THE NEW ADULTHOOD? THE TRANSITION TO NEW ADULTHOOD? THE TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD FROM THE PERSPECTIVE

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  • THE NEW ADULTHOOD? THE

    TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD

    FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF

    TRANSITIONING YOUNG ADULTS

    Do CDouglas Hartmann and Teresa Toguchi Swartz

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    ABSTRACT

    The discovery that the transition to adulthood is increasingly complicated

    and extended has prompted many social scientists to see it as a distinct

    phase in the life course. But while scholars have learned a great deal about

    the objective dimensions of this new young or emerging adulthood,

    we know very little about how it is understood and experienced by young

    people themselves. This paper begins to fill that gap, drawing on a new

    battery of intensive interviews with selected participants in the University

    of Minnesotas Youth Development Study (YDS). Focusing on respond-

    ents subjective conceptions of adulthood, understandings of conventional

    milestones, and visions of aging and success, we suggest that young people

    today see themselves entering a new phase of life a dynamic, constantly

    unfolding package of social roles and personal qualities. This new adult-

    hood is seen as an alternative to and improvement on the static, stoic,

    and stagnant adulthood of their parents generation, although whether it is

    seen as a new and distinct phase in the life course remains open to ques-

    tion. These findings not only capture the expressed understandings of

    Constructing Adulthood: Agency and Subjectivity in Adolescence and Adulthood

    Advances in Life Course Research, Volume 11, 253286

    Copyright r 2007 by Elsevier Ltd.

    All rights of reproduction in any form reserved

    ISSN: 1040-2608/doi:10.1016/S1040-2608(06)11010-2

    253

  • DOUGLAS HARTMANN AND TERESA TOGUCHI SWARTZ254

    adulthood emerging among those in their late twenties, but also allow us

    to reflect on recent economic and cultural transformations in the post-

    industrial United States.

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    In recent years, social scientists from numerous fields have argued that thetransition to adulthood has become more complicated, multifaceted, andextended than ever before, so much so that they believe it is best understoodas a distinct phase in the life course. But, while scholars have learned a greatdeal about the various pathways and structural forces that define this newyoung or emerging adulthood,1 we know much less about how it isunderstood and experienced by the young people actually living through thestage. What do transitioning young adults know and think about them-selves and their lives as they move into traditional adult roles, those ofworker, partner/spouse, and parent? Are they aware of the ways in whichtheir experiences are different from their parents? Do they think of them-selves as being in a distinct life phase or period? Do they assign any par-ticular meaning and significance to it? What challenges and obstacles dothey believe stand in their way? How do they understand their lives andadulthood more generally?

    Research on these more subjective, culturally oriented questions has so farbeen dominated by psychologists. According to such work, young Americansview the transition to adulthood as defined primarily by individualisticattributes and qualities, such as accepting responsibility for ones self, gain-ing autonomy and independence, and becoming financially independent(Arnett, 1994, 1997, 1998, 2001a, 2001b, 2003; see also: Cote, 2000; Scheer &Palkovitz, 1994; Greene, Wheatley, & Aldava, 1992). These studies havedownplayed the importance of the demographic markers that sociologistsand demographers have long believed define adulthood (cf. Hogan &Astone, 1986). Indeed, in a recent contribution, Arnett (2003) has gone so faras to argue that most young Americans regard specific events traditionallyviewed as marking the transition to adulthood, such as finishing education,beginning full-time work, and marriage, as irrelevant to the attainment ofadult status (p. 63).

