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MagnaCartaWithaNewCommentaryby

DavidCarpenter

Contents

Preface

NoteontheText

MAGNACARTA

1MagnaCarta:TheDocuments

2TheChapters,ContentsandTextofMagnaCarta

TextofMagnaCarta

3KingJohnandtheSourcesforHisReign

4MagnaCartaandSociety:Women,Peasants,Jews,theTownsandtheChurch

5MagnaCartaandSociety:Earls,Barons,KnightsandFreeTenants

6MagnaCartaandtheStructureofRoyalGovernment

7TheRuleoftheKing:JohnandHisPredecessors

8StandardsofJudgement

9Resistance,1212–1215

10TheDevelopmentoftheOppositionProgramme

11Runnymede

12TheEnforcementandFailureoftheCharter

13TheRevivaloftheCharter,1216–1225

14DidMagnaCartaMakeaDifference?

Notes

Bibliography

GlossaryofTerms

MapoftheEnglishCounties

AppendixI:KingJohn’sletterannouncingthetermsofthe1209TreatyofNorham

AppendixII:TheCanterburyMagnaCarta

FollowPenguin

PENGUIN CLASSICS

MAGNACARTA

DAVIDCARPENTERisprofessorofmedievalhistoryatKing’sCollegeLondon.HeisaleadingauthorityonthehistoryofBritaininthecentralMiddleAgesandauthorofTheStrugglefor

Mastery:Britain1066–1284.HehasheldlectureshipsatChristChurch,Oxford,StHilda’sCollege,Oxford,theUniversityofAberdeen,andQueenMaryCollege,UniversityofLondon.

Preface

Runnymedetodayisanatmosphericandevocativeplace.ThegreatmeadowstretchesoutbesidetheThames,andonecaneasilyimagineitfilledwiththepavilionsofKingJohnand

thetentsofthebaronsduringthoseJunedaysin1215whenMagnaCartawasbeingnegotiated.JohnendedtheGreatCharterwiththestatementthatitwas‘GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign’,which

meantthatitwason15June1215thatheauthorizedtheCharter’swritingoutandsealing.ThegreatjetstakingofffromLondon’sHeathrowAirportoftencomeupoverRunnymede,andthenturntoflydownitswholelength,slowlygainingheightastheydisappearintothedistance.Itisasthoughtheyarecarrying

theChartertothefourcornersoftheworld.TheCharterhasindeed

becomeoneofthemostfamousdocumentsinworldconstitutionalhistory,regardedasafundamentalprotectionagainstarbitraryandtyrannicalrule.Insomeways,thisillustrioushistoryisasundeservedasitwasunintended.MagnaCarta,as

originallyconceived,certainlydidnotofferequalprotectiontoalltheking’ssubjects.Itwas,inmanyways,aselfishdocumentinwhichthebaronialelitelookedafteritsowninterests.While,moreover,theCharterisusuallyregardedasfiringitssalvoesattheking,itwasalso(amajorthemeofthisbook)firingatsectionsof

society.Itdiscriminatedagainstunfreepeasants,whoformedthelargestsectionofthepopulation.Italsodiscriminatedagainstwomen.Itrevealedtensionsbetweenbaronsandtheirknightlytenants.Thetowns,liketheknights,gotfarlessfromtheCharterthantheymighthavehoped.MagnaCartashowstheking’ssubjectsinconflict

withoneanotheraswellasinconflictwiththeking.YetMagnaCartadidassert

afundamentalprinciple.Thatprinciplewastheruleoflaw.Henceforth,thekingwastobeboundbylaw,thelawtheChartermade.Hewasthusrestrictedinawholeseriesofways,fortheCharterhadnofewerthansixty-threechapters.Mostsignificantof

allwerechapters39and40.Inchapter40,thekingwasnottosell,denyordelayjustice.Underchapter39,nofreemanwastobeimprisonedordispossessedsave‘bythelawfuljudgementofhispeers’or‘bythelawoftheland’.ThesetwochaptersarestillonthestatutebookoftheUnitedKingdom.1Tobesure,in

1215,itwasonlythe‘freeman’whobenefitedfromchapter39.Itofferednothing,therefore,totheunfreepeasant.Thechapterstillreads‘freeman’today.Incourseoftime,however,thechapterbecamemoresociallyinclusive.Legislationin1354defined‘freeman’asa‘manofwhateverestateandconditionhemaybe’.The

legislationalsomadeclearthattreatmentaccordingtothelawofthelandmeanttreatmentaccordingtoduelegalprocess.Otherlegislationinterpreted‘lawfuljudgement’bypeersasmeaningtrialbypeers(thatissocialequals),andsotrialbyjury.2While,moreover,chapter39read‘nofreeman’,‘man’here,fromthe

startin1215,couldbeunderstoodasmeaninghumanbeing,andthusasapplyingtobothsexes.3

Intermsoftheprinciplesitasserted,therefore,theCharterwasrightlycalledinaidbytheparliamentaryoppositiontoCharlesI,andbythefoundingfathersoftheUnitedStatesofAmerica.Inthetwentiethcenturyitwas

appealedtobybothMahatmaGandhiandbyNelsonMandela.4ItstillfeaturesinpoliticaldebatesinBritaintoday.AGuardiannewspaperleaderin2005,protestingabouttheproposedninety-daydetentionperiodinterroristcases,washeaded‘ProtectingMagnaCarta’.5

ThatMagnaCartawastohaveanillustriousfuture

hardlyseemedlikelyin1215.LittlemorethanamonthafterRunnymede,JohnaskedthepopetoquashtheCharter.Hisbaronialopponentstooseemedtoabandonit.Givinguphopeofrestrictingtheking,theydecidedtoreplacehimaltogetherandofferedthethronetoPrinceLouis,theeldestsonofthekingofFrance.Theresultwasacivil

war,notthepeacethatMagnaCartawassupposedtobring.WhenJohndiedatNewark,duringthenightof17–18October1216,asagreatstormbatteredthetown,hisheirwashisnine-year-oldson,HenryIII,whileLouiscontrolledmorethanhalfthecountry.Inthisdesperatesituation,Henry’sgovernorseffectedacompletechangeof

policy.Inordertotemptrebelsintotheyoungking’sallegiance,theyimmediatelyissued,intheking’sname,anewversionofMagnaCarta.TheydidsoagaininNovember1217,havingwonthecivilwar,thistimeinordertoconsolidatethepeace.AndthenHenryissuedtheCharterforathirdandfinaltimein1225,inreturn

foragrantoftaxation.Itwasthe1225Charterthatbecamethedefinitiveversion.ConfirmedmanytimesunderHenryIIIandhissonEdwardI,bytheendofthethirteenthcenturyithadachievediconicstatus.Giventhesignificanceof

theCharterof1225,itmightbewonderedwhythe800thanniversaryofMagnaCarta

isbeingcelebratedin2015andnotin2025.Celebrationsin2025willcertainlybeinorder,butthosein2015easilydeservefirstplace.Althoughthereareimportantdifferences,theCharterof1225,initsspirit,detailandmuchofitsphraseology,replicatestheCharterof1215.Withoutthe1215originaltherewouldhave

beenno1225version.ThisbookischieflyaboutMagnaCarta1215,althoughitalsoconsiderstheimpactoftheCharter,initsvariousversions,inthethirteenthcentury.IfirstencounteredMagna

Cartain1968inthechapterhouseofOxfordcathedral,abuilding,withitselegantlancetwindows,whichwas

beingerectedaroundthetimeJohnconcededtheCharter.ThereIheardJohnMasonlectureonBishopStubbs’SelectChartersandOtherIllustrationsofEnglishConstitutionalHistoryfromtheEarliestTimestotheReignofEdwardtheFirst.ThiswasnolongerapopularcoursebythetimeItookit,havingbeeneclipsedbyone

ontheCrusades.AsfarasIremember,therewereonlyoneortwootherstudentsintheaudience.YetIfoundthelectures,whichclimaxedwithMagnaCarta,enthralling.ThedocumentsthemselvesilluminatedbothconstitutionalhistoryandthewholechangingnatureofEnglishsociety.WhenIcomplimentedDrMasonon

theseries,hemodestly(toomodestlyIthink)saidthatthelectureswereactuallythoseofhisoldtutor,SirGoronwyEdwards,whohadbeentaughtbyT.F.Tout,whointurnhadbeentaughtbyStubbshimself.Thelectureswerefollowedbyone-to-onetutorialswithJohn(althoughitwasmanyyearsbeforeIcalledhimthat),inwhichwe

workedthroughthedocuments,andIwrotegobbetsonmanyofMagnaCarta’schapter.6

Subsequently,revisingforfinalsbackatWestminster(wheremyfatherwasacanonoftheabbey),Iworkedlateintotheeveningintheabbey’smunimentroom,withitswonderfulviewoverHenryIII’sgreatchurch.

ThereIcross-referencedinmycopyofSelectChartersthechaptersofMagnaCartawiththeirequivalentsintheArticlesoftheBarons,theCoronationCharterofHenryI,andtheChartersof1216,1217and1225.IhaveusedmyannotatedcopyofSelectCharterseversince,althoughithasnowlostitscoverandisinaverydilapidatedstate.

The1960sprovedtobeaveryexcitingtimegenerallyandespeciallysoforthosestartingworkonMagnaCarta.ThiswasbecausethesubjecthadbeentransformedbytwogreatbooksbyJ.C.Holt.ThefirstwasTheNortherners:AStudyintheReignofKingJohn,whichappearedin1961.ThesecondwasMagnaCarta,published

in1965tocoincidewiththeCharter’s750thanniversary.Iacquiredmycopyofthelatteron27March1968,oratleastthatisthedateIwroteintoit.W.L.Warren,whoin1961broughtoutasuperbbiographyofKingJohn,generouslyacknowledgedthatHolt’sbookshadsoalteredthelandscapethat‘allearlierwork[ontheCharter]

appearstobelessthansatisfactory’.7AlthoughmybookoftendiffersfromHolt,itdoessointhecontextofaprofoundadmirationandrespectforhiswork.Unlikeprevioushistoriansoftheperiod,Holtstartednotwiththekingbutwithavastamountofresearchintothehistoriesofbaronialandknightlyfamilies.Hefocused

onthenorthbecauseitwasthenortherners,astheywerecalledatthetime,whotooktheleadintherebellionthatledtoMagnaCarta.Holtthusgainedauniqueunderstandingofthecomplextiesoflordship,neighbourhood,friendshipandfamilythatheldtogetherthelocalsocietyonwhichJohn’sgovernmentimpacted.

Hewasalsoadeptatdeducingpoliticalideasfromstatementsinlettersandlawcases.Andheexpressedhimselfinwhatwereoftenpithyandepigrammaticsentences:‘SometimesMagnaCartastatedlaw.Sometimesitstatedwhatitssupportershopedwouldbecomelaw.Sometimesitstatedwhattheypretended

waslaw.Asapartymanifestoitmadeapartycasewithscantregardforfactorexistingpractice.’8

TheimpactandauthorityofHolt’sworkwassuchthatformanyyearslittlewaswrittenaboutMagnaCartabyanyoneelse.Indeed,whenHoltbroughtoutasecondeditionofMagnaCartain1992,themajoraddition,a

chapteronjusticeandjurisdiction,wastheresultofhisownresearch.9Knowingasecondeditionwasontheway,IhadmyselfsentHoltasmalllistofmistakesthatIhadfoundinthefirstedition.ApostcardcamebackinreplypointingoutthatIhadgotthedateofJohn’sdeathwronginmyMinorityofHenryIII(1990)!

Nonetheless,whenthesecondeditionappeared,Holtdidthankmeintheprefaceforcorrectingerrors‘whichwerestillburieddeepinthefirstedition’.Readingthesecond

edition,IwasstruckbytheaccountofeventsatRunnymede,asIhadnotbeenforsomereasonbefore,althoughitwasmuchthe

sameasinthefirstedition.Holt(incommonwithmanyhistorians)tooktheviewthat15June1215wasnotthetruedateofMagnaCarta.Insteadhethoughtitwasonlyfinalizedfourdayslateron19June.Ifeltthishypothesiswasmistaken,andthefirstchapterofmyReignofHenryIII(1996)soughttovindicatethe15Junedate.Letushope

Iamrightaboutthat,otherwisethecelebrationsin2015willclimaxonthewrongday.Chapter2ofTheReignofHenryIIIwentontoofferacritiqueofHolt’snewchapteronjusticeandjurisdiction.Inaletterofreply,Holt,whilenotsayingheagreed,congratulatedmeonthe‘toughthinking’aboutthedateofMagnaCarta,and

wrotethat‘Cheneywouldhavelikedthis,andGalbraithwouldhaverelishedit’.Highpraiseindeed!Ontheotherhand,hethoughtthatthechapteronjusticeandjurisdictionwas‘almosttotallymisconceivedasyourbrighterstudentswillbeabletotellyouinamoment’.Iwasnotpersuadedbyhiscomments,butthisisagood

exampleofhowhistorianscanlookatthesameevidenceandcometodifferentconclusions.10

ThisbookdiffersfromHoltinitsinterpretationofseveralindividualchaptersintheCharter.11Moresignificantly,italsogiveswhatissometimesaverydifferentnarrativeoftheeventsof1214–1215,quite

apartfromtheactualdateoftheCharter.WhereHoltwasscepticalastowhethertherehadbeenarevolutionarymeetingofthebaronsatBuryStEdmundsin1214,Iarguethatonecertainlydidtakeplace,butnotatthetimeusuallyascribedtoit.IalsoarguethatJohnwasforcedtomakefurtherconcessionsatRunnymede,havinggranted

theCharter,somethingonecanonlyappreciateafterestablishingitstruedate.IgiveacompletelynewaccountofhowtheCharterwasimplementedinthelocalities.Inaddition,IbringouttheimportanceoftheOxfordcouncilinJuly1215,andsuggestitwastherethatJohntookthedecisiontoabandontheCharter.The

bookalsooffersafreshperspectiveonMagnaCartabyusingitasawindowintothenatureof,andtensionswithin,Englishsocietyintheearlythirteenthcentury.SomeofwhatIsayhas

dependedonnewdiscoveries.Ihave,Ihope,beenabletoprovethatoneofthefourextantoriginalsofthe1215Charter,thatpreservedinthe

BritishLibraryandknownasCi,wassenttoCanterburycathedral,whereindeeditremaineduntilitwasstolenintheseventeenthcentury.ItshouldthusbeknownastheCanterburyMagnaCarta.ThisexcitingfindingaddstoourunderstandingofhowtheCharterwasdistributedandpublicized.Ihavealsodiscoveredacopyofaletter

inwhichKingJohnsetsoutthetermsofthetreatythatheforcedonWilliamtheLion,kingofScots,in1209.Thisrevealsastunningfact,hithertounknown,namelythatJohnwastryingtoassertoverlordshipovertheScottishkingdom.TheScottishinvolvementinMagnaCartaandmuchelseaboutAnglo-Scottishrelationsinthe

thirteenthcenturybecomeclearerinthiscontext.Inthecourseofmyresearch,Ihaveattemptedtocollectandanalysecopiesofthe1215MagnaCartamadeinthehundredyearsafterRunnymede,somethingneverdonebefore.Manyoftheseturnouttobevarianttexts,andseeminplacestopreservedraftsmadeat

Runnymede.TheyhelpcastnewlightbothonthecourseofthenegotiationsandonhowknowledgeoftheCharterwasspread.InChapter2,IprovideaLatintextandtranslationoftheCharter,whichforthefirsttimeindicateshowtheconventionaldivisionsintochaptersdonotalways

correspondwiththedivisionsinthefouroriginals.SinceHolt’ssecond

edition,muchimportantworkhasbeenpublishedaboutthereignofKingJohn,MagnaCarta,andthewiderpoliticalandsocialsetting.IhopeIhaveputittogooduse.WeknowfarmoreabouttheAnglo-Normanrealm,thescaleofroyalrevenue,the

developmentofparliament,thenatureoftheknightlyclass,theroleoftheking’shouseholdknights,thepositionofwomenandthestructuresofmagnatepower.Wealsoknowmoreabouttheintellectualclimateoftheperiod,towhichJohn’sarchbishopofCanterbury,StephenLangton,himselfmadeanotablecontribution.

ThereismuchaboutLangtoninthisbook.Ioweagreatdebttothe

MagnaCartaProject,fundedbytheArtsandHumanitiesResearchCouncil:http://magnacarta.cmp.uea.ac.ukIts‘PrincipalInvestigator’,tousetheofficialterm,isNicholasVincent,oftheUniversityofEastAnglia(UEA),whiletheco-

investigatorsarePaulBrandofAllSoulsCollege,Oxford,LouiseWilkinsonofCanterburyChristChurchUniversityandDavidCarpenterofKing’sCollegeLondon,thatistosaymyself.Theoriginal‘Researchers’wereHughDohertyandHenrySummerson,withHughbeingreplacedbySophieAmbleronhis

appointmenttoalectureshipatUEA.TheBritishLibraryisalsoinvolved,whereClaireBreayandJulianHarrisonareorganizingagreatMagnaCartaexhibitionfor2015.Onefocusoftheproject’sresearchistocollect,analyseandpublishontheproject’swebsitealltheoriginalchartersandlettersofKingJohn,scatteredastheyare

acrossmanyarchivesinBritainandabroad.Severalhundredofthesehavenowbeenfound.NicholasVincenthasalsodiscovered,thistimeasacopyratherthananoriginal,abaronialletterfrom1215thatIhaveusedextensivelyinmychapterontheenforcementoftheCharter.ThediscoverywasmadeonewetFriday

afternoonintheLambethPalaceLibrary,andIwasluckyenough,throughNick’semail,togetthereintimetoseeitwithhim.Amemorablemoment!Anotherfocusoftheprojectistowritethefirstchapter-by-chaptercommentaryonthe1215ChartersinceW.S.McKechnie’sin1905,andthefirstchapter-by-chapter

commentaryeveronthedefinitiveCharterof1225.ThebulkoftheworkhereisbeingdonebyHenrySummerson,andhiscommentariesarelikewiseappearingontheproject’swebsite.HenryandIhavenotalwaysagreedaboutthemeaningandsignificanceofindividualchapters,but,asmyfootnotesshow,Iam

hugelyindebtedtohiscommentariesbothforinformationandforinterpretation.Manyotherscholarshavehelpedbygivingtheiradviceonindividualpointsandbyreadingsectionsandchaptersofthebook.Ithankthemallattheappropriateplace.Manycelebratoryevents

forthe800thanniversaryof

theCharterin2015havebeenplannedandcoordinatedbytheMagnaCarta800thCommittee,chairedbySirRobertWorcester:http://magnacarta800th.com/magna-carta-today/the-magna-carta-800th-committe.Muchhistoricalwork,explainingthesignificanceoftheCharter,hasbeendonebyNigelSaulofRoyal

HollowayCollege,andIhaveoftenbeenhelpedandentertainedbydiscussingmatterswithhim.Parliament’sowncelebrationsin2015bothforMagnaCartaandforthe750thanniversaryofthe1265parliamentofSimondeMontforthavebeenorganizedbyCaterinaLoriggio.Ihavebeenluckyenoughtobeon

therelevantSpeaker’sAdvisoryCommitteechairedbyLordBewandSirPeterLuff.AtPenguinIoweagreat

debttomycommissioningeditor,SimonWinder,andtoAnnaHervé,editorialmanagerofthePenguinClassicsseries,andPenelopeVogler,publicist.Iamalsogreatlyindebtedtomycopy-

editor,RichardMason,andtotheproofreaderStephanRyan.ThebookcouldnothavebeenwrittenwithouttheMAstudentsatKing’sCollegeLondonwhohavetakenmyMAcourseonMagnaCartaovertheyears.Manyoftheideasandapproachesinthebookhavebeendevelopedandtestedinourdiscussions.

DavidCarpenterKing’sCollegeLondon

June2014

NOTES

1.See‘MagnaCartarepeals’:http://www.legislation.gov.uk/aep/EdwIcc1929/25/9/contentsChapters39and40ofthe1215Charterbecamechapter29ofthedefinitiveMagnaCartaof1225.ThelatterappearsonthestatutebookinEdwardI’sconfirmationof

1297.Theotherchaptersstillonthestatutebookarechapter1,givingfreedomtothechurchandannouncingtheconcessionstotherealm,andchapter9,protectingthelibertiesandcustomsofLondonandthoseofothercities,boroughs,townsandports,includingtheCinquePorts.Althoughtheotherchaptershavebeenrepealed,thiswasoftenbecause,asRichardGoddenhaspointed

outtome,theircontentswerecoveredbylaterlegislation.

