at home including a desk and a

quiet place to study, a computer that students can use

for schoolwork, educational software, books to help

with students' school work, technical reference books

and a dictionary. Again, These variables are binary

and the scale construction is done through IRT

scaling. Positive values on this index indicate higher

levels of home educational resources.

-0.07 0.40

Language at home 1 if language spoken at home is different from the

test language 0.38 0.26

C. School characteristics

Percentage of girls

PISA index of the proportion of girls enrolled in each

school derived from school principals’ responses

regarding the number of girls divided by the total of

girls and boys at a school.

0.49 0.04

Private school Dummy equal to 1 if school is private and 0

otherwise. 0.18 0.09

Place of residence Dummy equal to 1 if the school is in a metropolis and

0 otherwise. 0.14 0.07

42

Table A. 2 Country-level variables: Definition and Descriptive Statistics



A. Gender Equality Measures

Gender Gap Index

(GGI)

Synthesizes the position of women by considering

economic opportunities, economic participation,

educational attainment, political achievements, health and

well-being. The index range between 0 and 1. Larger

values point to a better position of women in society. We

use the 2009 index. Source: World Economic Forum, 2009

Report.

0.67 0.06

Political

Empowerment

Index (PEI)

Measure women's political participation based upon three

components: (1) the ratio women to men with seats in

parliament; (2) the ratio of women to men in ministerial

level and (3) the ratio of the number of years with a women

as head of state to the years with a man. Larger values point

to a better position of women in society. We use the 2009

indexes. This index is also elaborated for the World

Economic Forum as part of the Gender Gap Index. Source:

World Economic Forum, 2009 Report.

0.16 0.12

FLFP Female Labor Force Participation, from 15 years old. We

use the 2009 rates. Source: International Labour

Organization.

0.49 0.12

WVS Index elaborated from data of the World Value Survey

based upon the following questions: (1)"When jobs are

scarce, men should have more right to a job than women",

(2)"A working mother can establish just as warm and

secure a relationship with her children as a mother who

does not work", (3)"Being a housewife is just as fulfilling

as working for pay", (4)"Both the husband and wife should

contribute to household income", (5)"On the whole, men

make better political leaders than women do", (6)"If a

woman earns more money than her husband, it is almost

certain to cause problems" and (7)"A university education

is more important for a boy than for a girl". For all but the

first, levels of agreements had to be expressed on a scale

from 1 to 4. In the first question the answers were "agree,"

"neither," and "disagree," to which we attributed the

respective scores of 1.5, 2.5, and 3.5. We inverted the

answers to questions (2) and (4), so that higher values

indicate a better position of women in society. The final

index is the average by country of the answers to all these

questions. We use the 1990-1994, 1995-1998 and 1999-

2004 waves. Unfortunately, the 2005-2008 wave does not

include most of these questions.

2.63 0.18

Literacy rate GPI The literacy rate gender parity index (GPI) is the ratio of

young female to male literacy rates (ages 15-24). Source:

World Bank Statistics; year: 2009. The index range from 0

to 100, and take the maximum value when male and

females have the same literacy rate.

97.38 4.26

B. Macro Variables

GDP per capita Gross Domestic Product per capita in real terms deflated

with Laspeyres price index. We average the 2003, 2006 and

2009 values. Source: Heston, A., Summers, R. and Aten, B,

Penn, World Table Version 7.0, Center for International

Comparisons of Production, Income and Prices at the

University of Pennsylvania, May 2011.

14,721 12,558

Human

Development

Index (HDI)

The HDI measures the level of development of a country,

combining information on people’s life expectancies, adult

literacy rates, gross enrollment ratios in different educational

levels and the GDP. The index range from 0 to 100. Source:

http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/hdi.

0.74 0.14

43

Table A. 3 Sample Size by Country of Ancestry and Destiny ARG AUS AUT BEL CHE CZE FIN GBR ISR LUX NLD NZL Total

1 Albania 4 132 136

2 Australia 36 36

3 Austria 46 46

4 Bangladesh 7 7

5 Belgium 159 159

6 Bolivia 131 131

7 Brazil 7 7

8 Chile 24 24

9 China 410 3 5 13 20 27 130 608

10 Croatia 77 77

11 Ethiopia 151 151

12 Estonia 55 55

13 Fiji 35 35

14 France 102 203 67 242 614

15 Germany 21 38 41 176 116 6 398

16 Greece 46 46

17 Hungary 7 7

18 India 158 5 5 168

19 Iran 6 6

20 Italy 88 739 256 1,083

21 Korea 31 15 46

22 Malaysia 34 34

23 Morocco 192 192

24 Netherlands 12 50 62

25 New Zealand 376 376

26 Pakistan 36 36

27 Paraguay 63 63

28 Philippines 240 240

29 Poland 47 47

30 Portugal 777 2,069 2,846

31 Romania 58 58

32 Russian Fed. 3 9 89 491 592

33 Slovakia 3 67 70

34 Viet Nam 291 68 359

35 Slovenia 6 6

36 South Africa 60 10 70

37 Spain 246 246

38 Suriname 107 107

39 Sweden 9 9

40 Turkey 509 440 591 21 222 1,783

41 Ukraine 5 5

42 Macedonia 20 20

43 United

Kingdom 651 14 5 168 838

44 United States 29 82 111

45 Uruguay 17 17

Total 242 2,447 775 633 2,910 154 187 68 791 2,856 565 399 12,027

Notes: Final sample of second-generation immigrants from 2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 PISA datasets. ARG=Argentina,

AUS=Australia, AUT=Austria, BEL=Belgium, CHE=Switzerland, CZE=Czech Republic, FIN=Finland, SCT=Scotland,

ISR=Israel, LUX=Luxembourg, NLD=Netherlands, NZL= New Zealand.

44

Table A. 4 Gender Gap in Test Scores All Countries participating in PISA Countries included in our sample

All individuals

Second-

generation

immigrants

All individuals

Second-

generation

immigrants

Second-

generation

immigrants

(final sample)

Math Scores (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Boys 459.24 [104.74] 469.95 [94.60] 495.49 [101.89] 492.45 [100.27] 490.96 [109.95]

Girls 446.78 [99.95] 459.77 [92.79] 480.14 [97.37] 475.13 [95.83] 472.67 [99.25]

Gender Gap -12.46 -10.18 -15.35 -17.32 -18.29 N 1,620,944 83,057 296,612 24,869 12.027

Notes: Author's calculations based upon 2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 PISA datasets. Mean and standard deviation in brackets. See

Data Section for details about which countries are included in our sample (that is, the host countries included in our analysis).

Table A. 5 School and Mother Characteristics Used in the Analysis of Section 6

over the Sample of Girls: Definitions and Descriptive Statistics



A. School characteristics

Percentage of

immigrants

Number of immigrants (either first or second-

generation) divided the total individuals by school.

Own calculation based upon PISA samples by year,

weighted by student final weight.

0.34 0.11

Percentage of girls See definition in Appendix Table A1. 0.50 0.04

Single-sex school Dummy equal to 1 if the percentage of girls in the

school is higher than 95 percent. 0.10 0.06

Mom work See definition in Appendix Table A1. 0.81 0.12

Mother highest

level of education

(MISCED)

See definition in Appendix Table A1. 3.34 1.05

Documents

The Math Gender Gap: The Role of Cultureftp.iza.org/dp8379.pdf · culture in influencing the math gender gap. It may be that girls’ lower performance in