    Sociologists have begun to re-examine these claims in the past few years,focusing especially on the salience and timing of traditional, more sociallyoriented markers of adulthood. A 2002 General Social Survey (GSS) module,for example, had questions about subjective perceptions of the appropriatetiming of five traditional markers of adulthood (leaving home, finishing school,

  • The New Adulthood 255

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    getting a full-time job, becoming financially independent, supporting a family,marrying and becoming a parent). Among the most significant findings, com-pleting school was seen as most important, with similar high priority placed onestablishing an independent household and being employed full time, while lessemphasis was placed on marriage and parenthood (Furstenberg, Kennedy,McCloyd, Rumbaut, & Settersten, 2004). Moreover, ratings varied little bysocial background including sex, race/ethnicity, urban/rural, and religion, al-though poorer and working class respondents tended to believe that familyformation should occur much earlier than respondents who were college ed-ucated and more affluent. In all, these findings support Setterstens work on theexpanding awareness and tolerance of nontraditional and off-time transitionsto adulthood (Settersten, 2003a, 2003b; Settersten & Hagestad, 1996).

    Extending such work, Shanahan, Porfeli, Mortimer, and Erickson (2005)analyzed the relative influence of individualistic and social factors that predictwhen young people themselves feel like adults. In contrast to the psychol-ogists, the Shanahan group finds that conventional family transition markersare the most consistent predictors of self-perceived adulthood. While they donot dismiss the importance of individualistic criteria, they suggest that adultstatus is likely based upon a combination of personal qualities and socialroles (Shanahan et al., p. 251). Based on intensive interviews with youngwomen in the same study, Aronson (2005) comes to a similar conclusion,though she claims that only two objective markers becoming a parent andestablishing financial independence carry this cultural significance.

    Although such work lays an important foundation, further research re-mains to flesh out these broad-brush renderings of subjective states andpersonal perceptions of young adults in the transition to adulthood. At avery basic level, we could use a better understanding of how and why youngadults answer these survey questions as they do, and the deeper meaningand significance (if any) they attribute to these answers. More substantively,we need to examine the extent to which young adults themselves put em-phasis on the psychological states of being and independence versus themore sociological attention to role achievement and aspirations. Even moreimportant, we need to gather data on their broader, more synthetic viewsabout adulthood and young adulthood taken as a whole: how do theyconceptualize young adulthood in their own terms? Do they really see it as anew and distinct phase in the life course? What is meaningful or significantabout it? How do they understand the relationship of this part of life tomore traditional conceptions of adulthood? The goal of this paper is to drawon a new battery of intensive, life history interviews we conducted withselected participants in the University of Minnesotas longitudinal Youth

  • DOUGLAS HARTMANN AND TERESA TOGUCHI SWARTZ256

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    Development Study (YDS) to generate some answers to these questions andin doing so to cultivate a deeper and broader understanding of the chal-lenges and possibilities of the transition to adulthood that emerge when wetake subjective states and cultural meaning worlds seriously.

    One of our goals in this chapter is to develop a broader, more syntheticportrait of subjective perspectives on the transition to adulthood and adult-hood more generally. We will do this by focusing on respondent answers toquestions about their own subjective identification as adults, their viewsof traditional milestones, markers and sequences, and their visions of agingand success.2

    The chapter proceeds as follows. It begins with a discussion of YDS andhow we selected individuals to interview for this particular paper. The mainbody of the chapter then presents our findings in three main parts abouthow early adulthood is understood and experienced in St. Paul. In the firstsection we demonstrate how, in contrast to the claims of psychologists,young adults understand their emerging adulthood as a package of socialroles and personal traits that is in the process of being cultivated and con-structed. In the second section, we discuss the open, optimistic, and prag-matic evaluations our respondents have about the dynamic processes oftransitioning into adulthood. In the third and final section, we explore thehypothesis that what we see in these interviews may not only be an aware-ness of a new stage in the life course but also, and more importantly, a wholenew conception of adulthood. The paper concludes with a discussion of thesources, generalizability, and implications of these findings with a specialattention to the lack of planning and purposiveness about the fact that isironically paired with these open and optimistic views of adulthood. Thesefindings not only provide a profile of the expressed understandings ofadulthood emerging today among late twenty-somethings, but also allow usto reflect on recent economic and cultural transformations in the postin-dustrial, postmodern United States.

    SAMPLE AND METHOD

    Young adults interviewed for this chapter are all long-term participants ofthe YDS. The YDS has followed a panel of young people from St. Paul,Minnes