2.Thompson,FirstCentury,pp.90–92;Holt,MagnaCarta(1992),pp.9–10.

3.FortheuseofhomointhissenseseeGlanvill,p.106,areferenceIowetoJohnGillingham.

4.ThislaterhistoryoftheCharterisfullyexploredintheBritishLibrary’sMagnaCartaexhibitionof2015.

5.TheGuardian,5November2005:

http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2005/nov/05/terrorism.terrorism6.Inthecardshesentme,John,

whowasakindbutquiteshyman,avoided,orsoIthought,signingoffeitheras‘John’oras‘JohnMason’,byalwaysscrawlinghisinitials‘JFAM’.

7.Warren,KingJohn,p.xiv.8.Holt,MagnaCarta(1965),p.

205;MagnaCarta(1992),pp.300–301.

9.HoltseemstohavemissedThomasKeefe’simportantarticle‘HenryIIandtheearls’.

10.JohnHudson,inhisOxfordHistory,p.853note47,observesthat‘overallthedifferencesof[Carpenter’s]positionandthatofHoltarelimited’.ThisistruewhenitcomestothecourseofjusticeunderJohn.ThedebatechieflyconcernedwhathappenedunderHenryIII.

11.Holttoldmehedislikedtalkingofthe‘clauses’oftheCharter,andIhavefollowedhiminspeakingof‘chapters’.

NoteontheText

TheTextandTranslationofMagnaCarta

TheLatintextandEnglishtranslationofMagnaCartamaybefoundbetweenpp.36and69.

GlossaryofTerms

AglossaryoftermsfoundinMagnaCartaisplacedattheendofthebookbetweenpp.461and470.Thisincludesanexplanationofpounds,shillings,penceandmarks,forwhichseealsop.26.

References

Intheendnotes,worksbyauthorswritinginthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturiesappearforthemostpartundereitherthenameoftheauthor,or,inthecaseofchronicleswheretheauthorisunknown,undertheplacewherethechroniclewaswritten.Occasionallytheyarealsocitedunderanabbreviatedformofthetitleofthework.

Recordsourcesarecitedbyanabbreviatedformofthepublishedtitle,soPRforPipeRollandFforFoedera.FullreferencestoallthesesourcescanbefoundintheBibliography.Referencestounprintedsourcesaregiveninfullintheendnotes,whereBLstandsfortheBritishLibraryandTNAforTheNationalArchivesatKew.

Secondarysourcesarecitedbythesurnameoftheauthorandashortformofthetitle,italicizedinthecaseofbooks,placedwithininvertedcommasinthecaseofarticles.FulldetailsmaybefoundintheBibliographyunderthenameoftheauthor.

CapitalizationandSurnames

Aftersomehesitation,Ihaveemployedlowercaseforofficesandinstitutions:so‘chancellor’and‘chancery’.Asforsurnames,wheretheyrefertoidentifiableEnglishplaces,theplaceisputinitsmodernform,precededby‘of’:soRobertofRopsley(Lincolnshire).However,Ihavenotappliedtherulewhereitconflictswith

establishedusage:soHubertdeBurghnotHubertofBurgh(Norfolk).Whereplacescannotreadilybeidentified(atleastbyme),Ihaveusedacontemporaryform,precededby‘de’:soLaurencedeTybridge.IdentifiableplacesinFrancearelikewiseputintheirmodernform,precededby‘de’:soEngelarddeCigogné(dép.Indre-et-

Loire).

1

MagnaCarta:TheDocuments

MagnaCartaisadocumentapproximately3,550wordslong,writteninLatin.1

‘MagnaCarta’meansinEnglish‘GreatCharter’.ItwastheNormanConquestthatreplacedEnglishwithLatinasthelanguageofrecord.LatinwasthusthelanguageofthehugenumberofdocumentsproducedbythegovernmentofKingJohn.

Itwasalsothelanguageofthemonasticchroniclerswhowrotethehistoryofhisreign.FortheofficialversionofMagnaCartatohavebeeninotherthanLatinwouldhavebeeninconceivable.2

Latinwasnot,however,thenormalspokenlanguageeitherofKingJohnorofthebaronsandknightswhoshapedthecourseofeventsin

1215.ThatwasFrench.InordertobroadcasttheChartertosuchanaudience,itwasquicklytranslatedintoFrench,thusbringingusclosesttothelanguageusedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymedebeforeitwasturnedbyclerksintothelapidaryLatinoftheCharter.AlatertranslationshowshowMagnaCartawasdescribed

inFrench:‘lagrauntchartredesfraunchises’–‘thegreatcharterofliberties’.3ItwaslikewiseinFrenchthatthetwoaccountsofJohn’sreigndesigneddirectlyforconsumptionbythelayaristocracywerewritten.4ItisherethatonecomesclosesttotheactuallanguageusedbyKingJohn,hisremarksatturnscutting,atturns

conciliatory,oftenfixingattentionbyadirectaddressorbytheuseofhisfavouriteoath,‘Segnour…’,‘Ha,Robiert’,‘parlesdenzDieu’(‘bytheteethofGod’).5

ThisdoesnotmeanthatJohnandhisnobleswereignorantofLatin,makingtheCharter,initsofficialform,aclosedbooktoallbutchurchmen.John’sfather,

HenryII,accordingtohisclerkWalterMap,spokeLatinaswellasFrenchandwasforpracticalpurposes‘litteratus’,whichcertainlymeanthecouldread.ThesamewasprobablytrueofJohnandmanyofhisbaronsandknights.6BaronsmightalsospeakEnglish,atleasttocommunicatewiththeirsocialinferiors.Amongtheknights,

EnglishsatalongsideFrenchasanaturallyspokenlanguage.Thepeasantry,whoformedthegreatbulkofthepopulation,wereexclusiveEnglishspeakers.ItindicatesthecirclesinwhichtheChartermovedthatitwastranslatedintoFrenchbothin1215andseveraltimeslaterinthethirteenthcentury.Itwasnotuntil1300,asfaras

theevidencegoes,thattheCharterwasproclaimedinEnglish.ThefirstwrittenEnglishtranslationsonlyappearinthesixteenthcentury.7

WHENCETHENAMEMAGNACARTA?

KingJohnneverdescribedthecharterthatheissuedatRunnymedeinJune1215as

‘magnacarta’.Nor,atthetime,didanyoneelse.Inthedocumentitselfandinlettersissuedsoonafterwards,Johnspokesimplyofhis‘carta’(‘charter’).SodidtheEnglishbishopswhentheyissuedaletterauthenticatingthefinaltext.When,in1216,therebelJohndeLacysurrenderedtotheking,heforswore‘thecharteroflibertieswhichthe

lordkinghasgrantedincommontothebaronsofEngland’.8Contemporarychroniclerswroteinexactlythesameterms.9How,then,didtheterm‘magnacarta’comeintobeing?Theansweristhatitcameintobeingasaresultofaclerk’ssecondthought.InNovember1217,atthe

endofthecivilwar,the

minoritygovernmentofJohn’sson,HenryIII,issuedanewversionofthe1215Charter,onethatamendedtheversionithadissuedatthestartofthereignin1216.AlongsidethenewCharter,italsopublishedaquiteseparatecharterregulatingtherunningoftheroyalforest.Somemonthslater,inFebruary1218,the

governmentorderedthetwocharterstobeproclaimedthroughoutthecountry.Nooriginalofthisorderisknowntosurvive,butacopywasmadeonthechancerycloseroll.Asitfirstappearedthere,theorderremindedthesheriffs(theking’slocalagents)ofanewclause‘attheend’whichstipulatedthatalltheunauthorizedcastles

builtduringthewarshouldbedestroyed:

youaretocausethecharterstobeobservedinallpoints,andyouareespeciallytoimplement,withoutanydelay,whatisplacedattheendconcerningthedestructionofunauthorizedcastles,builtorrebuiltafterthebeginningofthewar,accordingtowhatis

containedinthegreatercharter[inmaioricarta].

Heretheterm‘greatercharter’wasbeingusedtodistinguishHenryIII’s1217versionofthe1215CharterfromtheshorterCharteroftheForest.Thetextinthecloserolldidnot,however,remainlikethis,forverysoonafterwardstheclerkmadean

alteration.Attheendoftheentry,hecrossedout‘inthegreatercharter’(‘inmaioricarta’)andwroteinstead‘inthesamecharter’.Thisreferredbacktoaninsertionthathehadmadeabovethelinebetween‘attheend’and‘concerningthedestructionofunauthorizedcastles’.Theinsertionwas‘magnecarte’,whichwas‘magnacarta’in

thegenitivecase,hence‘ofmagnacarta’.Thepassageaboutthecastleswasthustobefound‘attheendofmagnacarta’.Thetextnowran:youaretocausethecharterstobeobservedinallpoints,andyouareespeciallytoimplement,withoutanydelay,whatisplacedattheendofmagnacartaconcerning

thedestructionofunauthorizedcastles,builtorrebuiltafterthebeginningofthewar,accordingtowhatiscontainedinthesamecharter.

Almostcertainly,theexplanationforthischangeisthattheclerkwasworkingfromadraftoftheorder,whichwassubsequentlyaltered,andsohealteredhis

copytobringitintoline.Itis,therefore,ascribalinsertionabovealineinthechanceryrolls,promptedbythesecondthoughtsofadraftingclerk,thatthenameMagnaCartaentershistory.ItappearednottoproclaimthegreatnessofthedocumentbuttodistinguishitfromitssmallerForestCharterbrother.10

Thefutureoftheterm‘magnacarta’(itwasrarelycapitalized)wasfarfromassured.In1225,whenHenryIIIissuednewversionsofbothcharters,hedidnothingtoinserttheterm‘magnacarta’intothelargerone.Insteadhesimplycalledit,asbefore,‘ourcharter’.Thus,althoughtheCharterof1225becamethefinaland

definitiveversionofMagnaCarta,theonewithlegalforce,thenamebywhichitbecameknowntohistoryneveractuallyappearedinthedocumentatall.ItsestablishmentdependedentirelyonhowtheCharterwasdescribedelsewhere.Hereinitially‘magnacarta’,asthepreferredterm,hadtoviewiththe‘maiorcarta’

(‘greatercharter’)initiallyusedin1218.ThustheCharteroftheForest,inits1225version,referredtothelibertiesconcedednotin‘magnacarta’but‘inmaioricarta’.Likewise,inaproclamationof1225thegovernmentreferredtotheliberties‘inthegreatercharter’and‘inthelessercharter’–‘inmaioricarta’,

‘inminoricarta’.11Neither‘maiorcarta’nor‘magnacarta’,however,seemstohavepenetratedthemindsofcontemporarychroniclerswhentheymentionedtheChartersof1225.AtStAlbansabbey,RogerofWendoverdescribedoneasacharterof‘commonliberties’andtheotherasacharterabout‘thelibertiesofthe

forest’.12

Theterm‘magnacarta’,however,remainedinthefieldandgraduallyconquered.HenryIIIhimself,inaletterof1225tothebishopofDurham,referredtothelibertiesconcededin‘ourmagnacarta’.13In1237,whenHenryconfirmedtheChartersof1225,hedescribedthemashis‘magnacarta’andhis

‘charteroftheforest’.14Inthesameway,MatthewParis,whohadbythentakenoverfromRogerofWendoverasthechronicleratStAlbansabbey,wroteofthekingpromisingtomaintain‘thelibertiesofmagnacarta’.15

Whenthe1225Charterswereagainconfirmedin1253,withthebishopssolemnlyexcommunicatingallwho

transgressedthem,theterm‘magnacarta’isfoundingeneraluseinbothgovernmentproclamationsandtheaccountsofchroniclers.16Itwasnotuniversal.Contemporariescontinuedtospeakof‘thecharterofcommonliberties’orjustthe‘charterofliberties’.17Nonetheless,in1297and1300,whenEdward

Iconfirmedagainthe1225Chartersinwidelycirculatedletters,hereferredto‘themagnacartaofthelordHenry,formerlykingofEngland,ourfather,aboutthelibertiesofEngland’.AclerkattheexchequerdrewasplendidpictureofEdward,imposinginhiscrown,withastraightnoseandbigjaw,pointingtohisorder‘forthe

observanceofthegreatcharter’–‘promagnacartaobservanda’.18Theterm‘magnacarta’wasnowfirmlyfixedinthepublicmind.Bythistimetoo,onemaybesure,‘great’wasnolongersimplyawayofdistinguishingitfromtheForestCharter.ItreferredtothegreatnessoftheCharteritself.

Thisgradualestablishmentoftheterm‘magnacarta’was,however,establishmentfortheCharterofHenryIII.‘Magnacarta’wasveryrarelyappliedtotheCharterofKingJohn.Instead,whenitwascopiedinthethirteenthcenturythelatterdocumentwasgivensuchtitlesas‘thecharterofRunnymede’,‘theprovisionsofRunnymede’,

‘thecharterofKingJohnwhichiscalledRunnymede’,orindeedsimply‘Runnymede’.Inthis,itwasbeingbroughtintolinewithotherlegislationthatwasoftenassociatedwithitsplaceofissue.Thuslegalcollectionsmightbeginwith‘theprovisionsofRunnymede’,continuewithHenryIII’s‘magnacarta’,

andthenhavethestatutesofMerton(1236),Marlborough(1267),Westminster(1275)andsoon.Againstthistideconfining

theterm‘magnacarta’totheCharterofHenryIII,therewere,inthethirteenthcentury,justafewcontrarystreams.ThechiefwasatStAlbansabbey,whereRogerofWendovertooktheview,

infacterroneous,thatHenryIII’sCharterof1225wasidenticaltoJohn’sof1215.ThisseemedallthemorethecasesincetheonlytextoftheCharterthatWendoverprovidedwasoneissuedinJohn’sname,althoughinfactitwasaconflationoftheChartersof1215,1217and1225.LikewiseWendover,orhissource,hadconcocteda

versionoftheForestCharterwhichhaditgrantedbyJohn,ratherthanbyHenryIII.19Itwashardlysurprising,therefore,thatinthe1250sMatthewPariscoulddescribethe1225Charterasthe‘magnacartaofKingJohn,whichKingHenryIIIsworetouphold…’.20ItwasdoubtlessinthesamespiritthattheArticlesoftheBarons

(aprecursorofMagnaCarta)werecataloguedinthemunimentsofthearchbishopofCanterburyas‘thearticlesofthemagnacartaoflibertiesunderthesealofKingJohn’.21

Thesecontraryviews,didnot,however,havemuchimmediatepurchase.TheStAlbans’texts,whichcontainedWendover’s

versionofJohn’sMagnaCartaandofhisCharteroftheForest,hadverylittlecirculation.Instead,theworkbyWendoverandParisthatdidgainwidecurrencywastheFloresHistoriarum.ThiscertainlyhadHenry,inthe1250s,confirmingthe‘magnacartawhichKingJohnconceded’,buttheimpactwasratherlessenedbythe

omissionofanyreferencetoJohn’sCharterfromtheaccountsofeither1215or1225,asalsobythefailuretoprovideanytextsoftheChartersatall.22Thegeneralview,exemplifiedbythelawyersoftheTudorperiod,remainedthatMagnaCartahadbegunwithHenryIII.23

Itwasinthelaterpartofthesixteenthcenturythatall

thischanged.In1571ArchbishopParkerpublishedMatthewParis’sChronicaMajora,whichforJohn’sreignwasessentiallyWendover’schroniclewithParis’sadditions.ThisexposedthehistoriansStoweandHolinshed,andthelawyersCokeandSelden,totheviewthatJohn’sCharterwasthesameasHenryIII’s.

ForthosereadingParisandWendover,therefore,thereappearedtobeonlyoneMagnaCarta,thatofKingJohn.IthadbeenconceivedasabulwarkagainstJohn’styranny.Now,itcouldbeabulwarkagainstthetyrannyoftheStuarts.Itwasnotuntiltheworkof

thelawyerWilliamBlackstone,publishedin

1759,thattheversionsoftheCharterissuedin1215,1216,1217and1225werefinallydistinguished,andtheirseparatetextsestablished.Intheprocess,BlackstoneshowedthatJohnhadneverissueda‘CharteroftheForest’.Blackstone,however,madenoefforttodepriveJohn’sCharterofthenameandstatusof‘MagnaCarta’.

HistranscriptionofJohn’sCharterwasheadedincapitalletters‘MAGNACARTAREGISJOHANNIS’.Subsequenthistorianshaveallfollowedhislead,withoutfeelingmuchneedforexcuseorevenexplanation.Indeed,theCharterofHenryIII,whichonceheldcentrestage,hasdroppedintothebackground,receiving

nothinglikethestudydevotedtotheCharterofKingJohn.W.S.McKechnie’sMagnaCarta,firstpublishedin1905,wasthus,asthesubtitlestated,‘AcommentaryontheGreatCharterofKingJohn’.SowasJ.C.Holt’sclassicMagnaCarta,whichwasfirstpublishedin1965tocoincidewiththe750thanniversary.

Thisbookisnodifferent.Ittooplacesthe1215Chartercentrestage.Technically,tobesure,therewasno‘MagnaCarta’in1215.Thenamehadyettobeinvented.YetwithouttheCharterof1215,therewouldhavebeennosubsequentversionsandnodefinitiveversionof1225.WhilethelatterisnotidenticalwithJohn’sCharter,

itretainsalargeproportionofitscontents.Contemporariesthemselvesrecognizedtheimportanceofthe1215Charter,fortheycopieditmanytimesinthethirteenthcentury.WhenMatthewParisfinallyobtainedanauthentictext,hestrovetocorrectthebotchedversionhehadfoundinWendover.WhenhedescribedtheCharterof1225

as‘themagnacartaofKingJohn,whichKingHenryIIIsworetouphold’,hewastechnicallyincorrect,butrightinspirit.TheCharterof1215isdeservedlyhallowedbythenameMagnaCarta.

THEAUTHORIZEDTEXT

Wasthereafinal,authorizedtextofMagnaCartain1215?Nosuchtextwasrecordedon

therollsofthechancerytowhichwehavereferred,althoughtheyhadreamsofotherbusinessfrom1215.Yetafinal,authorizedtexttherewas.AttheendoftheCharter,Johndeclaredthatthebishopswouldissue‘letterspatenttestimonial’tothe‘aforesaidconcessions’.Theseletterstestimonialwereinfactlettersaffirmingand

guaranteeingthefinal,authentictextoftheCharter.Weknowthisbecause,althoughnooriginalssurvive,onedidresideintheroyalexchequerintheearlyfourteenthcentury,whenitwascopiedintoavolumeofimportantdocumentsknownas‘TheRedBookoftheExchequer’.24Theletter,asrecordedthere,wasissuedin

thenameofthearchbishopofCanterbury,StephenLangton,thearchbishopofDublin,sixotherbishops,andMasterPandulf,therepresentativeofthepope.ThisimposingbodyofecclesiasticshadfeaturedatthestartoftheCharterinthelistofthoseonwhoseadviceJohnsaidthathehadacted.Theynowmadepublictheir‘inspection’ofthe

Charter‘underthisform’,thewholetextoftheCharterbeingthensetout.Theaimoftheinspectionwasmadeclearintheconclusiontotheletter:‘sothatnothingcanbeaddedortakenawayordiminishedfromtheforesaidform,wehaveplacedoursealstothiswriting’.25Thecopyistoftheletterstestimonialmadeafewmistakesinhistranscription.

Onewasparticularlysilly,forhewroteofallwho‘wish’(‘voluerint’)tosweartosupporttheCharterbeingcompelledtodoso,insteadofallwho‘donotwish’(‘noluerint’).26Elsewhere,however,hewascarefultocorrecthisslips,soadding‘letters’abovethelinetocorrectanomissioninchapter14andsqueezinginthe‘or’

(‘aut’)thathehadomittedinchapter40.Wecanbeconfidentthattheletterstestimonialofthebishops,barafewobviousmistakes,preservethefinal,authorizedtextoftheCharter.

THEENGROSSMENTANDSEALINGOFTHECHARTER

Althoughtherewasasingleauthorizedtext,therewasno

singleoriginalMagnaCarta.Rather,Johnissuedanumberoforiginals,allwithequalstatus.Itisusualtocalltheseoriginals‘engrossments’,anengrossmentbeingadocumentwrittenout(orengrossed)soastomakeaformalandlegalrecordofatransaction.Itisthusdistinctfromwhatissimplyacopyofsuchadocument,whichin

itselfhasnoauthority.JohnendedtheCharterwiththestatementthatithadbeen‘GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign’.The‘givenbythehand’formula–‘datapermanum’intheLatin–was

usualinroyalcharters,andindicatedwhen,whereandbywhomauthorizationhadbeengivenforthefinalengrossment.SoJohnauthorizedMagnaCartaatRunnymedeon15Juneintheseventeenthyearofhisreign,whichwas15June1215.27Theengrossmentwasfollowedbythesealing,whichgavetheCharterits

finalauthentication.OneofthemostoftenrepeatederrorsaboutMagnaCartaisthatitwas‘signed’byKingJohn.ThevisionofJohnworkinghiswaythroughapileofMagnaCartas,grimlyscribblinghisnameattheend,iscertainlyattractive,butitisafantasy.Royaldocumentsatthistimedidnotreceivetheking’ssign-

manual.MagnaCarta,likeallroyalcharters,wasvalidatedbyattachingtheking’sseal,nothissignature.Itwasthesealthatdistinguishedtheoriginalengrossmentsfromsimplecopies,accurateorotherwise.AsthechroniclerRalphofCoggeshallputit,theCharterswere‘ofonetenorvalidatedbytheroyalseal’.28

Thesealingitselfwastheworkofaspecialofficial,thebeareroftheseal.Hewouldhaveplacedthesilkencordsorparchmenttongue,withwhichthesealwastobeattachedtoeachCharter,intothesealingapparatusalongwiththesoftwaxthatcameinavarietyofcolours–white,green,red,yellow.Theapparatuswasthentightened

sothatitpressedthewaxbetweenthetwohalvesofthesilverdealdie,andproducedJohn’smagnificentdouble-sidedseal.TheapparatusitselfanditsoperatordoindeedappearinsomemoderndepictionsofthesceneatRunnymede.

THENUMBEROFCHARTERSANDTHESURVIVING

ORIGINALS

AlmostcertainlysomeengrossmentsoftheCharterwereimmediatelywrittenoutandsealed.Attheveryleastthebaronialnegotiatorsneededoneasproofoftheirachievements.Inthedaysandweeksthatfollowed,moreengrossmentswereproducedfordistributionaroundthecountry,aprocesswhichwas

stillgoingonaslateas22July.Justhowmanythereultimatelywereisamatterofdebate.If,ascouldbeargued,eachcountygotanengrossment,alongwithLondonandtheCinquePorts,thentherewerearoundfortyCharters,beyondthosemadeimmediatelyatRunnymede.Ifontheotherhand(asisarguedinChapter12),the

Charterwasdistributednottothecountiesbuttothebishoprics,thenumberproducedwasmuchsmaller,beingsomethingupwardsofthirteen.Historianshavelong

acceptedthatfouroriginalengrossmentssurviveofthe1215Charter.TwoofthesearenowdisplayedintheBritishLibraryandwerepart

ofthestupendouscollectionofmedievaldocumentsmadeintheseventeenthcenturybySirRobertCotton.TheseareconventionallyknownasCiandCii.TheothertwoengrossmentsarepreservedatLincolnandSalisbury,andbelongtothecathedralarchives.Likemostdocumentsinthisperiod,allfourCharterswerewrittenon

parchment,awritingmaterialprepared,byanelaborateprocess,fromsheepskin.Thefouraredifferentinshapeandsize.CiandSalisburyaretallerthantheyarebroad.TheythushavemorebutshorterlinesoftextthanCiiandLincoln,whicharebroaderthantheyaretall.Tobeexact,Cihas86lines,Salisbury76lines,Cii52

lines,andLincoln(themostnearlysquare)54lines.29Noparticularsignificanceattachestothesedifferencesindimension.Itwasnormalforroyalcharters,andindeedforlaterversionsofMagnaCarta,tobeissuedindifferentshapesandsizes.Probablytheclerkseithertookwhateversizeofparchmentwasathand,orcut

itthemselvesintothesizewithwhichtheyfeltmostcomfortable.Thereasonsfordeeming

thefourChartersauthenticarethreefold.First,allarewritteninhandscompatiblewithadateintheearlythirteenthcentury;second,allhavetextsintheiressentialsthesameasthatfoundintheletterstestimonialofthe

bishops;andthird,andmostimportant,allhaveevidenceofsealing.IthasbeenassertedthatCi

andCiiaretheworkofthesamescribe,butthisplainlyisnotthecase.30Infact,allfourChartershaddifferentscribes,whichisnotsurprisinggiventhelengthofthedocument,andthenumbersthathadtobe

produced.AccordingtoacalculationbyJ.C.Fox,basedonthetestimonyof‘anexperiencedlawstationer’aboutratesofcopying‘inanoldengrossinghand’,theCharterwouldhavetakenabouteighthourstowriteout.31Ci,CiiandLincolnareallinhandstypicalofclerksworkinginKingJohn’schancery.Theclerkswere

using,however,notthemostformalchanceryhand,suchasthatfoundinsomeroyalcharters,butoneastepdown,aquicker,more‘cursive’hand(tousethetechnicaltermforit)–againnotsurprisinggiventheamounttheyhadtowriteout.ItmaybethatwhentheMagnaCartaProject’scollectionoforiginalKingJohncharters

hasbeencompletedandsifted,thehandsofthethreeMagnaCartascribeswillreappearinthatcorpus.Theymayalsobefoundelsewhere,forsuchhandswerecertainlynotconfinedtotheroyalchancery.ThehandintheSalisburyCharterisdifferentfromthoseintheotherthreeCharters.Itisfarmore‘bookish’inform,being

similartothosefoundintextssuchasbiblesandpsalters,asopposedtoroyaldocuments.This,however,isnoreasontodoubtitsauthenticity,ashasoccasionallybeendone.32Itwouldnotbesurprising,underthepressureofbusinessafterMagnaCarta,iftheking’sclerkscalledinorweremadetoacceptoutsidehelp.OfthefourCharters,

Lincoln’s(inmyview)isthemostfinelywritten.Itistheonlyonewheretheclerkelegantlyspacedoutthewordsonthelastline(aswassometimesdoneinroyalcharters)soastomakethatlinecomplete.Inalltheotherexamples,partofthelastlineisleftblank.AftertheLincolnCharter,simplyasaworkofart(asmanyroyal

chartersare),comesCi,andthenthemoreworkadayCii.TheSalisburyhandisthemostformalandthus,tomymind,theleastidiosyncraticandengaging.Thetextsofthefour

originalsare,aswehavesaid,intheiressentialsidentical.ThevariationsarerecordedinthenotestotheLatintextoftheCharter,whichisgivenin

thenextchapter.33ThemostobviousdifferenceisthatthescribesofCiandCiimistakenlyomittedsomeshortpassages,andhadtowritetheseinatthebottomoftheCharterwithanindicationastowheretheyshouldgo.TherearethreesuchcorrectionsinCii,andfiveinCi,threeofwhichoverlapwiththoseinCii.Thetwo

originaltoCimaybenomorethanthescribecorrectinghisownmistakes,butthethreecorrectionsthatthetwoChartershaveincommonpresumablyarosefromtheirbeingcopiedfromasimilarlymisleadingdraft.AcollationofthetextsagainshowstheSalisburyChartertobetheoddoneout,sinceithasoverthirtyreadingsnotfoundin

theotherengrossments,overtwiceasmanyasintheLincolnCharter,whichhasthenexthighestscore.NearlyallSalisbury’sdifferences,however,likeLincoln’s,areminoranddonotaffectthesense.Theyarisefromsuchthingsastheinsertionoromissionofindividualwordslike‘et’and‘de’,fromvariationsinwordorderand

fromdifferencesintense,Salisburyoftenpreferringthefutureindicativetothepresentsubjunctive.ThereareonlythreemistakesinSalisburywhichvergeonthesignificant:namelytheomissionof‘elongatus’(‘dispossessed’)fromchapter57;theomissionofthenameofHenry,archbishopofDublin,fromchapter62;and

thestatement,inchapter61,probablythroughaslipofthepen,thatbreachesoftheChartershouldbereferredtotheking’sjustices,ratherthanhisjusticiar.NoneofthesewereasseriousasthemistakesinCiandCii,and,iftheywerespotted,theywereevidentlyconsiderednotworthcorrecting.Iftheothervariationsweredownto

Salisbury’sscribe,asopposedtobeingfoundinthedraftfromwhichhewasworking,theyarenomorethanmightbeexpectedfromanoutsiderunusedtoroutinecopyingofroyaldocuments.TheoverallimpressionisthatallfourengrossmentswerewrittencarefullyandwithapropersenseoftheCharter’simportance.Certainlyitwas

notacaseofthescribesallgoingindifferentdirections.ThuswheneithertheLincolnorSalisburyCharterdidgoitalone,theotherengrossmentsandthebishops’copynearlyalwaysagreeagainstthem.Wenowcometothemost

importantfeatureoftheCharters,whenitcomestojudgingtheirauthenticity,namelytheirsealing.34Here

Cistandsabovetheothers.Itistheonlyonethathaspreserveditsseal,albeitnowreducedbyafirein1731tonomorethanadiminishedandfeaturelessroundelofwax.TheCottoniansub-librarian,however,testifiedthathehadseenthesealbeforethefireandrecognizeditasindeedKingJohn’s.Theendoftheparchmenttongue

thatattachedthesealtotheCharterstillprotrudesfromthewax,althoughthecurrentattachmentistheresultofrepair.TheLincolnCharterhasnosurvivingsealbut,byanarrangementsoastobeartheweightoftheseal,whichisfoundinotherroyalcharters(andprobablyonceinCi),theparchmentisfoldedatthebottom.Inthe

centreofthefoldtherearethreeholesintheformofapyramidthroughwhichthecordsholdingthesealonceran.InthecaseofSalisbury,thesealwasprobablyattachedtotheCharterbycordshangingfromtwoholesratherthanthree.ThiswouldexplainthetwogashesintheparchmentatthebottomoftheCharter,whichwere

made,onemaysuppose,whenthesealwasremovedbyaclumsywrench.TheSalisburyCharterhasnofold,butthatmaywellhavebeentrimmedoffatsomepointafterthesealwasremoved.FinallyCii.Herethereis

evidenceofsealingbecauseatthebottomoftheCharter,inthecentre,thereisaslit,throughwhichthesealtag

wouldhaverun.ThesealwasthusattachedinthesamewayasinCi,ratherthanwiththecordsoftheLincolnandSalisburyCharters.Givenitscurrentsituation,thereiscertainlyinsufficientparchmentbeneaththeslitinCiitocreateafoldforbearingtheweightofthetagwiththeseal,butwehavetorememberthattheCharter

wasprobablycroppedwhenitwasboundintoavolumeoftheCottoncollection.35Cialsohastwosmallerslitsatitsbase,totherightofthecentralslitthathadthetag.‘Fromtheirappearance,’Foxwrote,‘theymight…betakenfortheworkofJohn’sownhand–stabswithaknifeoradagger–thevisibleevidenceofhisfuryagainst

thebarons.’Theyare,disappointingly,farmorelikelytobetheresultofincisionsmadebyRobertCotton’sbookbinder.36

Whatoftheoriginsandhistoryofthefouroriginals?TheLincolnCharterhas‘LINCOLNIA’writtentwiceonitsback.Sincethehandseemsthesameasthatwhichwrotetheactualtext,this

suggeststheCharterwasdestinedforLincolnfromthestart.Thatitwaskeptinthecathedralarchivesisindicatedbyshelfmarksonitsback.Itisalsoverylikelytohavebeenthesourceforthecopyofthe1215Charterfoundinthecathedral’sfourteenth-centuryregister.37TheLincolnCharter,morerecently,hashadan

adventurous,nottosaydangerous,time.ItwassenttotheUSAin1939fortheNewYorkWorldFairand,trappedacrosstheAtlanticbytheoutbreakofhostilities,wasexhibitedattheLibraryofCongressinWashington.AschemetogivetheCharterpermanentlytotheUSAhavingfallenthrough,itwasreturnedtoLincolnafterthe

war.ItwassubsequentlytouredaroundAustralia,inthehopethatitwouldmakemoneyforLincolncathedral.Sincenomoneywasmadeandthecathedralendedupindebt,LincolnwasperhapsluckytogettheCharterback.Beforeoneofitslasttrips,Imyselfsawthespeciallymadebomb-proofcontainerinwhichitwastowingits

wayagainacrosstheAtlantic.TheLincolnCharterisnowdisplayednotinthecathedralbutinthecastle,thusendingupironicallyintheoneplacein1215where(aswewillsee)itwasnotmeanttogo.TheSalisburyCharterhas

hadalessexcitinghistory.Ithasnodestinationmarkonitsback,butseemstohaveremainedinthecathedral

archivesthroughoutitshistory,althoughforaperiodnoonecouldfindit.AsaresultitdidnotcontributetotheofficialtextoftheMagnaCartapublishedintheStatutesoftheRealmin1810.ItisnowdisplayedinthechapterhouseasthecentreofaMagnaCartaexhibition.Weknowvirtuallynothing

abouttheprovenanceofCii,

savethatCottonacquireditin1629fromabarrister,HumphreyWyems.38

Cotton’ssecondCharter,Ci,isquiteanothermatter.

THECANTERBURYMAGNACARTAREVEALED

InMay1630,SirEdwardDeringwrotetoCottonfromDovercastle(wherehewaslieutenant)asfollows:

IhaueheereyeCharterofK.Johndat.attRunningMeade:byyefirstsafeandsuremessengerittisyour’s.SoareyeSaxoncharters,asfastasIcancoppythem:butinyemeanetimeIwillcloseK.Johninaboxeandsendhim.39

IfonlyanoriginalofMagnaCarta,letaloneJohnhimself,

couldbeobtainedsoeasilyinaboxtoday!AttheSotheby’sNewYorkauctionin2007,anengrossmentofthe1225CharterinEdwardI’sconfirmationof1297fetched$21,321,000.ThesubsequenthistoryofCihasbeensadindeed.Cii,LincolnandSalisburyareallinreasonablecondition,andperfectlylegible,despitethedarkened

cabinetsinwhichperforcetheyhavenowtolive.Ciisquitedifferent.ItwasfirstofallcaughtupinthegreatfirethatsweptthroughtheCottoncollectionin1731.This,however,leftthetextperfectlylegible,asisclearfromanengravingmadeandmarketedbyJohnPinein1733,wherethecharterwasattractivelysurroundedbythe

‘hand-coloured’shieldsoftheMagnaCartabarons.Despitehiscommercialinterestandacumen,thereisnoreasontosupposethatPine’sengravingwasotherthanaccurate.Indeeditwascertifiedassuchatthetime,whenonlyninelettersinthemaintexthadtobesuppliedbyreferencetoCii.40Thechiefdamageseemstohavebeentothe

seal,whichappearsfeatureless,althoughPine’sengravingshowsitwasthenred,asopposedtoitscurrentdarkishhue.Allthusmighthavebeenwellbutforfurtherinterventionin1834.Thevillainofthepiecehere,exposedbyAndrewPrescott,wastherestorerHogarth.Itwasalmostcertainlyhismisplacedeffortsthatreduced

Citonomorethanaparchmentsheetonwhichhardlyasinglewordisreadilydiscernible.41HowfortunatethenthatthetextlivesoninPine’slovelyengraving,showingCitohavebeen,despiteitscorrections,areallybeautifulexemplaroftheCharter.ThefactthatCiwassentto

CottonfromDovercastlehas

ledtorepeatedsuggestionsthatitwasanengrossmentdespatchedtotheCinquePorts,ofwhichofcourseDoverwasone.ThisideaseemedsupportedbythefactthataletterinJohn’sname,dated19June1215,wasindeedsenttotheofficialsoftheCinquePortsinformingthemofthepeace‘whichyoucanseefromourcharter,

whichwehaveorderedtobereadandobeyedinyourbailiwick’.TheimplicationisthattheofficialsoftheCinquePorts,likethesheriffstowhomtheletterwasalsosent,weretoreceiveengrossmentsoftheCharter.Infact,however,therearereasonstobelievethatthisneverhappened.Evenifithad,CiwasnottheCharter

thatwassenttothePorts.InsteaditsdestinationwasCanterburycathedral.ThepossibilitythatCihadaCanterburyprovenancewasfirstputtomebyJulianHarrisonandNicholasVincent,thisonthegroundsthatSirEdwardDeringhadcertainlyobtainedtheAnglo-Saxoncharters(whichhelikewisementionedinhis

lettertoCotton)fromthatsource.42Followingupthissuggestion,Ihadabrainwave,namelythatofcollatingCi,asfoundinthePineengraving,withthecopyofthe1215Charterpreservedinthelatethirteenth-centuryRegisterEofCanterburycathedral,aregisterthatisstillinthecathedralarchives.43Wasthereany

evidencethatthetextinRegisterEwascopiedfromCi?Iftherewas,itwouldcomeclosetoprovingthatCiwasintheCanterburyarchivesatleastinthelatethirteenthcentury.Ihadnotmuchhopeofanyveryconclusiveresults,butIwaswrong.AsIwentthroughtheCharteritbecameclearerandclearerthatthetextin

RegisterEwasindeedcopiedfromCi.Theevidenceissetoutin

AppendixII.ItturnsoncertainmistakesandodditiesintheEtext,whicharereadilyexplicableifitwascopiedfromCi.MostconclusiveofallisthepassagewherethescribeofEgottooneofthesectionsinwhichCihadomittedsome

wordsfromitstextandhadaddedtheminatthebottom.HereE’sscribebecameconfusedoverjustwhatneededtobeincluded,andcopiedintextfromthebottomofCibelongingtoadifferentinsertion.Hethenrealizedhiserror,andhadtostartthepassagealloveragain.Theseandotherindicationscomecloseto

provingthatEwascopiedfromCiandthus,asIsay,thatCiwasinthearchivesofCanterburycathedralinthelatethirteenthcentury.Onecanofferseveralhypothesesastohowitgotthere,butbyfarthemostlikelyisthatitwassenttherein1215itself,justastheengrossmentsnowatLincolnandSalisburywereprobablydespatchedtotheir

cathedrals.Ifthisisright,threeofthefourknownoriginalsofthe1215Charterwerepreservedfromthestartatcathedrals.ThesignificanceofthisformofdistributionwewilldiscussinChapter12.

THEUNKNOWNCHARTERANDTHEARTICLESOFTHE

BARONS

Whathistorianscallthe‘UnknownCharter’isalistofconcessionssaidtohavebeenmadebyKingJohn.TheyareundatedbutprobablyrepresentbaronialdemandsputtogetherintheimmediateperiodbeforeMagnaCarta.Thenamethe‘UnknownCharter’derivesfromthedocumentbeingindeedunknowntoEnglish

historiansbefore1893.TheUnknownChartersurvivesonasinglesheetofparchmentnowpreservedintheArchivesNationalesinParis,whereitisclassifiedasJ.655.Onthesheet,itfollowsacopyofthecharterissuedbyHenryIafterhiscoronationin1100.44BoththeCoronationcharterandtheUnknownCharterarewritten

bythesamescribe,whomadesomeerrorsinbothtexts,someofwhichhecorrected.Althoughitcannotbeproved,myfeelingisthathewascopyingadocumentinwhichthetwowerealreadytogether.Aswewillsee,theCoronationCharteritselfplayedaveryimportantpartinthebuild-upofbaronialdemandsin1214–15.Just

whenthecopywasmadewecannotknow,butthehand,aneverydaybusinessone,iscertainlycompatiblewithadatein1215orsoonafterwards.ItisnotatallimpossiblethatthedocumententeredtheFrenchroyalarchivesaspartofthematerialtakenoutofEnglandbyPrinceLouisafterhegaveuphisclaimtotheEnglish

thronein1217.45Whateverthetruthhere,thereisnoreasontodoubttheUnknownCharter’sauthenticity.Itstwelvechaptersareimportantevidenceforthedevelopmentofbaronialdemandsin1215.Doubtlesstherewereother,similarschedulesnowlost.BythetimenegotiationsbeganatRunnymede,however,allthesehadbeen

consolidatedintoonecomprehensivedocument,theArticlesoftheBarons.TheArticlesoftheBarons

surviveasanoriginaldocument.Bythemiddleofthethirteenthcentury,theywereinthearchivesofthearchbishopofCanterbury.ProbablytheyweretakenfromRunnymedebyArchbishopLangton

himself.46TheArticlesremainedinthearchiepiscopalarchivesuntilthefallofArchbishopLaudin1640,whenwithotherdocumentstheywerespiritedawaytopreventtheircapturebyhisparliamentaryenemies.Aftervarioustravels,whichtheywereluckytosurvive,theyfinallyreachedtheBritishMuseumin1769.

TheyarenowondisplayintheBritishLibraryalongsidetheLibrary’stwooriginalsofthe1215Charter,Cii,andCiortheCanterburyCharteraswewillnowcallit.TheArticlesoftheBaronsconsistofasinglesheetofparchmentwiththeheading‘ThesearethechapterswhichtheBaronsseekandthelordKingconcedes’.What‘concedes’

reallymeantinthiscontextwewilldiscusslater.ThatJohnhad,however,agreedtheArticlesinsomewaywasmadeclearbyonevitalfeature,afeaturethatgavethemanauthoritywhichtheUnknownChartercompletelylacked.Thiswasthat,althoughnotcouchedinanywayasaformalcharterissuedinJohn’sname,the

Articlesnonethelessborehisseal.Thiswasattachedbyaparchmenttongueinsertedintothefoldatthebottomofthedocument,muchaswasthecaseinCiiandtheCanteburyCharter.Theseal,madeofwhitewax,isnowdetachedanddisplayedseparately.However,itwasinplaceinanearlynineteenth-centuryengraving.

Judgingfromthehand,theArticlescouldhavebeenwrittenoutbyoneofJohn’schanceryclerks,although,aswehavesaid,suchhandsarenotexclusivetothechancery.TheprecisepointatwhichJohnagreedtheArticlesisunknown,forthedocumentisundated,butitwasprobablyon10June,atthestartofthe

finalnegotiationsatRunnymede.47

Underneaththeheading,proclaimingJohn’sconsent,theArticlescontainedforty-eightseparatechapters,unnumberedbuteachbeginninganewline,distinguishedbyaparagraphmark.Thesetakeupseventy-fourlines.Then,afterafour-linegap,therefollowsthe

securityclause,inwhichtwenty-fivebaronsarepermittedtoforceJohntokeeptheCharter.Thistakesupanotherfourteenlines,makingeighty-eightinall.Someofthechaptersarecouchedintermsofwhatthekingshallorshallnotdo.Othersjuststatewhatistobewithoutreferencetotheking(so‘justice’isnottobe

denied).TheArticleswerethefoundationforMagnaCarta.Allforty-eightofthechaptershavecorrespondingchapters,orpartsofchapters,inMagnaCarta,oftenemployingthesameorsimilarphraseology.

COPIESOFTHE1215MAGNACARTA:THESURVIVALOF

DRAFTS

TheCharterofKingJohnwascopiedmanytimesinthecenturyafteritsconcession.Itisfound(inwholeorpart)inchronicles,monasticcartulariesandunofficialcompilationsmadebylawyersoflegislationandotherlegaltextsknownasstatutebooks.Sometimesthecopywasmade,asinthecaseofCanterbury’sRegisterE,

fromanoriginalengrossment;sometimesitwasmadefromanothercopy.Onecannotalwaysbesurewhich.Notallthecopies,however,areofthefinal,authorizedtext.Instead,someseemtocontainelementsfromdraftscirculatingatRunnymede.Oneoftheearliestcopies

oftheCharteristhatpreservedinthecartularyof

theleperhospitalofSaintGilesatPont-AudemerinNormandy.ThecopyisremarkableinbeingthatofaFrenchtranslationoftheCharter.Thecopyitselfisinanearlythirteenth-centuryhandandmusthavebeenwrittenwithinafewyearsof1215.Thetranslationwasprobablymadein1215itself.48Anotherearlycopyof

theCharterwasthatmadebyRogerofWendoveratStAlbans.Itdatestosoonafter1225.Wendoverdidnot,however,possessacompletetextofthe1215Charter.Hehadthebeginningandthesecurityclauseattheend;fortheresthe,orhissource,insertedsectionsfromtheChartersof1217and1225.Wendover’ssecurityclause,

moreover,differsfromthatfoundintheCharter,notablybyplacingthecastellansoffourstrategiccastlesundertheordersofthetwenty-fivebaronsappointedtoenforcetheCharter.Wendoverdoesnothaveagreatreputationforaccuracy,buthecannothavemadethisup.Inallprobabilityhewasusingarivaldraftoftheclauseaimed

atimposingtougherrestrictionsontheking.WhenHoltbroughtoutthe

firsteditionofhisMagnaCartain1965,Wendover’sversionofthesecurityclausewastheonlyknownevidencefordrafts.Thiswassoontochange.In1967,V.H.GalbraithpublishedanarticleaboutacopyofMagnaCartawhichhehadfoundinalate

thirteenth-centurystatutebookpreservedintheHuntingtonLibraryinCalifornia.49ThisdifferedfromtheauthorizedversionoftheCharterinvariouswaysandwas,soGalbraithargued,infactadraft.Theabsolutelykeyevidenceherecameinthechapteronfinesandamercements,wherethephraseologywasfarcloserto

thatintheArticlesoftheBaronsthanitwastothatinMagnaCarta.50Again,thiswasnotsomethingaclerkcouldhavemadeup.Itseemed,therefore,thattheHuntingtoncopypreservedaversionoftheCharterinwhichsomefeaturesoftheArticleshadyettobechangedintotheformfoundintheauthorizedversionof

theCharter.SincetheHuntingtoncopywasgivenbythehandofKingJohnon15JunenotatRunnymedebutatWindsor,Galbraitharguedthatitwas,infact,thepenultimatedraft,beingmadebeforeJohnmovedlaterinthedaytoRunnymedeforthelastnegotiationsandtheagreementofthefinaltext.

Galbraith,onhisreturntoEnglandfromAmerica,seemstohavemadenoefforttofollowuphisdiscoverybyexaminingothercopiesoftheCharter.Inthatsensehewaslikeatouristwholooksatsightsabroadbutneglectsthoseathome.Tobefair,Galbraithhadtheexcuseofage.HehadretiredfromtheRegiusChairatOxford

Universitybackin1955,hoping,vainlyasitturnedout,thatA.J.P.TaylormightbehissuccessorratherthanHughTrevor-Roper.HolthimselfwasagreatadmirerofGalbraith(rightlyso),buthetoosteeredclearofthefieldofcopies.InthesecondeditionofhisMagnaCarta,publishedin1992,hecommentedinanAppendix

onGalbraith’sfindings(whichheaccepted),andobservedthat‘draftversionsoftheCharterconstitutethemostintriguingproblemofall’.Healsosaidtherecouldbemoreofthem,butthenleftitatthat.51

Icannotclaimanyparticularvirtuemyselfinthisareaofhistoricalendeavour.Ibecame

interestedincopiesofMagnaCartanottofinddraftsbuttoseethedifferentwaysinwhichitwasdividedupintochapters,thedivisionsoftenbeingmoreemphaticincopiesthanintheoriginalengrossments.ItwasreadingthroughacopyoftheCharterinacartularyofPeterboroughabbey,preservedintheSocietyofAntiquariesin

London,withthisendinview,thatIsuddenlynoticedchaptersinadifferentorderandtextindifferentwordsfromthatfoundintheauthorizedversion.52ItwasonlythenthatIthoughtofGalbraithandstartedtocomparehisHuntingtoncopywiththePeterboroughone.AlthoughmostofPeterborough’svariations

weredifferentfromHuntington’s,theydidhaveonesovereignpointincommon,namelythetextofthechapteronfinesandamercements.InthePeterboroughcopy,asintheHuntington,thismanifestlycamefromtheArticlesoftheBaronsratherthanMagnaCarta.Therewasalsooneotherchapter(onthe

dismissalofJohn’sforeignagents)wherethePeterboroughwordorder,hereunlikeHuntington’s,seemedclosertothatintheArticlesthantothatintheCharter.Inspiredbythisfinding,I

setouttofindmorecopiesofthe1215Charterwiththeideaoftesting,byword-for-wordcollation,whetherthey

wereinfactcopiesoftheauthorizedversion.Onethingquicklybecameapparent,namelynottotruststatementsincatalogues,forthesesometimesclaimedacopyasbeingoftheauthorizedtextwhenitturnedouttobenosuchthing.Editorsevidentlyhadmerelyglancedatthetext,insteadofactuallyreadingitthrough.Thesearch

forcopiesofthe1215Charterremainsongoingbut,atthetimeofwriting,Ihavefoundoverthirtyexamplesfromthehundredyearsafter1215.53

Nearlyhalfoftheseareoftheauthorizedversion,barringobviousmistakes.Theothersarevariants,sevenassociatedwithStAlbans,andoneauniquesingle-sheetcopynowintheBodleianLibrary.Ten

arealllinkedtotheHuntington/Peterboroughfamilythroughthetreatmentofthechapteronfines.Thereis,however,onlyoneincompletecopywhichfollowsHuntingtoninbeing‘given’atWindsorratherthanatRunnymedeon15June.Alltoldthecopiesseemtopreserveatleastfivedifferentversionsofthe

Charter.Onecannot,ofcourse,assumethatallthevariationsderivefromdrafts.Somemaybemistakesorimprovementsmadeintheprocessoftransmission.Nonetheless,itisnoticeablethattheyoftenoccurinchaptersthatweknowwerechangedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymede.Arguably,thecopiesshed

newlightonthetenseandtortuousdebatesthatfinallyproducedtheCharter.Theycertainlysuggestthatunofficialtextsmadeanimportantcontributiontospreadingknowledgeaboutit.Enoughaboutthecopies,

illuminatingalthoughtheymaybe.LetusnowturntothetextofMagnaCartaitself.

2

TheChapters,ContentsandTextofMagna

Carta

THECHAPTERSOFMAGNACARTA

DiscussionofthecontentsofMagnaCartahingesonitsseparatechapters:‘chapter40saysthis’,‘chapter42saysthat’.Toaidsuchadiscussion,intextsprintedtoday,whetherinLatinorinEnglishtranslation,eachchapterisnumberedandstartsanewparagraph.The

originalCharterwasnotlikethatatall.Allthefourengrossmentswerewrittenoutascontinuoustextwithoutanynumeration.InthistheydifferedfromtheArticlesoftheBarons,whereeachofthe‘capitula’,althoughstillunnumbered,beganonanewlineandstartedwithasignconventionallyusedtoindicateanewitemonalist.

TheCharterdidnotfollowthispattern,becausetherewasnotraditionofputtingnewparagraphsintoroyalcharters.Whatthefourengrossmentsdiddo,however,wastodividethecontentsupintowhatwereeffectivelyseparatechaptersbystartingeachnewonewithaprominentcapitalletter,althoughthiswasdoneless

emphaticallyintheSalisburyCharter,givenitsformalbookhand,thanintheothers.Sometimes,moreover,capitalsofsmaller,butstillabnormalsize,seemtoindicatesubsectionswithinchapters.Thesedivisionsmayreflecttheway,untilalatestage,draftsoftheCharterweredividedupintoseparate‘capitula’,asintheArticles

oftheBarons.Thisinturnwouldreflecthowthenegotiationsthemselveswerecarriedoutarticlebyarticle.WhenMagnaCartawascopiedoutafter1215,thescribesoftenmadethedivisionsclearerbystartingeachchapteronanewlineandcolouringinitsfirstletterorparagraphmarker.Onlyoneattempt,asfarasIhave

discovered,wasmadeinthesecopiestonumberthechaptersoftheCharterandtheretheeffortwasabandonedbeforetheend.Thenumberswereanywaybeingappliednottothefinal,authorizedversionbuttooneofthevariantcopiesoftheHuntington/Peterboroughfamily.1

Thekeymomentinthenumberingofthe1215ChartercamewithBlackstone.Inhisbookof1759,heprintedtheCharterasacontinuoustext,anddidnotdistinguishthestartofnewchapterswithlargercapitalletters.Butwhathediddowastosupplynumberstothechaptersinthemarginofhistext,histotalbeing

sixty-three.NearlyallthelatereditionshavekepttoBlackstone’snumbers,althoughBishopStubbsinhisSelectChartersdidnotdivideupthesecurityclause,andthusendedupwithonlysixty.2Itisacuriousfact,however,neverapparentlynoticed,thatBlackstone’schapterdivisionsdonotexactlymatchupwiththose

intheengrossmentsoftheCharter,asindicatedbytheircapitalization.ThiswaspartlybecauseBlackstonehadnumberedtheArticlesoftheBaronsinordertorelatethechaptersintheArticlestothecorrespondingchaptersinMagnaCarta.WhereaMagnaCartachaptereitherbrokeanArticleschapterintotwo,orrantwotogether,Blackstone

occasionallyignoredthisandkepttotheArticles’division.Equally,whenanewsectionappearedintheCharter,hesometimescreatedachapterforit,aswithhischapter19,evenwhentheengrossmentsdidnotdoso.Blackstonealsomadenoefforttoindicatewheretheengrossments,ifnotnecessarilystartingnewchapters,certainlyseemto

indicatesubsectionswithinchapters.Theresultingdivergencesarenotofgreatmoment,butarenonethelessapity,fortheycanobscurewhatisgoingon.Theengrossments,forexample,manifestlybreakwhatischapter27intheArticlesintotwo,rightlysobecausethebearingofthesecondpartiscompletelychanged,andina

wayprejudicialtoknightsandunder-tenants.Blackstone,however,presumablytoretainthecorrespondencewiththeArticles,kepteverythingtogetherastheCharter’schapter37.Itis,ofcourse,toolatenowtoundoBlackstone’snumbering,butImentiontheoriginaldivisionsinthediscussion

thatfollows,andalsoindicatetheminmytextandtranslationoftheCharter.Studentsstudyingthe

Charteraresometimesgiventhetask(atleastbyme)ofputtingitschaptersintoamorecoherentorder.HowfartheCharter,asitstands,isorganizedlogicallyisaquestionwewilladdresswhenlookingatthe

negotiationsatRunnymedeandthedifferences(somemadetoimprovetheorganization)betweentheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.Herewewillindicatebriefly,bywayofintroduction,theCharter’smainconcerns,thedosanddon’tsthatitlaiddownforkingship.Thosecanbebrokendownintoseveral

broadinterlockingareas,withindividualchaptersoftenbearingonmorethanoneofthem.TheCharterwasaboveall

aboutmoney.Itsoverwhelmingaimwastorestricttheking’sabilitytotakeitfromhissubjects.Anothermajorthrustwasintheareaoflawandjustice.TheCharterwantedtomake

theking’sdispensationofjusticefairerandmoreaccessible,whileatthesametimepreventinghisarbitraryandlawlesstreatmentofindividuals.Overlappingwithboththeseagendaswastheissueoflocalgovernment.HeretheChartersoughttodealwiththemalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials,aboveallhissheriffsand

foresters.TherewerechaptersonLondon,andtownsandtrade,whilethefirstchapterofallwasonthechurch,onethatarrivedataverylatestageinthenegotiations,despitecomingrightattheCharter’sstart.TheCharter,asithoped,thussetanewcourseforkingshipinthefuture.Itwasalsoaboutredressingtheinjustices

committedinthepast.Severalchapterssetupproceduresfordoingthat,andincludedamongthebeneficiariesbothLlywelynabIorwerth,theWelshrulerofNorthWales,andAlexanderII,thekingofScots.MuchthoughtwentintohowJohn’sconcessionsmightbeenforced.The‘securityclause’attheendof

theCharterwaseasilyitslongestandmostcontroversialchapter.ThechaptersoftheCharter

setoutthe‘liberties’beinggrantedbythekingtohissubjects,hencethewaythe1215Charter,likeitssuccessors,wascalled‘thecharterofliberties’.Johnwouldhaveregardedtheselibertiesverymuchas

privilegesthathehadgraciouslyconceded.Hissubjectswouldhavebaulkedatsuchadescription.Forthemthelibertiesweremoreinthenatureofrightstowhichtheywereverymuchentitled,oftenbyancientcustom.Indeed,whenJohnconcededtoLondon,inchapter13,‘allitsancientlibertiesandfreecustoms’,he

wasmanifestlymerelyconcedingwhatLondonershadalready.Theissuewasalsoblurred,attheendoftheCharter,whenJohn,inchapters60and63,referredto‘theseaforesaidcustomsandliberties’and‘theforesaidliberties,rightsandconcessions’.Therewasoneotherkey

featureoftheconcessions

Johnwasmaking.Theywere,ashesaidthriceover,tobeheldfromhimandhisheirsinperpetuity.TheCharterforeverafterwardswastoprovidethefundamentallawforthegovernmentofthekingdom.

THECONTENTSOFMAGNACARTA

ThePreamble

KingJohnstartedtheCharter,havingsetouthistitles,bygreetinghissubjects.Hethenfixedtheirattention(aswasusualinroyalcharters)witharesoundingandcommanding‘Know’,alltheengrossmentsgivingabigcapitallettertothe‘S’atthestartof‘Sciatis’.Thekingwentontoexplainhisreasonsforacting,andonwhoseadvicehehadacted,

afterwhichtherefollowedanimpressivelistofcounsellors–bishops,baronsandministers.Itisonlyattheendofthislist(thusmakingagiganticsentence)thatwefindoutwhatJohnwasactuallydoing.

TheChurch

‘Inthefirstplace’–‘Inprimis’–Johngrantedfreedomtothechurch,demonstratinghisgoodfaithinsodoingbyreferencetohisearlierconcessionoffreedomtoelectbishopsandabbots,whichhadbeenconfirmedbyPopeInnocentIII.BlackstonenaturallymadethisthefirstchapteroftheCharter.

TheNewStart

Havingprivilegedthechurchinthisseparatesection,JohnthencommencedtheCharteralloveragain.‘Wehavealsograntedtoallthefreemenofourkingdom,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,allthebelowwrittenliberties.’Blackstonesimplyincludedthisinhischapter1anditisalwaysprintedassuch.That

isfairenoughonthebasisoftheLincolnCharterandthecopyintheletterstestimonial,buttheotherengrossmentshavethekindofacapitalhere(forthe‘C’in‘Concessimus’,‘Wehavegranted’)thatindicatesthebeginningofanewsection.LatercopiesoftheCharterwentdownthesamepath.Thismakessense,

fortheCharterisclearlynowmakinganewstart.Whatthenweretheareas

inwhichJohngrantedlibertiestohisfreemen?

Money

Thepre-eminentconcern,aswehavesaid,wasmoney,andbeforestartinghere,awordaboutmoneyitself.In

John’sreigntherewasonlyonecoin,thesilverpenny,ofwhichtherewere240inthepound.‘Pound’itselfwassimplyatermofaccount,awayofexpressingasumofmoney.Thesamewastruebothof‘shilling’,ofwhichthereweretwentyinthepound,makingeachworthtwelvepennies,andof‘mark’,whichwastwothirds

ofapound,so160penniesorthirteenshillingsandfourpence.TheLatinforpoundwas‘libra’,forshilling‘solidus’andforpenny‘denarius’,hencetheabbreviationsl.s.d.Pounds,shillingsandmarksavoidedtheneedforpeopletotalkinlargesumsofpennies;butsincepenniesweretheonlycurrency,therewasno

avoidingtransportinglargenumbersofthemaround,whichwasoftendoneingreatsacksandbarrels.InJuly1215Johnacknowledgedreceiptof9,900marksinsixty-sixsacks,whichmeanttherewere24,000penniesineach.3Theking’sannualrevenueatthestartofJohn’sreignwasaround£22,000,or5,280,000pennies.John

mintedmanysilverpenniesbutneverinhisownname.HisbrotherRichardhadbeenequallynameless.Bothcontinuedtomintcoinsthatboreononesidethenameoftheirfather‘Henry’placedaroundasometimescrudeimageofaroyalhead.Ontheothersidewasasmallcrossandthenameofthemoneyer.

ReturningthentotheCharter,araftofearlychapters,nearlyallthosebetween2and14,wereconcernedtorestrictthemoney-gettingoperationsofroyalgovernment.Withinthisgroup,chapters2–8regulatedthehighlylucrativerightsthatcamefromthetenurialrelationshipbetweenthekingandhisearls,baronsand

othertenants-in-chief.Sothesechapterswereaboutrelief(aninheritancetax),wardshipsandthemarriagesofheirs,heiressesandwidows.LaterintheCharter,chapters37,43and53dealt,atleastinpart,withparticularaspectsofrelatedrightsanddemands.Withchapters10and11,

theChartertackledanother

issue,thatofdebtsowedtotheJews,onepointbeingtopreventthemaccruinginterestduringminorities.Heretoothekingwasinvolvedbecause(aschapter10indicated)hemighttakedebtsowedtheJewsintohisownhandsandextractthemoneyforhimself.Chapters12and14wereof

thegreatestimportance,for

theywereabouttaxationintheformof‘scutagesandaids’.Saveonthreespecifiedoccasions,thesewereonlytobeleviedby‘ourcommoncounselofthekingdom’.Theassumptionherewasthatcounselwouldleadtoconsent,soessentiallythismeantthattaxationneededtheconsentofthekingdom.4

Chapter14wentontosetout

therulesforconvokingtheassemblywhichcouldgivethatconsent.Thekingwasnotjustowed

money.Healsohadunpleasantwaysofforcingpeopletopayup,notablyby‘distraint’,whichinvolvedtheseizureofthechattelsandlandofthedebtorandhissureties.Thisprocesschapters9,26and27

attemptedtoregulateandlimit.MoneywasalsoanissueinthesectionsoftheCharterthatdealtwithjusticeandlocalgovernment.

JusticeandtheArbitraryTreatmentofIndividuals

AftertheopeningsectionoftheCharteronmoney,therefollowedchapters17to22–

aboutjustice.Chapters17to19madetheking’sproceduresforcivillitigationmoreaccessible,andalsoplacedthemunderlocalcontrol.Later,chapter36waslikewiseconcernedtomaketheking’sjusticemoreavailableandfreeofcost,althoughhereintheareaofcriminaljurisdiction.Conversely,chapter34aimed

atpreventingroyaljusticeinterferingwithprivatecourts.Chapters20to22wereabout‘amercements’.Thesewerefinancialpenaltiesforfallingintotheking’s‘mercy’,andarosewhenanindividualwasconvictedbeforethekingorhisjudgesofsomeoffence.Todaytheywouldbecalledfines.Theaimofthechapters

wastoensuretheywerekeptatareasonablelevelandassessedeitherbythevictim’sneighboursor,inthecaseofanearlorabaron,byhispeers,thatis,socialequals.Therelatedchapter32limitedtheking’sabilitytoseizelandaspenaltyforafelony.Anothersectionabout

justicecomesbetween

chapters38and40.Chapter38preventedabailiff,thatisalocalofficial,puttinganyone‘tolaw’,meaningessentiallyputtinganyoneontrial,onhissoleaccusationunsupportedbywitnesses.Chapters39and40arethemostfamousinMagnaCarta,andarestillpartofthelawoftheUnitedKingdomtoday.Chapter40seemedtomakea

blanketpromiseofjustice,speedyandfree,toeveryone.

Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.

Chapter39dealtdirectlywiththearbitrarytreatmentofindividuals.

Nofreemanistobearrested,orimprisoned,ordisseised,oroutlawed,orexiled,or

inanywaydestroyed,norwillwegoagainsthim,norwillwesendagainsthim,savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.

Here‘disseised’meantdispossessedofproperty,whilstgoingagainstorsendingagainstsomeonemeant(ifnotexclusively)takingactionagainstthemby

forceofarms.Ihavepreferred‘destroyed’,asatranslationoftheLatin‘destruatur’,tothemorecommon‘ruined’,sinceitbettercapturesthesenseofthreattolifeaswellasproperty.

LocalGovernment

Afterthesectiononjusticebetweenchapters17and22,chapters23to31turnedtolocalgovernmentandthemalpracticesoftheking’slocalagents–sheriffs,bailiffsandconstablesofcastles.Herechapter25hadparticularimportancesinceitsoughttolimitthefinancialburdensplacedbythekingonthecounties.Chapter45

attackedonanotherfrontandinsistedthattheking’sofficialsshould‘knowthelawofthekingdomandwishtoobserveitwell’.Chapter50wentfurtherandmadethekingdismissvariousnamedsheriffsandcastellans,allofthemforeigners,fromtheirbailiwicks,whichmeanttheirlocaloffices.

TheCharterwasalsoconcernedwiththerunningoftheroyalforest.Chapter44soughttolimitthejurisdictionoftheforestjustices,whilechapter47reducedimmediatelytheextentoftheforest,withmoretocome,itwashoped,fromchapter53.MostpromisingofallforJohn’ssubjects,mostpoisonousof

alltotheking,waschapter48,whichempoweredtwelveknightselectedineachcountytoinvestigateandabolishthemalpracticesoftheking’slocalagents.

London,Towns,Trade,MeasuresandMovement

ThechapterprotectingLondonfromarbitrary

taxationandconfirmingitslibertiesis,inmodernprintings,splitbetweenchapters12and13.Onecouldarguethecase,lookingattheoriginalengrossments,formakingitadiscretechapter,oratleastasubsectionwithinachapter.Whatiscertainisthatalltheengrossmentsstartedanewchapterwiththelibertiesand

ancientcustomsoftheothertowns,ratherthantaggingthemon,asinmodernprintings,tothechapteronLondon.AnotherchapterbenefitingbothLondonandothertownswaschapter33,whichremovedfishweirs(anobstacletotrade)fromtheriversThamesandMedwayandelsewherethroughoutallEngland,unlessatthe

seashore.Chapter35soughttoestablishuniformmeasuresofdrink,cornandcloththroughoutthecountry(cornaccordingtothemeasureofLondon),whilechapter41allowed,saveintimeofwar,allmerchantssafetyoftravel,withoutsufferinganyunjustexactions.Thefollowingchapter42gavefreedomoftraveltoeveryoneinandout

ofthekingdom,againsaveintimeofwar.

AppointmentsandPatronage

TheChartersaidthatofficialsshouldknowthelawofthekingdom,anddismissedsomenamedsheriffsandcastellans.Apartfromthat,however,itdidnothingtocontroltheking’schoiceofhisministers,

eitherlocallyorcentrally.Thatcouldbeseenasoneofitscentralweaknesses.TheCharterwasnotmuchmorerestrictivewhenitcametotheking’sbestowalofpatronage.Chapter4atleastmeantthattheking’sappointeeswouldlosecontrolofwardshipsformaladministration.Chapter6wasdesignedtopreventheirsandheiressesinwardship

frombeing‘disparaged’inmarriage,whichmeantbeingmarriedtothosebeneaththeminsocialrank.Italsostipulatedthatthefamilyshouldbeinformedofwhatwasplanned.Theideawasthustomakeitmoredifficultforthekingtogivemarriagestowhomeverhewanted.Thesamewastrue,moreastringently,ofchapter8,

whichlaiddownthatawidowcouldnolongerbeforcedintoremarriageifshewishedtolivewithoutahusband.

RedressofPastGrievances

TwoimportantchaptersintheCharter,chapters52and55,wereconcernedtoredressthewrongssufferedbyindividualsinthepast.Under

chapter52thosedisseised(thatis,dispossessed)oftheirpossessionsbyKingJohnwithoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeerswouldhavethemimmediatelyrestored.Underchapter55allfinesandamercementsimposedunjustlybyJohnweretobepardoned.Amercementswehavealreadyencounteredinthechaptersthatsoughtto

limittheirsizeandregulatetheirassessment.Fineswereoffersofmoneyacceptedbythekingforconcessionsandfavours.Theymightbemoreorlesscompulsory(sotorecovertheking’sgoodwill)orentirelyvoluntary(sofortherighttosetupanewmarket).Bothchapterslaiddownthatifdisputesaroseovertherestorationsand

pardons,theseweretobedeterminedbythetwenty-fivebaronsnamedintheCharter’s‘securityofpeace’,thatisthe‘securityclause’,whichisdescribedbelow.Chapter52alsoputontheagendathedispossessionscommittedbyJohn’spredecessors,hisfatherHenryIIandbrotherRichardI.Johnwastodealwiththesewhenhereturned

fromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.TherewasnopostponementwhenitcametothehostagesandcharterswhichJohnhadextractedasguaranteesofpeaceand‘faithfulservice’.Underchapter49,theseweretobeimmediatelyreturned.

TheWelshandtheKingofScots

ItwasinthecontextofredressofgrievancesthattheWelshandAlexander,kingofScots,enteredtheCharter.Underchapter56,WelshmenwereimmediatelytoberestoredtolandsandlibertiestakenbyKingJohnwithoutjudgementoftheirpeers.Thechapteralsosetupprocedurestodealwithanydisputesovertheprocess.Chapter57put

thedisseisinssufferedbytheWelshatthehandsofHenryIIandRichardIontheagenda,whilechapter58laiddownthatJohnwastorestorethesonofLlywelynandtheotherWelshhostages.Underchapter59,Johnpromised,withonequalification,totreatKingAlexander,whenitcametoreturninghissisters,hostages,libertiesandrights,

inthesamewayas,underthetermsoftheCharter,hewastotreatthebaronsofEngland.

ThePassingDownoftheConcessions

TheCharterwasprimarilyaimedatthemalpracticesofthekingandhisministers.Itdid,however,aspiretosetthe

samestandardsforothers.Thuschapter60,thefinalonebeforethesecurityclause,statedthatallthecustomsandlibertieswhichJohnhadconcededtohismenshouldbeobservedbyeveryoneinthekingdomtowardstheirmen.Therewereotherchapterstoo,likechapters7and8onwidows,andchapter15onaids,whichprotected

tenantsfromthedemandsoftheirlords.WewilldiscussinChapter4thetensionswithinsocietytheCharterthusrevealed.

TheEnforcementoftheCharter

AttheendoftheChartercamethemostsensationalandrevolutionarychapterof

all.Johndeclaredthat,wishinghisconcessionstobefirmlymaintained,hehadofferedthebaronsthefollowing‘security’.Thiswasthattheymightchoosetwenty-fiveoftheirnumberwhowereempowered,ifnecessary,toforcehimandhisministerstoobservethelibertiesgrantedandconfirmedintheCharter.

Theyalsohadthepowertoputrightanyotherwrongs.Inthis,thetwenty-fiveweretoactwith‘thecommuneofalltheland’.Theword‘commune’heremeantaswornassociation.Itwastobeformedby‘alltheland’swearingeithervoluntarilyor,ifnecessary,undercompulsiontoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fivein

bringingthekingtoheel.Finally,thechapterconcludedwithJohnpromisingnottoseekanythingbywhichtheChartermightbeinvalidated.Blackstoneprintedthesecurityclauseasasinglechapter,buttheengrossmentsbrokeitup,inslightlydifferentways,whichshowsthedesiretomakeits

elementsasclearaspossible.ItwasnotquitetheonlydeviceintheCharterbywhichthebaronssoughttoensureitsenforcement.TheyalsostrovetoreduceJohn’spowerofresistance.Thekeychapterherewaschapter51,underwhichJohnpromised,afterthepeace,todismissalltheforeignsoldiershehadrecruited.Intheprinted

versions,thischapterisseparated,asitisintheArticlesoftheBarons,fromtheprecedingchapter,whichdismissedsomeofJohn’sforeignsheriffsandcastellansfromoffice.Infact,intwooftheengrossments,andinthebishops’copyoftheCharter,thetwochaptersareone,whichstronglysuggeststhatthedismissals,apartfrom

removingunpopularlocalofficials,werealsoseenasstrippingJohnofmilitaryexperts,asallthesemenwere.

TheConclusionoftheCharter

Attheendofthesecurityclause,inwhatisprintedaschapter62,Johnremittedhis

rancourandillwill,pardonedalltransgressionscommittedsincethestartofthecivilwaratEaster1215,andundertookthatthebishopsshouldissueletterstestifyingtothe‘aforesaidconcessions’.Infact,theengrossments,perhapssurprisingly,givelittlewarrantformakingthisadiscreteandsinglechapter,buttheyallagreeinstarting

thefinalsectionoftheCharterwithwhatbecamechapter63.HereJohnreiteratedthatthechurchshouldbefreeandstatedthatthemenofthekingdomandtheirheirsweretoenjoythe‘foresaidliberties,rightsandconcessions’inperpetuity.Anoath,hecontinued,hadbeentakenonhisbehalfandthatofthebaronsforthe

observationofeverythingingoodfaith.Inanormalcharter,whatwouldhavefollowednextwouldhavebeenalistofwitnesses,butinMagnaCartathesewerestatedtobeas‘abovesaid’.ThisreferredtothecounsellorsJohnhadlistedatthestartoftheCharter.MagnaCartathenconcludedwiththefollowingstatement:

GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign.

ThedateofMagnaCartawasthus15June1215.

THETEXTOFMAGNACARTA

TheLatintextandEnglishtranslationofMagnaCartaarehereprintedonfacingpages.TheLatintextcomesfromtheLincolnChartersince,ofalltheengrossments,itisthemostfinelywritten.Itisalsotheengrossmentwhosehistoryismostcertainsince‘LINCOLNIA’,writtentwiceontheback,almostcertainlybythescribeofthe

Charter,showsitwasintendedforLincolnfromthestart.TheLatintextgivenherediffersfrompreviousprintedexamplesintryingtoindicatehowtheoriginals,bytheuseofcapitallettersofdifferentsizes,weredividedupintochapters,orsectionswithinchapters.Whilethedivisions,thusindicated,forthemostpartcorrespondwith

thenumberedchapterssetinstonesinceBlackstone’sworkof1759,5therearedifferences,aswehaveseen.InboththeLatinandEnglishtextssetoutbelow,alineisleftblankwheretheengrossmentsindicatethestartofanewchapterorsection,butonlythosegivennumbersbyBlackstonearenumbered.Thelargestcapital

lettersfoundintheengrossmentsIhaverenderedintheLatintextasN.Capitallettersoflessemphasis,butstillofasizetoindicateadivision,appearasN.WhereBlackstonemadechapterdivisions(soatchapters19and51)thatarequestionable,thenhisnumberisplacedinthebodyofthetext.Inmakingthesedivisions,I

havenotfollowedLincolnexclusively,buthavealsotakenintoaccountthecapitalizationsfoundinCanterbury,CiiandSalisbury,althoughthecapitalsintheSalisburyCharterarethroughoutgivenlessemphasisthanthoseintheotherthree.Ihavealsotakenintoaccountthecapitalizationfoundinthe

bishops’letterstestimonial,whichguaranteedtheauthentictext.Significantdivergencesinthecapitalizationbetweenthesesourcesareindicatedinthefootnotes.Thesymbol|intheLatintextindicateswheretheLincolnlinesend.Ihaveusedalargerfontaltogethertoreflecttheexceptionallylargelettersatthestartofthe

LincolnCharter.Inthetranslation,followingHolt,IindicatetheequivalentchaptersintheArticlesoftheBarons(AB)andtheCharterof1225(1225).Inthefootnotes,Ihave

collatedtheLincolntextwiththatfoundintheotherthreeengrossmentsandthecopyinthebishops’letter.Althoughofnogreatmoment,thisis

thefirstpublishedcollationtouseallfive,sincetheSalisburyengrossmentcouldnotbefoundwhentheStatutesoftheRealmtextwaspublishedin1810.6Mycollationindicatesomissions,correctionsandvariationsinwordorder.Ihavenot,however,includedthevariationsinthespellingsofpersonalnamesplacenames

andsuchwordsas‘pledges’,‘carts’,‘socage’andsoon.Ihavealsoomittedsomesmallslipsinthebishops’copy,whichwereprobablytheresultofmistakesmadebythefourteenth-centurycopyist.SomesignificancemayattachtoacorrectedomissioninCanterburyandCii,butapartfromthatthechiefvalueofacollationisto

showthatthedifferencesbetweenthetextsareminor.Theengrossmentsweremade,onthewhole,withcare.Ofpreviouspublished

texts,Blackstone’sistheCanterburyengrossmentcollatedwiththebishops’copy.ThatinStatutesoftheRealmusestheLincolnengrossment,andindicatesall

variationswithCanterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyinfootnotes.Itmakesnodivisionintochaptersanddoesnotexpandtheabbreviations,insteadusingatypefacethatsoughttoreproducethem.7Italsosoughttofollowtheoriginalpunctuation.Thetextbelow,inlinewithcurrentpractice,expandstheabbreviationsand

usesmodernpunctuation.Itseeks,however,tofollowthetext’suseofcapitals.Asinmuchothercontemporarywriting,thisappearstohavebeenhaphazard.Itisalsooftenambiguous,especiallywherealetterlike‘w’hasthesamefrominbothupperandlowercase.IhaveusedcapitalslessfrequentlythanStatutesoftheRealm,and

usuallyonlywheretheyseemquiteclear.Intheprocess,Imaysometimeshavebeenunfairtosheriffs,WalesandtheWelshwhereIhavegenerallygoneforlowercase:‘vicecomites’,‘wallia’and‘walenses’.8Inpreparingthetranscription,IhaveusedaphotographofthePineengraving,theengravingoftheLincolnCharterpublished

inFoedera,9andphotographsofLincoln,SalisburyandCii.Withthebishops’copy,IhavebeenabletoworkdirectlyonthetextintheRedBookoftheExchequer.10Ihavealsophotographedit.Therehavebeenmany

translationsofthe1215Charter,themostwidelyusedbeingJ.C.Holt’s,whichisprintedasanAppendixtohis

MagnaCarta.(Holt’sLatintextwasCii.)11ThepresenttranslationisinplacesperhapsalittlemoreliteralthanHolt’sbutisnotfundamentallydifferentfromitormanyothers.Inmakingthetranslation,IhavebeenhelpedimmenselybybothDanielHadasandHenrySummerson’stranslationonthewebsiteoftheMagna

CartaProject.ThemeaningofsomeofthetechnicaltermsandobscurewordsfoundinthetranslationisexplainedintheGlossaryattheendofthebook(pp.461–470).

MagnaCarta1215

JohannesdeigratiaRexAnglie,DominusHibernie,DuxNormannieetAquitanie,ComesAndegavie,Archiepiscopis,Episcopis,

Abbatibus,Comitibus,Baronibus,Justiciariis,Forestariis,Vicecomitibus,Prepositis,MinistrisetOmnibusBallivisetFidelibusSuisSalutem.

Sciatisnosintuitudeietprosaluteanimenostreetomniumantecessorumetheredumnostrorum,adhonorem*|deiet

exaltacionemsancteecclesie,etemendationemRegninostri,perconsiliumvenerabiliumpatrumnostrorum,StephaniCantuariensis,ArchiepiscopiTotiusAnglie,PrimatisetSancteRomaneecclesieCardinalis,HenriciDublinensisArchiepiscopi,WillelmiLondoniensis,PetriWintoniensis,Joscelini

BathoniensisetGlastoniensis,HugonisLincolniensis,WalteriWigornensis,WillelmiCoventrensis,etBenedictiRoffensisEpiscoporum;MagistriPandulfidominiPapeSubdi|aconietfamiliaris,et†fratrisEimericiMagistriMilitieTempliinAnglia;etNobiliumvirorumWillelmiMarescalliComitis

Penbrocie,WillelmiComitisSarresbyrie,WillelmiComitisWarennie,WillelmiComitisArundellie,AlanideGalweiaConstabulariiScotie,WarinifiliiGeroldi,HubertideBurgoSenescalliPictavie,PetrifiliiHereberti,‡HugonisdeNevill’,MatheifiliiHereberti,ThomeBasset,|AlaniBasset,PhilippideAlbiniaco,Robertide

Roppelay,JohannisMarescalli,JohannisfiliiHugonisetaliorumfideliumnostrorum:

JohnbythegraceofGod,kingofEngland,lordofIreland,dukeofNormandyandAquitaine,countofAnjou,tohisarchbishops,bishops,abbots,earls,barons,justices,foresters,sheriffs,reeves,ministersandallhis

bailiffsandfaithfulmen,greeting.

Knowthatwe,inspiredbyGodandforthesalvationofoursoul,andforthesoulsofallourancestorsandheirs,forthehonourofGodandtheexaltationofholychurch,andthereformofourkingdom,bythecounselofourvenerablefathers,Stephen

archbishopofCanterbury,primateofallEngland,andcardinaloftheholyRomanchurch,HenryarchbishopofDublin,WilliamofLondon,PeterofWinchester,JocelynofBathandGlastonbury,HughofLincoln,WalterofWorcester,WilliamofCoventryandBenedictofRochester,bishops,MasterPandulfsubdeaconand

memberofthehouseholdofthelordpope,andbrotherAymeric,masteroftheknightsoftheTempleinEngland,andofthenoblemen,WilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,WilliamearlofSalisbury,WilliamearlofWarenne,WilliamearlofArundel,AlanofGalloway,constableofScotland,WarinfitzGerold,HubertdeBurgh,

seneschalofPoitou,PeterfitzHerbert,HughdeNeville,MatthewfitzHerbert,ThomasBasset,AlanBasset,Philipd’Aubigné,RobertofRopsley,JohnMarshal,JohnfitzHugh,andourotherfaithfulmen:

1.Inprimisconcessissedeoethacpresenticartanostraconfirmasse,pronobisetheredibusnostrisinperpetuum,quodAnglicanaecclesialiberasit,ethabeatjurasuaintegra,etlibertatessuasillesas;etitavolumusobservariquodapparetexeoquodlibertatemelectionum,quemaximaet|*magis

necessariareputaturecclesieAnglicane,meraetspontaneavoluntate,antediscordiaminternosetBaronesnostrosmotam,concessimusetcartanostraconfirmavimus,eteamobtinuimusaDominoPapaInnocentiotercioconfirmari;quametnosobservabimusetabheredibusnostrisinperpetuumbonafidevolumusobservari.

Concessimus†etiamomnibusliberishominibusregninostri,pronobisetheredibusnostrisinperpetuum,omneslibertatessubscriptas,habendasettenendas,eis|etheredibussuis,denobisetheredibusnostris.

1.Inthefirstplace,havegrantedtoGodandbythisourpresentcharterhave

confirmed,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,thattheEnglishchurchistobefree,andistohaveitsrightsinwholeanditslibertiesunharmed,andwewishitsotobeobserved;whichismanifestfromthis,namelythatthelibertyofelections,whichisdeemedtobeofthegreatestimportanceandmostnecessaryfortheEnglish

church,byourfreeandspontaneouswill,beforethediscordmovedbetweenusandourbarons,wegrantedandconfirmedbyourcharter,andobtaineditsconfirmationfromthelordpope,Innocentthethird,whichweshallbothobserveandwishtobeobservedbyourheirsinperpetuityingoodfaith.

Wehavealsograntedtoallthefreemenofourkingdom,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,allthebelowwrittenliberties,tobehadandheldbythemandtheirheirsfromusandourheirs.[1225,1]

2.Siquiscomitumvelbaronumnostrorum,sivealiorumtenentiumdenobisin

capiteperserviciummilitare,mortuusfuerit,etcumdecesseritheressuuspleneetatisfueritetreleviumdebeat,habeathereditatemsuamperantiquumrelevium;ScilicetheresvelheredescomitisdeBaroniacomitisintegrapercentumLibras;heresvelheredesbaronisdeBaroniaintegrapercentumLibras;heresvelheredes|

militisdefeodomilitisintegropercentumsolidosadplus;etquiminusdebueritminusdetsecundumantiquamconsuetudinemfeodorum.

2.Ifanyofourearlsorbarons,orothersholdingfromusinchiefbyknightservice,diesandwhenhedieshisheirisoffullageand

owesrelief,heistohavehisinheritancebytheancientrelief;namelytheheirorheirsofanearlforawholebaronyofanearlbyahundredpounds;theheirorheirsofabaronforawholebaronybyahundredpounds;theheirorheirsofaknightforthewholefeeofaknightbyahundredshillingsatmost;andwhooweslessisto

givelessaccordingtotheancientcustomoffees.[AB,1;1225,2]

3.Siautemheresalicuiustaliumfueritinfraetatemetfueritincustodia,cumadetatempervenerit,habeathereditatemsuamsinerelevioetsinefine.

3.If,however,theheirofanysuchoneisunderageandisinwardship,whenhecomesofage,heistohavehisinheritancewithoutreliefandwithoutfine.[AB,2;1225,3]

4.Custosterrehuiusmodiheredisquiinfraetatemfuerit,noncapiatdeterraheredisnisirationabilesexitusetrationabiles

consuetudines,etrationabiliaservitia,ethocsinedestruc|tioneetvastohominumvelrerum.

Etsinoscommiserimuscustodiamalicuiustalisterrevicecomitivelalicuialiiquideexitibusilliusnobisresponderedebeat,etilledestructionemdecustodiafeceritvelvastum,nosabillo

capiemusemendam,etterracommittaturduobuslegalibusetdiscretishominibusdefeodoillo,quideexitibusrespondeantnobisveleicuieosassignaverimus.

Etsidederimusvelvendiderimusalicuicustodiamalicuiustalisterre,etille|destructionemindefeceritvelvastum,amittat

ipsamcustodiam,ettradaturduobuslegalibusetdiscretishominibusdefeodoilloquisimiliterrespondeantnobis*sicutpredictumest.

4.Theguardianofthelandofanheirofthiskindwhoisunderage,isnottotakefromthelandoftheheiranythingotherthanreasonableissuesandreasonablecustomsand

reasonableservices,andthiswithoutdestructionandwasteofmenorthings.

Andifwecommitthewardshipofanysuchlandtoasherifforanyoneelsewhooughttoanswertousforitsissues,andhecausesdestructiontothewardshiporwaste,wewilltakeamendsfromhim,andthelandisto

becommittedtotwolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee,whoaretoanswerfortheissuestousortohimtowhomweassignthem.

Andifwegiveorsellthewardshipofanysuchlandtoanyone,andhethencausesdestructionorwaste,heistolosethatwardship,anditistobehandedtotwolaw-worthy

andprudentmenofthatfee,whosimilarlyshallanswertousasaforesaid.[AB,3;1225,4]

5.Custosautem,quamdiucustodiamterrehabuerit,sustentetdomos,parcos,vivaria,stagna,molendina,etceteraadterramillampertinentia,deexitibusterreeiusdem;etreddatheredi,

cumadplenametatempervenerit,terramsuamtotaminstauratamdecarruciset|waignagiissecundumquodtempuswaignagiiexigetetexitusterrerationabiliterpoteruntsustinere.

5.Theguardian,however,foraslongashehaswardshipoftheland,istomaintainthehouses,parks,fishponds,

ponds,millsandotherthingsbelongingtothatland,fromtheissuesofthesameland.Andheistodelivertotheheir,whenhecomesofage,hislandfullystockedwithploughsandwainagesaccordingtowhatthetimeofthewainagewilldemandandtheissuesofthelandwillreasonablybeabletosustain.[AB,3,35;1225,5]

6.Heredesmaritenturabsquedisparagatione,ita†quod,antequamcontrahatur,matrimoniumostendaturpropinquisdeconsanguinitateipsiusheredis.

6.Heirsaretobemarriedwithoutdisparagement,providedhoweverthat,beforeamarriageiscontracted,itistobemadeknowntothe

nearestkinofthatheir.[AB,3;1225,6]

7.Vidua‡postmortemmaritisuistatimetsinedifficultatehabeatmaritagiumethereditatemsuam,necaliquiddetprodotesua,velpromaritagiosuo,velhereditatesuaquamhereditatemmaritussuusetipsa|tenuerintdieobitusipsiusmariti,etmaneat

indomomaritisuiperquadragintadiespostmortemipsius,infraquosassignetureidossua.

7.Awidow,afterthedeathofherhusband,immediatelyandwithoutdifficulty,istohavehermarriageportionandinheritance,norshallshegiveanythingforherdower,orforhermarriageportion,orher

inheritance,whichinheritancesheandherhusbandheldonthedayofthedeathofthathusband.Andsheistoremaininthehouseofherhusbandforfortydaysafterhisdeath,withinwhichtimeherdoweristobeassignedher.[AB,4;1225,7]

8.Nullaviduadistringaturadsemaritandumdumvoluerit

viveresinemarito,itatamenquodsecuritatemfaciatquodsenonmaritabitsineassensunostro,sidenobistenuerit,velsineassensudominisuidequotenuerit,sidealiotenuerit.

8.Nowidowistobedistrainedtomarrywhileshewishestolivewithoutahusband,providedhowever

thatshegivessecuritythatshewillnotmarrywithoutourassent,ifsheholdsfromus,orwithouttheassentofherlordfromwhomsheholds,ifsheholdsfromanother.[AB,17;1225,7]

9.Necnosnecballivinostrisaisiemusterramaliquamnecredditumprodebitoaliquo|quamdiucatalladebitoris

sufficiuntaddebitumreddendum;necplegiiipsiusdebitorisdistringanturquamdiuipsecapitalisdebitorsufficitadsolutionemdebiti.

Et*sicapitalisdebitordefeceritinsolutionedebiti,nonhabensundesolvat,plegiirespondeantdedebito;et,sivoluerint,habeantterrasetredditusdebitorisdonecsit

eissatisfactumdedebitoquodanteproeosolverint,nisicapitalisdebitormonstraveritseessequietumindeversuseosdemplegios.|

9.Neitherwenorourbailiffsaretoseizeanylandorrentforanydebt,foraslongasthechattelsofthedebtorsufficetopaythedebt;norarethesuretiesofthatdebtor

tobedistrainedforaslongasthechiefdebtorhimselfhassufficientforpaymentofthedebt.

Andifthechiefdebtorfailsinthepaymentofthedebt,nothavingthewherewithaltopay,thesuretiesaretoanswerforthedebt.Andiftheywish,theyaretohavethelandsandtherentsofthedebtoruntil

satisfactionisgiventothemforthedebtwhichbeforetheypaidforhim,unlessthechiefdebtorshowsthatheisquitagainstthosesamesuretiesinthatmatter.[AB,5;1225,8]

10.SiquismutuoceperitaliquidaJudeis,plusvelminus,etmoriaturantequamdebitumilludsolvatur,debitumnonusuretquamdiu

heresfueritinfraetatem,dequocumqueteneat;etsidebitumilludincideritinmanusnostras,nosnoncapiemusnisicatallumcontentumincarta.

10.IfanyonehastakenanythingonloanfromtheJews,moreorless,anddiesbeforethatdebtispaid,thedebtisnottobearusuryfor

aslongastheheirisunderage,fromwhomeverheholds;andifthatdebtfallsintoourhands,weshallnottakeanythingsavethecapitalcontainedinthecharter.[AB,34]

11.Etsiquismoriatur,etdebitumdebeatJudeis,uxoreiushabeatdotemsuam,etnichilreddatdedebitoillo;et

siliberiipsiusdefunctiquifuerintinfraetatemremanserint,provideantureisnecessariasecundum|tenementumquodfueritdefuncti,etderesiduosolvaturdebitum,salvoservitiodominorum.

SimilimodofiatdedebitisquedebenturaliisquamJudeis.

11.Andifanyonedies,andowesadebttotheJews,hiswifeistohaveherdower,andistopaynothingofthatdebt;andifchildrenofthedeceased,whoareunderage,remain,theirneedsaretobeprovidedforinkeepingwiththetenementwhichwasthedeceased’s,andthedebtsaretobepaidfromtheresidue,savingtheserviceofthe

lords.Inasimilarway,itistobefordebtsowedtoothersthanJews.[AB,35]

12.Nullumscutagiumvelauxiliumponaturinregnonostronisipercommuneconsiliumregninostri,nisiadcorpusnostrumredimendum,etprimogenitumfiliumnostrummilitemfaciendum,etadfiliamnostram

primogenitamsemelmaritandam,etadhecnonfiatnisirationabileauxilium.

Similimodofiatdeauxiliis|decivitateLondoniarum.

12.Noscutageoraidistobeleviedinourkingdom,savebythecommoncounselofourkingdom,savefortheransomingofourbody,and

themakingofourfirst-bornsonaknight,andforthemarryingasingletimeofourfirst-borndaughter;andforthesethingsthereisonlytobeareasonableaid.[AB,32;1225,37]

InasimilarwayitistobeforaidsfromthecityofLondon.[AB,32]

13.EtcivitasLondoniarumhabeatomnesantiquaslibertatesetliberasconsuetudinessuas,tamperterras,quamperaquas.

Pretereavolumusetconcedimusquodomnesaliecivitates,etburgi,etville,etportus,habeantomneslibertatesetliberasconsuetudinessuas.

13.AndthecityofLondonistohaveallitsancientlibertiesandfreecustoms,bybothlandandwater.

Inaddition,wewishandgrantthatallothercitiesandboroughs,andvillsandports,havealltheirlibertiesandfreecustoms.[AB,32;1225,9]

14.Etadhabendumcommuneconsiliumregnideauxilioassidendoaliter*quamintribuscasibuspredictis,veldescutagioassidendo,summonerifaciemusArchiepiscopos,Episcopos,|Abbates,Comites,etmaioresbarones,sigillatimperLitterasnostras.Etpretereafaciemussummoneriingenerali,per

vicecomitesetballivosnostros,omnesillosquidenobistenentincapiteadcertumdiem,scilicetadterminumquadragintadierumadminus,etadcertumlocum;etinomnibuslitterisilliussummonitioniscausamsummonitionisexprimemus;etsicfactasummonitionenegotiumaddiemassignatumprocedatsecundumconsilium

illorumquipresentes|fuerint,quamvisnonomnessummonitivenerint.

14.Andtohavethecommoncounselofthekingdomforanaidtobeassessed,otherthaninthethreecasesaforesaid,orforascutagetobeassessed,wewillcausetobesummonedarchbishops,bishops,abbots,earlsand

greaterbarons,individuallybyourletters;andinadditionwewillcausetobesummonedingeneral,byoursheriffsandbailiffs,allthosewhoholdfromusinchief,ataspecifiedday,namelyatatermoffortydaysdistantatleast,andataspecifiedplace;andinallthelettersofthatsummons,wewillexpressthecauseofthesummons;and

thus,thesummonshavingbeenmade,thebusinessistoproceedontheassignedday,accordingtothecounselofthosewhoarepresent,althoughnotallthosesummonedcome.

15.Nosnonconcedemusdeceteroalicuiquodcapiatauxiliumdeliberishominibussuis,nisiadcorpussuum

redimendum,etadfaciendumprimogenitumfiliumsuummilitem,etadprimogenitamfiliamsuamsemelmaritandam,etadhecnonfiatnisirationabileauxilium.

15.Wewillnotgranthenceforthtoanyonethathemaytakeanaidfromhisfreemen,savefortheransomingofhisbody,andthemaking

ofhisfirst-bornsonaknight,andforthemarryingasingletimeofhisfirst-borndaughter,andforthesethingsthereisonlytobeareasonableaid.[AB,6]

16.Nullusdistringaturadfaciendummaiusservitiumdefeodomilitis,necdealioliberotenemento,quamindedebetur.

16.Nooneistobedistrainedtodomoreserviceforthefeeofaknight,orforanotherfreetenement,thanisowedtherefrom.[AB,7;1225,10]

17.Co|mmuniaplacitanonsequanturcuriamnostramsedteneanturinaliquocertoloco.†

17.Commonpleasarenottofollowourcourtbutaretobeheldinsomespecifiedplace.[AB,8;1225,11]

18.Recognitionesdenovadissaisina,demorteantecessoris,etde‡ultimapresentatione,noncapianturnisiinsuiscomitatibusethocmodo.

Nos,vel,siextraregnumfuerimus,capitalisJusticiariusnoster,mittemusduosjusticiariosperunumquemquecomitatumperquattuorvicesinanno,qui,cumquattuormilitibuscuiuslibetcomitatuselectispercomitatum,capiantincomi|tatuetindieetlococomitatusassisaspredictas.(19)Et*siindiecomitatus

assisepredictecapinonpossint,totmilitesetliberetenentesremaneantdeillisquiinterfuerintcomitatuidieillo,perquospossintsufficienterjuditia†fieri,secundumquodnegotiumfueritmaiusvelminus.

18.Recognitionsofnoveldisseisin,ofmortd’ancestor,andofdarreinpresentment,

arenottobetakenunlessintheircountiesandinthisway.

Weor,ifweareoutofourkingdom,ourchiefjusticiarshallsendtwojusticesthrougheachcountyfourtimesayear,who,withfourknightsofeachcounty,electedbythecountycourtaretotaketheaforesaidassizes,inthecountycourt

andonthedayandintheplaceofthecountycourt.[AB,8;1225,12](19)Andifonthedayofthecountycourt,theaforesaidassizescannotbetaken,enoughknightsandfreetenantsaretoremainfromthosewhoattendedthecountycourtonthatday,thatjudgementscanbeeffectivelymade,accordingtowhetherthe

businessisgreatorsmall.[AB,13;1225,12]

20.Liberhomononamercieturproparvodelicto,nisisecundummodumdelicti;etpromagnodelictoamercietursecundummagnitudinemdelicti,salvocontenementosuo,etmercatoreodem|modosalvamercandisasua,etvillanus

eodemmodoamercietursalvowaignagiosuo,siinciderintinmisericordiamnostram;etnullapredictarummisericordiarumponaturnisipersacramentumproborumhominumdevisneto.

20.Afreemanisnotbeamercedforasmalloffence,andonlyinaccordancewiththedegreeoftheoffence;and

foragreatoffence,heistobeamercedaccordingtothemagnitudeoftheoffence,savinghislivelihood,andamerchantinthesame,waysavinghismerchandise,andavilleinistobeamercedinthesamewaysavinghiswainage,iftheyfallintoourmercy.Andnoneoftheaforesaidamercementsaretobeimposedsavebytheoathof

uprightmenoftheneighbourhood.[AB,9;1225,14]

21.Comitesetbaronesnonamercienturnisiperparessuos,etnonnisisecundummodumdelicti.

21.Earlsandbaronsarenottobeamercedsavebytheirpeers,andonlyinaccordance

withthedegreeoftheoffence.[1225,14]

22.Nullusclericusamercieturdelaicotenementosuo,nisisecundummodumaliorumpredictorum,etnonsecundumquantitatembeneficiisuiecclesiastici.

22.Noclerkistobeamercedinrespectofhislaytenement,

saveaccordingtothemanneroftheothersaforesaid,andnotaccordingtothequantityofhisecclesiasticalbenefice.[AB,10;1225,14]

23.Nec‡|villanechomodistringaturfacerepontesadRiparias,nisiquiabantiquoetdeiurefaceredebent.

23.Novillnormanistobedistrainedtobuildbridgesatriverbanks,savethoseobligedtodosofromancienttimesandbylaw.[AB,11;1225,15]

24.Nullusvicecomes,Constabularius,Coronatores,velaliiballivinostri,teneantplacitacoronenostre.

24.Nosheriff,constable,coronersorotherofourbailiffsaretoholdpleasofourcrown.[AB,14;1225,17]

25.OmnesComitatus,et§Hundredi,TrethingiietWapentachii¶sintadantiquasfirmasabsqueulloincremento,exceptisdominicismaneriisnostris.

25.Allcountiesandhundreds,ridingsandwapentakes,aretobeattheancientfarmswithoutanyincrement,exceptourdemesnemanors.[AB,14]

26.Sialiquistenensdenobislaicumfeodummoriatur,etvicecomesvelBallivus|nosterostendatlitterasnostras*patentesde

summonitionenostradedebitoquoddefunctusnobisdebuit,liceatvicecomitivelBallivonostroattachiareetinbreviarecatalladefunctiinventainlaicofeodoadvalentiamilliusdebiti,pervisumlegaliumhominum,itatamenquodnichilindeamoveatur,donecpersolvaturnobisdebitumquodclarumfuit;†etresiduumrelinquatur

executoribusadfaciendumtestamentumdefuncti;et‡sinichilnobisde|beaturabipso,omniacatallacedantdefuncto,salvisuxoriipsiusetpuerisrationabilibuspartibussuis.

26.Ifanyoneholdingalayfeefromusdies,andoursherifforbailiffshowsourletterspatentforour

summonsofadebtwhichthedeceasedowedus,itistobepermissibleforoursherifforbailifftoattachandwritedownthechattelsofthedeceasedfoundinthelayfee,tothevalueofthatdebt,byviewoflaw-worthymen,providedhoweverthatnothingisremovedfromthereuntilthedebtwhichwasclearispaidtous.Andthe

residueistobelefttotheexecutorstomakethewillofthedeceased;andifnothingisowedusbyhim,allthechattelsaretopasstothedeceased,savingforhiswifeandchildrentheirreasonableshares.[AB,15;1225,18]

27.Sialiquisliberhomointestatusdecesserit,catallasuapermanuspropinquorum

parentumetamicorumsuorum,pervisumecclesiedistribuantur,salvisunicuiquedebitisquedefunctuseidebebat.

27.Ifanyfreemandiesintestate,hischattelsaretobedistributedbythehandsofhisnearestrelationsandfriends,underthesupervisionofthechurch,savingtoeachperson

thedebtswhichthedeceasedowedhim.[AB,16]

28.Nullusconstabulariusvelaliusballivusnostercapiat§bladavelaliacatallaalicuiusnisistatiminde¶reddatdenariosautrespectumindehabere|possitdevoluntatevenditoris.

28.Noconstableorotherbailiffofoursistotakethecornorotherchattelsofanyone,unlessheimmediatelygivesmoneyforthis,orisabletohaveadelaywiththeconsentofthevendor.[AB,18;1225,19]

29.Nullusconstabulariusdistringataliquemmilitemaddandumdenariosprocustodia

castrisifacerevolueritcustodiamillaminpropriapersonasuavelperaliumprobumhominem,siipseeamfacerenonpossitpropterrationabilemcausam;etsinosduxerimusvelmiserimuseuminexercitum,eritquietusdecustodiasecundumquantitatemtemporisquopernosfueritinexercitum.**

29.Noconstableistodistrainanyknighttogivemoneyfortheguardofacastle,ifhewishestoperformthatguardinhisownperson,orthroughanotheruprightman,ifhehimselfcannotdoitforareasonablecause.Andifweleadorsendhiminanarmy,hewillbequitoftheguard,accordingtotheamountoftimehewillhavebeeninthe

armybyourorder.[AB,19;1225,20]

30.Nullusvicecomes,velBallivusnoster,velaliquis|aliuscapiat††equosvelcarettasalicuiusliberihominisprocarriagiofaciendo,nisidevoluntateipsiusliberihominis.

30.Nosherifforbailiffofoursoranyoneelseistotakethehorsesorcartsofanyfreemanforcarriage,savewiththeconsentofthefreemanhimself.[AB,20;1225,21]

31.Nec*nosnecballivinostricapiemusalienumboscumadcastra,velaliaagendanostra,nisiper

voluntatemipsius†cuiusboscusillefuerit.

31.Neitherwenorourbailiffsshalltakewoodbelongingtoanotherpersonforcastles,orforourotheraffairs,unlesswiththeconsentofhimwhosewooditis.[AB,21;1225,21]

32.Nosnontenebimusterrasillorumquiconvictifuerintde‡felonianisiperunumannumetunumdiem,ettuncreddanturterredominisfeodorum.

32.Wewillnotholdthelandsofthosewhoareconvictedoffelony,saveforoneyearandoneday,andthenthelandsaretobereturnedtothelords

ofthefees.[AB,22;1225,22]

33.OmneskidellideceterodeponanturpenitusdeTamisia,et|Medewaye,§etpertotamAngliam,nisipercosterammaris.

33.AllfishweirsarehenceforthtoberemovedcompletelyfromtheThames

andtheMedway,andthroughallEngland,saveattheseashore.[AB,23;1225,23]

34.Brevequodvocaturprecipedeceterononfiatalicuidealiquotenementoundeliberhomopossit¶amitterecuriamsuam.

34.Thewritwhichiscalledprecipeisnottobemadeout

henceforthtoanyoneforanytenementwherebyafreemancouldlosehiscourt.[AB,24;1225,24]

35.Unamensuravinisitpertotumregnumnostrum,etunamensura**cervisie,etunamensurabladi,scilicetQuartariumLondoniense,etunalatitudopannorumtinctorumetRussetorumet

Halbergettorum,scilicetdueulneinfralistas.Deponderibusautemsitutdeme|nsuris.

35.Thereistobeonemeasureofwinethroughallourkingdom,andonemeasureofale,andonemeasureofcorn,namelythequarterofLondon,andonewidthoftintedcloths,and

russetsandhaubergets,namelytwoellswithintheborders.Moreover,forweightsitistobeasformeasures.[AB,12;1225,25]

36.Nichildeturvelcapiaturdeceteroprobreviinquisitionisdevitavelmenbris,sedgratisconcedaturetnonnegetur.

36.Nothingistobegivenortakenhenceforthforawritofinquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbs,butitistobegivenwithoutpaymentandnotdenied.[AB,26;1225,26]

37.Sialiquisteneatdenobisperfeodifirmam,velpersocagium,velperburgagium,etdealioterramteneatperservitiummilitare,nosnon

habebimuscustodiamheredisnecterresuequeestdefeodoalterius,occasioneilliusfeodifirme,velsocagii,velburgagii;nechabebimuscustodiamilliusfeodifirme,velsocagii,velburgagii,nisiipsafeodifirma|debeatservitiummilitare.

Nos*nonhabebimuscustodiamheredisvelterre

alicuius,quamtenetdealioperservitiummilitare,occasionealicuiusparveserianteriequamtenetdenobisperservitiumreddendinobiscultellos,velsagittas,velhuiusmodi.

37.Ifanyoneholdsfromusbyfeefarm,orbysocage,orbyburgage,andholdslandfromanotherbyknight

service,wewillnothavewardshipoftheheirnorofhislandwhichisofthefeeofanother,byreasonofthatfeefarm,orsocage,orburgage,norwillwehavewardshipofthatfeefarmorsocageorburgage,unlessthatfeefarmowesknightservice.

Wewillnothavewardshipoftheheirorthelandofanyone,

whichheholdsfromanotherbyknightservice,byreasonofanysmallserjeantywhichheholdsfromusbytheserviceofrenderingtousknives,arrowsorthingsofthatkind.[AB,27;1225,27]

38.Nullusballivusponatdeceteroaliquemadlegemsimpliciloquelasua,sine

testibusfidelibusadhocinductis.

38.Nobailiffishenceforthtoputanyonetolawonhissoleaccusationwithouttrustworthywitnessesbroughtforwardforthis.[AB,28;1225,28]

39.Nullusliberhomocapiatur,velinprisonetur,aut

dissaisiatur,aututlaghetur,autexuletur,autaliquomodo|destruatur,necsupereumibimus,necsupereummittemus,nisiperlegaleiuditiumpariumsuorumvelperlegemterre.

39.Nofreemanistobearrested,orimprisoned,ordisseised,oroutlawed,orexiled,orinanyway

destroyed,norwillwegoagainsthim,norwillwesendagainsthim,savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.[AB,29;1225,29]

40.Nullivendemus,nullinegabimus,autdifferemus,rectumaut†justitiam.

40.Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.[AB,30;1225,29]

41.Omnesmercatoreshabeantsalvumetsecurumexireab‡Anglia,etvenireinAngliam,§morarietireperAngliam,tamperterramquamperaquam,ademendumetvendendumsine

omnibusmalistoltis,perantiquasetrectasconsuetudines,preterquamintemporeguerre,etsisintdeterra|contranosguerrina,etsitalesinvenianturinterranostrainprincipioguerre,attachientursinedampnocorporumetrerum,donecsciaturanobisvelcapitalijusticiarionostroquomodomercatoresterrenostre

tractentur,quituncinvenienturinterracontranosguerrina;etsinostrisalvisintibi,aliisalvisintinterranostra.

41.AllmerchantsaretobesafeandsecuredepartingfromEnglandandenteringintoEngland,andstayingandgoingthroughEngland,bothbylandandbywater,tobuy

andsell,withoutanyevilexactions,accordingtoancientandrightcustoms,saveintimeofwar,andiftheyarefromalandatwarwithus.Andifsucharefoundinourlandatthebeginningofthewar,theyaretobeattachedwithoutdamageofbodyandgoods,untilitisknownbyusorourchiefjusticiar,howthe

merchantsofourlandaretreated,whothenarefoundinthelandatwarwithus,andifoursaresafethere,theothersaretobesafeinourland.[AB,31;1225,30]

42.Liceatunicuiquedeceteroexirederegnonostro,etrediresalvoetsecureperterrametperaquam,salvafidenostra,nisitempore

guerreperaliquodbrevetempus,|proptercommunemutilitatemregni,exceptisinprisonatisetutlaghatissecundumlegemregni,etgentedeterracontranosguerrina,etmercatoribusdequibusfiatsicutpredictumest.

42.Itistobeallowableforanyonehenceforthtodepart

fromourkingdom,andreturnsafelyandsecurely,bylandandbywater,savingourfaith,saveintimeofwarforsomebrieftime,forthecommonutilityofthekingdom,exceptthoseimprisonedandoutlawedaccordingtothelawofthekingdom,andpeoplefromalandatwarwithus,and

merchantsforwhomitistobeasaforesaid.[AB,33]

43.Siquistenueritdealiquaescaeta,sicutdehonoreWallingeford’,Notingeham’,Bolonie,Lancastrie,veldealiisescaetis,quesuntinmanunostra,etsuntbaronie,etobierit,hereseiusnondetaliudrelevium,necfaciataliudnobisservitium*quam

faceretbaronisibaroniaillaesset|inmanubaronis;et†noseodemmodoeamtenebimusquobaroeamtenuit.

43.Ifanyonedieswhoholdsfromanyescheat,asfromthehonourofWallingford,Nottingham,Boulogne,Lancaster,orfromotherescheatswhichareinour

hand,andarebaronies,hisheirisnottogiveusotherrelief,nortodousotherservice,thanhewoulddotothebaronifthatbaronywasinthehandofabaron;andwewillholditinthesamewayasthebaronheldit.[AB,36;1225,31]

44.Hominesquimanentextraforestamnonveniant

deceterocoramjusticiariisnostrisdeforestapercommunessummonitiones,nisisintinplacitovelplegiialicuiusvelaliquorumquiattachiatisintproforesta.

44.Menwholiveoutsidetheforestarenothenceforthtocomebeforeourjusticesoftheforestthroughthecommonsummonses,unless

theyareinaplea,orthesuretiesofsomepersonorpersonswhohavebeenattachedfortheforestbusiness.[AB,39;1225ForestCharter,2]

45.Nosnonfaciemusjusticiarios,‡constabularios,vicecomites,velballivos,nisidetalibusquisciantlegem

regnieteambenevelintobservare.

45.Wewillnotmakejustices,constables,sheriffsorbailiffs,savefromthosewhoknowthelawofthekingdomandwishtoobserveitwell.[AB,42]

46.Omnes|baronesquifundaveruntAbbatias,unde

habentcartasRegumAnglie,velantiquamtenuram,habeantearumcustodiamcumvacaverint,sicuthaberedebent.

46.Allbaronswhohavefoundedabbeys,forwhichtheyhavechartersofthekingsofEngland,orancienttenure,aretohavecustodyofthesewhentheybecome

vacant,astheyoughttohave.[AB,43;1225,33]

47.Omnesforestequeafforestatesunttemporenostro,statimdeafforestentur;etitafiatderipariisquepernostemporenostropositesuntindefenso.

47.Allforestswhichhavebeenafforestedinourtime

aretobeimmediatelydeforested;anditistobethesameforriverbankswhichthroughusinourtimehavebeenplacedinenclosure.[AB,47;1225,16;1225ForestCharter,3]

48.Omnesmaleconsuetudinesdeforestisetwarrennis,etdeforestariisetwarrennariis,vicecomitibus,

eteorumministris,Ripariis|etearumcustodibus,statiminquiranturinquolibetcomitatuperduodecimmilitesiuratosdeeodemcomitatu,quidebenteligiperproboshomineseiusdemcomitatus,etinfraquadragintadiespostinquisitionemfactam,penitus,itaquodnumquamrevocentur,deleantur*per

eosdem.Itaquodnoshocprius†sciamusveljusticiariusnoster,si‡inAnglianonfuerimus.

48.Allevilcustomsofforestsandwarrens,andofforestersandwarreners,sheriffsandtheirministers,riverbanksandtheirkeepers,aretobeimmediatelyinquiredintoineachcountybytwelvesworn

knightsofthesamecounty,whoaretobeelectedbyuprightmenofthesamecounty,andwithinfortydaysaftertheinquiryhasbeenmade,theyaretobewhollyabolishedbythem,sothattheyareneverrevived,providedthatwe,orourjusticiar,ifwearenotinEngland,knowaboutitbeforehand.[AB,39]

49.OmnesobsidesetcartasstatimreddemusqueliberatefueruntnobisabAnglicisinsecuritatempacisvelfide|lisservitii.

49.WewillimmediatelyreturnallhostagesandcharterswhichweregiventousbyEnglishmenassecurityforpeaceorfaithfulservice.[AB,38]

50.NosamovebimuspenitusdeballiisparentesGerardideAtyes§quoddeceteronullamhabeantballiaminAnglia;EngelardumdeCygoyny,Andream,PetrumetGyonemdeCancellis,¶GyonemdeCygoyny,GalfridumdeMartinyetfratreseius,PhilippumMarc’,etfratreseius,etGalfridumnepotemeius,ettotamsequelam

eorumdem;(51)et**statimpostpacisreformationemamovebimusderegnoomnesalienigenasmilites,Balistarios,servientes|stipendiarios,quivenerintcumequisetarmisadnocumentumregni.

50.Wewillremovecompletelyfromtheirbailiwicksthekinsmenof

Gerardd’Athée,sothathenceforththeyshallholdnobailiwickinEngland:EngelarddeCigogné,Andrew,PeterandGiodeChanceaux,GiodeCigogné,GeoffreydeMartigny,andhisbrothers,PhilipMarcandhisbrothers,andGeoffreyhisnephew,andalltheirfollowing.[AB,40](51)Andimmediatelyafterthe

restorationofpeace,wewillremovefromthekingdomallalienknights,cross-bowmen,serjeants,mercenaries,whohavecomewithhorsesandarmstotheharmofthekingdom.[AB,41]

52.Siquisfueritdissaisitusvelelongatuspernossinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,deterris,castellis,††

libertatibus,veliuresuo,statimeaeirestituemus;etsicontentiosuperhocortafuerit,tuncindefiat‡‡perjuditiumvigintiquinquebaronum,dequibusfitmentioinferiusinsecuritatepacis.

Deomnibusautemillisdequibusaliquisdissaisitusfueritvelelongatussinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,per

Henricum|RegempatremnostrumvelperRicardumregemfratremnostrum,queinmanunostrahabemus,velquealiitenent,quenosoporteatwarantizare,respectumhabebimususqueadcommunemterminumcrucesignatorum;exceptisillisdequibusplacitummotumfuitvelinquisitiofactaperpreceptumnostrum,

antesusceptionemcrucisnostre.

Cumautemredierimusdeperegrinationenostra,velsiforteremanserimusaperegrinationenostra,statimindeplenamiustitiamexhibebimus.

52.Ifanyonehasbeendisseisedordispossessedby

us,withoutlawfuljudgementofhispeers,oflands,castles,libertiesorhisright,wewillrestorethesetohimimmediately.Andifadisputearisesaboutthis,thenitistobedealtwithbythejudgementofthetwenty-fivebaronsofwhommentionismadebelowinthesecurityofpeace.

Concerning,however,allthosewhohavebeendisseisedordispossessedwithoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeersbyKingHenry,ourfather,orbyKingRichard,ourbrother,whichthingswehaveinourhand,orwhichothershold,whichweoughttowarrant,wewillhaverespiteuntilthecommontermofcrusaders;

exceptforthosethingsconcerningwhichapleahasbeenmovedoraninquestmadebyourorder,beforethereceivingofourcross.

When,however,wereturnfrompilgrimage,orifbychanceweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillthenimmediatelygivefulljustice.[AB,25]

53.Eundem*autem|respectumhabebimus,eteodemmodo,deiustitiaexhibendadeforestisdeafforestandis†velremansurisforestis,quasHenricuspaternostervelRicardusfraternosterafforestaverunt,etdecustodiisterrarumquesuntdealienofeodo,cuiusmodicustodiashucusquehabuimus

occasionefeodiquodaliquisdenobistenuitperservitiummilitare.EtdeAbbatiisquefundatefuerintinfeodoalteriusquamnostro,inquibusdominusfeodidixeritseiushabere.Etcumredierimus,velsireman|serimusaperegrinationenostra,superhiisconquerentibusplenamiustitiamstatimexhibebimus.

53.Weshallhavethesamerespite,andinthesameway,concerningthegivingofjusticewithregardtoforeststobedeforestedorforeststoberetained,whichHenry,ourfather,orRichard,ourbrother,afforested,andconcerningthewardshipoflandswhichareofthefeeofanother,wardshipsofwhichkindwehavehadhithertoby

reasonofafeewhichsomebodyheldfromusbyknightservice;andconcerningabbeyswhichhavebeenfoundedinthefeeofanother,notourown,inwhichthelordofthefeesayshehasright.Andwhenwereturn,orifweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillimmediatelygivefulljusticeonthesethingstothe

complainants.[1225ForestCharter,1,3]

54.Nulluscapiaturnecinprisoneturpropterappellumfeminedemortealteriusquamvirisui.

54.Nooneistobearrestedorimprisonedthroughtheappealofawomanforthe

deathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.[1225,34]

55.Omnesfinesquiiniusteetcontralegemterrefactisuntnobiscum,etomniaamerciamentafactainiusteetcontralegemterre,omninocondonentur,velfiatindeperiuditiumvigintiquinquebaronumdequibusfitmentioinferiusinsecuritatepacis,

velperiuditiummaiorispartis|eorumdem,unacumpredictoStephanoCantuariensiArchiepiscopo,siinteressepoterit,etaliisquossecumadhocvocarevoluerit:etsiinteressenonpoterit,nichilominusprocedatnegotiumsineeo.Itaquod,sialiquisvelaliquidepredictisvigintiquinquebaronibusfuerintinsimiliquerela,

amoveanturquantumadhociuditium,etaliilocoeorumperresiduosdeeisdemvigintiquinque,*tantumadhocfaciendumelectietiuratisubstituantur.†

55.Allfineswhichhavebeenmadewithusunjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland,andallamercementsmadeunjustlyandagainstthelaw

oftheland,aretobecompletelyremitted,ordealtwithbythejudgementofthetwenty-fivebaronsofwhommentionismadebelowinthesecurityofpeace,orbythejudgementofthegreaterpartofthem,togetherwiththeaforesaidStephen,archbishopofCanterbury,ifhewillbeabletoattend,andwithotherswhomhewishestocallwith

himforthis.Andifhewillnotbeabletoattend,nonethelessthebusinessistoproceedwithouthim,providedthatifanypersonorpersonsfromtheaforesaidtwenty-fivebaronsisinsuchaplea,theyaretoberemovedjustforthatjudgement,andothersinplaceofthem,chosenandswornjusttomakethatjudgement,areto

besubstitutedbytherestofthetwenty-five.[AB,37]

56.Sinosdisseisivimusvelelongavi|muswalensesdeterrisvellibertatibusvelrebusaliis,sinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,‡inangliavelinwallia,eisstatimreddantur;etsicontentiosuperhocortafuerit,tuncindefiatinmarchiaper

iuditiumpariumsuorum,detenementisangliesecundumlegemanglie,detenementiswalliesecundumlegemwallie,detenementismarchiesecundumlegemmarchie.Idemfacientwalensesnobisetnostris.

56.IfwehavedisseisedordispossessedWelshmenoflands,orlibertiesorother

things,withoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeers,inEnglandorinWales,thosethingsaretobeimmediatelyrestoredtothem.Andifadisputearisesaboutthis,thenitistobedealtwithintheMarchbyjudgementoftheirpeers,concerningtenementsinEnglandaccordingtothelawofEngland,concerningtenementsofWales,

accordingtothelawofWales,concerningtenementsoftheMarch,accordingtothelawoftheMarch.Welshmenshalldothesameforusandourmen.[AB,44]

57.Deomnibusautemillisdequibusaliquiswalensiumdissaisitusfuerit|velelongatus§sinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,per

HenricumregempatremnostrumvelRicardumRegemfratremnostrumquenosinmanunostrahabemus,velquealiitenentquenosoporteatwarantizare,respectumhabebimususqueadcommunemterminumcrucesignatorum,illisexceptisdequibusplacitummotumfuitvelinquisitiofactaperpreceptumnostrum

antesusceptionemcrucisnostre.Cumautemredierimus,velsiforteremanserimusaperegrinationenostra,statimeisindeplenamiusticiam|exhibebimus,secundumlegeswalensium¶etpartespredictas.

57.Concerning,however,allthethingsofwhichany

Welshmanhasbeendisseisedordispossessed,withoutlawfuljudgementofhispeers,byKingHenry,ourfather,orKingRichard,ourbrother,whichwehaveinourhand,orwhichothersholdwhichweoughttowarrant,wewillhaverespiteuntilthecommontermofcrusaders,thosethingsexceptedconcerningwhichapleahas

beenmovedoraninquesthasbeenmadebyourorderbeforethereceivingofourcross.When,however,wereturn,orifbychanceweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillthenimmediatelygivefulljusticetothemaccordingtothelawsoftheWelshandtheforesaidparts.[AB,44]

58.NosreddemusfiliumLeulinistatim,etomnesobsidesdewallia,etcartasquenobisliberatefueruntinsecuritatempacis.

58.WewillreturnthesonofLlywelynimmediately,andallhostagesfromWales,andthecharterswhichhavebeendeliveredtousassecurityofpeace.[AB,45]

59.NosfaciemusAlexandroRegiscottorumdesororibussuisetobsidibusreddendis,etlibertatibussuis,etjuresuo,secundumformaminquafaciemusaliisbaronibusnostrisAnglie,nisialiteressedebeatpercartasquashabemusdeWillelmopatreipsius,*quondamregescottorum;ethoceritper|

iuditiumparium|suorumincurianostra.

59.WewilldealwithAlexander,kingofScots,concerningtherestorationofhissistersandhostages,andhislibertiesandhisright,accordingtotheforminwhichwewilldealwithourotherbaronsofEngland,unlessitshouldbeotherwise

byreasonofthecharterswhichwehavefromWilliam,hisfather,oncekingofScots,andthiswillbebyjudgementofhispeersinourcourt.[AB,46]

60.Omnesautemistasconsuetudinespredictasetlibertatesquasnosconcessimus†inregnonostrotenendasquantumadnos

pertineterganostros,omnesderegnonostro,tamclericiquamlaici,observent‡quantumadsepertinetergasuos.

60.Alltheseaforesaidcustomsandliberties,moreover,whichwehavegrantedtobeheldinourkingdom,asmuchasitpertainstoustowardsour

men,allthemenofourkingdom,bothclerksandlaymen,aretoobserve,asmuchasitpertainstothem,totheirmen.[AB,48;1225,37;1225ForestCharter,17]

61.Cumautemprodeo,etademendationemregninostri,etadmeliussopiendamdiscordiaminternosetbaronesnostrosortam,hec

omniapredictaconcesserimus,volenteseaintegraetfirma§stabilitateinperpetuumgaudere,¶facimusetconce|dimuseissecuritatemsubscriptam;videlicetquodbaroneseligent**vigintiquinquebaronesderegnoquosvoluerint,quidebeantprototisviribussuisobservare,tenere,etfacereobservari,

pacemetlibertatesquaseisconcessimus,ethacpresenticartanostraconfirmavimus.Itascilicetquod,sinos,veljusticiariusnoster,velballivinostri,velaliquisdeministrisnostris,inaliquoergaaliquemdeliquerimus,velaliquemarticulorumpacisautsecuritatistransgressifuerimus,etdelictumostensum|fueritquattuor

baronibusdepredictisvigintiquinquebaronibus,illiquattuorbaronesaccedent††adnosveladjusticiariumnostrum,sifuerimusextraregnum,proponentesnobisexcessum;*petentutexcessumillumsinedilationefaciamusemendari.Etsinosexcessumnonemendaverimus,vel,sifuerimusextraregnum,

justiciariusnosternonemendaveritinfratempusquadragintadierumcomputandumatemporequomonstratumfueritnobisveljusticiarionostro†siextraregnumfuerimus,predicti|quattuorbaronesreferantcausam‡adresiduosdeillis§vigintiquinquebaronibus,etillivigintiquinquebaronescumcommunatotiusterre

distringentetgravabuntnosmodisomnibusquibuspoterunt,scilicet¶percaptionemcastrorum,terrarum,possessionum,etaliismodisquibuspoterunt,donecfueritemendatumsecundumarbitriumeorum,salvapersonanostraetReginenostreetliberorumnostrorum;etcumfuerit

emendatum,intendentnobissicutpriusfecerunt.

Etquicumquevolueritde|terra,iuretquodadpredictaomniaexequenda,parebitmandatispredictorumvigintiquinquebaronum,etquodgravabitnospropossesuocumipsis,etnospubliceetliberedamuslicentiamiurandicuilibetquiiurare

voluerit,etnulliumquamiurareprohibebimus.

Omnesautemillosdeterraquiperseetspontesuanoluerintiurare**vigintiquinquebaronibus,dedistringendoetgravandonoscumeis,faciemusiurareeosdemdemandatonostro,sicutpredictumest.

Etsialiquisde††vigin|tiquinquebaronibusdecesserit,velaterrarecesserit,velaliquoaliomodoimpeditusfuerit,quominusistapredictapossent‡‡exequi,quiresiduifuerintdepredictis§§vigintiquinquebaronibuseligantaliumlocoipsius,proarbitriosuo,quisimilimodoeritiuratusquoetceteri.

Inomnibusautemqueistisvigintiquinquebaronibuscommittunturexequenda,siforteipsivigintiquinquepresentesfuerint,etintersesuperrealiquadiscordaverint,velaliquiexeissummonitinolintvelneq|ueantinteresse,ratumhabeaturetfirmumquodmaiorparseorumquipresentesfuerint,providerit,

velpreceperit,acsiomnesvigintiquinqueinhocconsensissent.Etpredictivigintiquinqueiurentquodomniaantedictafideliterobservabunt,etprototopossesuofacientobservari.

Etnosnichilimpetrabimusabaliquo,pernosnecperalium,perquodaliquaistarumconcessionumet*libertatum

revoceturvelminuatur.Etsialiquidtaleimpetratumfueritirritumsitetinaneetnumquam|eoutemurpernosnecperalium.

61.Since,moreover,forGodandforthereformofourkingdomandforthebetterquietingofthediscordarisenbetweenusandourbarons,wehavegrantedallthethings

aforesaid,wishingthesethingstoenjoyacompleteandfirmdurabilityinperpetuity,wemakeandgrantthemthebelowwrittensecurity:namelythatthebaronsshallchoosetwenty-fivebaronsofthekingdom,whomtheywish,whoshouldwithalltheirstrengthobserve,keepandcausetobeobserved,thepeaceand

libertieswhichwehavegrantedtothem,andhaveconfirmedbythisourpresentcharter,sonamelythatifwe,orourjusticiar,orourbailiffs,oranyofourministers,offendsagainstanyoneinanyway,ortransgressesanyofthearticlesofpeaceorsecurity,andtheoffenceisshowntofourbaronsoftheaforesaid

twenty-fivebarons,thesefourbaronsshallgotousorourjusticiar,ifweareoutofthekingdom,puttingbeforeusthetransgression;theyshallseekthatwecausethattransgressiontoberedressedwithoutdelay.Andifwedonotredressit,or,ifweareoutofthekingdom,ourjusticiardoesnotredressit,withinthetimeoffortydaystobe

countedfromthetimewhenitisshowntousorourjusticiar,ifweareoutofthekingdom,theaforesaidfourbaronsaretoreferthecausetotherestofthosetwenty-fivebarons,andthosetwenty-fivebarons,withthecommuneofalltheland,shalldistrainanddistressusinallwaystheycan,namelybythetakingofcastles,lands,possessions,

andinotherwaysastheyshallbeable,untilitisredressed,accordingtotheirjudgement,savingourpersonandthoseofourqueenandourchildren.Andwhenitisredressed,theyshallobeyusastheydidbefore.

Andwhosoeverofthelandwishes,istoswearthatfortheexecutingofallthe

aforesaidthings,heshallobeytheordersoftheforesaidtwenty-fivebarons,andthathewilldistressuswiththemaccordingtohisability,andwepubliclyandfreelygivelicencetosweartoanyonewhowishestoswear,andtonoonewillweeverprohibitswearing.

Allthose,however,ofthelandwhodonotwishoftheirownaccordandspontaneouslytosweartothetwenty-fivebarons,concerningdistraininganddistressinguswiththem,weshallcausethesesametoswearbyourorder,asisaforesaid.

Andifanyofthetwenty-fivebaronsdies,ordepartsfromtheland,orinanyotherwayisimpeded,sothattheyarethelessabletocarryouttheforesaidthings,thosewhoremainoftheaforesaidtwenty-fivebaronsaretochooseanotherinhisplace,accordingtotheirdecision,whowillbesworninthesamewayastheothers.

Inallthethings,moreover,whicharecommittedtothesetwenty-fivebaronstobedealtwith,ifbychancethesetwenty-fivearepresent,anddisagreeamongthemselvesonanything,orifanyofthem,havingbeensummoned,shouldnotwishorshouldbeunabletoattend,whatthegreaterpartofthosewhoarepresentprovideor

order,istobetreatedasratifiedandbinding,asifallthetwenty-fivehadconsentedtothis.Andtheaforesaidtwenty-fivearetoswearthattheywillfaithfullyobservealltheaforesaidthings,andtothebestoftheirabilitywillcausethemtobeobserved.

Andwewillobtainnothingfromanybody,byusnorby

another,bywhichanyoftheseconcessionsandlibertiesmayberevokedordiminished;andifanysuchthingisobtained,itistobeinvalidandvoid,andwewillneveruseit,eitherthroughourselvesorthroughanother.[AB,49]

62.Et†omnesmalasvoluntates,indignationes,et

rancores,ortosinternosethominesnostros,clericosetlaicos,atemporediscordie,pleneomnibusremisimusetcondonavimus.

Pretereaomnestrangressionesfactasoccasioneeiusdem‡discordie,aPaschaannoRegninostrisextodecimousqueadpacemreformatam,

pleneremisimusomnibus,clericisetlaicis,etquantumadnospertinet,plenecondonavimus.

Etinsuper,fecimuseisfieri|litterastestimonialespatentesDominiStephaniCantuariensisArchiepiscopi,DominiHenriciDublinensisArchiepiscopi,§etEpiscoporumpredictorum,et

MagistriPandulfi,supersecuritateista¶etconcessionibusprefatis.

62.Andallillwill,indignationandrancourwhichhasarisenbetweenusandourmen,clerksandlaymen,fromthetimeofthediscord,wehavefullyremittedandpardonedtoeveryone.

Inaddition,alltransgressionsperpetratedonoccasionoftheaforesaiddiscord,fromEasterinthesixteenthyearofourreign,untiltherestorationofpeace,wehavefullyremittedtoall,clerksandlaymen,andasmuchasitbelongstous,havefullypardoned.

And,moreover,wehavecausedtobemadeforthem

letterspatenttestimonialoflordStephen,archbishopofCanterbury,oflordHenry,archbishopofDublin,andoftheaforesaidbishops,andofMasterPandulf,onthissecurityandtheaforesaidconcessions.

63.Quarevolumusetfirmiterprecipimusquodanglicanaecclesialiberasitetquod

hominesinregnonostrohabeantetteneantomnesprefataslibertates,jura,etconcessiones,beneet*inpace,libereetquiete,pleneetintegre,sibiet|heredibussuis,denobisetheredibusnostris,inomnibusrebusetlocis,inperpetuum,sicutpredictumest.

Juratumestautem,tamexpartenostraquamexpartebaronum,quodhecomniasupradictabonafideetsinemaloingenioservabuntur.†

Testibussupradictisetmultisaliis.

DatapermanumnostraminPratoquodvocaturRunimed’interWindleshor’etStanes|

QuintodecimodieJunii,AnnoRegniNostriSeptimodecimo.‡

63.Wherefore,wewishandfirmlycommandthattheEnglishchurchbefree,andthatthemeninourkingdomhaveandholdalltheaforesaidliberties,rightsandconcessions,wellandinpeace,freelyandquietly,

fullyandcompletely,forthemandtheirheirs,fromusandourheirs,inallthingsandplaces,inperpetuity,asisaforesaid.

Moreover,ithasbeenswornbothonourpartandonthepartofthebarons,thatallthesethingsabovesaidwillbeobservedingoodfaithandwithoutevilintent.

Witnessestheabovesaidandmanyothers.

GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign.*

3

KingJohnandtheSourcesforHisReign

JohnwastheyoungestsonofKingHenryIIandEleanorofAquitaine.HeaccededtothethroneofEngland,onthedeathofhisbrotherRichardtheLionheart,in1199.YethewasfarmorethansimplykingofEngland.AtitsstartMagnaCartaproclaimedhimalso‘lordofIreland,dukeofNormandyandAquitaine,countofAnjou’.Inan

importantrespect,eventhispanoplyoftitlesfailedtoreflectJohn’spower,foritsuggestednothingofhisdominanceoverWalesandScotland.ItwasthatwhichprovokedtheWelshrulersandthekingofScots,AlexanderII,toallywiththebaronsin1215.TherewerechaptersintheirfavourinMagnaCarta,makingita

British,notjustanEnglish,document.Norweretheotherdominionsirrelevanttowhathappenedin1215.Quitethereverse.TherebellionhadnofootinginIreland,andthe1215Charterwasnotsentthere,butJohn’squarrelswithsomeofhisgreatestbaronshadmajorIrishdimensions.1Evenmoreimportant,indeedabsolutely

crucial,wasthecontinentalempire.HowrightthatNormandy,AquitaineandAnjoustandinlargelettersonthefirstlineofMagnaCarta,asthoughweighingdownalltherest!ThefinancialburdensplacedonEnglandtodefendandrecoverthecontinentalempirewerethesinglemostimportantcauseofMagnaCarta.HadJohn

beencontentwithrulingEnglandanddominatingBritainandIreland,therewouldhavebeennoCharter.Theassemblageof

territoriesproclaimedinJohn’stitlewasputtogetherbyHenryII.HenrybegantoruleinAnjouandNormandyin1151.Anjouhehadinheritedfromhisfather,Geoffrey,hencethewaythat

historiansrefertothedynastyasthatoftheAngevins,whilecallingthedominionsundertheirruletheAngevinempire.Henry’stitletoNormandy,astoEngland,camefromhismother,Matilda,daughterofHenryI(r.1100–1135),andthusagranddaughterofWilliamtheConqueror.In1152HenryII’smarriagetoEleanorofAquitainebrought

himherextensiveduchy,whichembracedbothPoitouandGascony.ThenHenry,endingatlastthelongcivilwar,forcedKingStephentoaccepthisclaimtothethroneofEngland,becomingkingonthelatter’sdeathin1154.Morewastocome,forHenry’sinterventioninIrelandin1171–2createdthedynasty’slordshipthere.He

conferreditonJohn,who,atthestartofhisreign,added‘lordofIreland’totheroyaltitles.Thecontinentaldominions,

Normandy,AnjouandAquitaine,wereheldasfiefsfromtheCapetiankingofFrance.Theymightbeliabletoforfeitureforanybreachofthehomageandservicethatwasowedhim.Intheearly

yearsofHenryII’sreign,thelikelihoodofanysuchsentencebeingenforcedwasnegligible,giventheweaknessoftheCapetianking,LouisVII(r.1137–80).EverythingbegantochangewiththeaccessionofPhilipII,latercalledAugustus,in1180.Hisburningaimwastoweaken,and,ifpossible,destroytheAngevinempire.

Graduallyhebuiltuptheresourcestodoso.HealsoprovedamasteratexploitingdivisionswithintheAngevinfamily.WhenHenrydiedin1189,onlytwoofhissonsbyEleanorofAquitaineremainedalive,RichardandJohn.RichardsucceededtoEnglandandtoallthecontinentalpossessions,andthenleftimmediatelyon

crusade.DuringRichard’sabsenceintheHolyLand,andthenincaptivityinGermany,JohnfirstchallengedthegovernmentinEnglandandthenlaidclaimtothethrone.PhilipAugustus,meanwhile,overranmuchofNormandy.Richard,onhisreturnin1194,havingputdownwhatwasleftofJohn’srevolt,

spentthefollowingyearsonthecontinentinafiercestruggletorecoverwhathehadlost.Hehadgreatsuccess,yetfailedtoputthefrontiersofNormandybacktotheirstatein1189.2Then,in1199,Richard’sdramaticcareerwasabruptlyended.LayingsiegetothecastleofChalus-ChabrolintheLimousin,helefthistentone

eveningonatourofinspection.Withcharacteristicbutfatalself-confidence,hehadnotdonnedhisarmour.Hewascarryingashield,butthenfailedtoduckbehinditintimewhenanarrowwingeditswaytowardshimfromthebattlements.Thearrowbitdeepintohisshoulder,itsextractionwasbotched,the

woundfestered,andRicharddiedon6April.3Hewaschildless.Thereweretwocandidatesforthesuccession,JohnhimselfandhisnephewArthur,thesonofJohn’sdeceasedolderbrotherGeoffreyofBrittany.Arthur,however,wasonlytwelve,andhadfewsupportersamongtheAnglo-Normanbarons.Johnwasableto

secureNormandyandEnglandwithoutdifficulty.In1200,bytheTreatyofLeGoulet,KingPhilipacceptedhissuccessiontoallthecontinentaldominions.Ofthedisastersthatsoonfollowed,wewillsaysomethinginChapter7.Theyculminatedin1203–4withJohn’slossofNormandyandAnjou.Hespentmuchofthenextten

yearsexploitingEnglandinordertogaintheresourcestowintheempireback.ThefinancialexactionsofAngevingovernmentwerealreadyunpopularin1199.Nowthesituationseemedmanytimesworse.TheresultwasMagnaCarta.TheneedsoftheAngevin

empirecannotbeseeninisolationfromthesystemof

governmentthatfedthemandthestructureofthesocietyonwhichthatfeedingimpacted.BotharereflectedpowerfullyintheCharter,aswewillseeinChapters4to6.Equallyimportantwerethepoliticalideas,discussedinChapter8,thatsetthestandardsbywhichtheking’srulewasjudged.Importanttoowasthecharacteroftheking.John’s

governmentwouldhavebeenunpopularwhateverhischaracter,giventhelevelofhisexactions.Yethadhebeenabetterman,hemightwellhavegotawaywiththem.Withouttheintensehostilitytohimasaperson,therewouldhavebeennorevoltandnoMagnaCarta.TheCharteritselfcanseem

verypersonaltoKingJohn.

Hisnameisitsfirstword,the‘J’insomeoftheengrossmentsandlatercopiesbeingelongatedanddecorated.Thewords‘we’and‘our’–‘nos’and‘noster’–appearnofewerthan139timesinthetext.Atitsend,John‘gives’theCharterwithhisownhand.Andthen,hangingbeneathalltheoriginalswouldhavebeen

John’sseal.Thereheappeared,ononeside,sittingelegantlycrownedandholdingorbandsword,whileontheothersidehewasastridehishorse,inarmour,brandishinghissword,andwithashieldbearingthelionsofEngland.Thesealgaveawonderfulpictureofkingship’smajestyandmight.Howironicthatitshould

authenticateacharterthatwasdesignedtodiminishboth!TheCharteralsosuggested

somethingofthemenacingcontradictionsinJohn’scharacter.Atitsstart,JohnsaidthathewasactingforthehonourofGod,thehealthofhissoul,theexaltationofholychurchandthereformofhiskingdom.Noblesentiments,whichdidnot

comealtogetherfalselyfromhislips.TheywerecertainlynotinventedjustfortheCharter,forJohnoftenexplainedhisactionsinsuchterms.YettheCharteralsosuggestedJohn’sotherside.Underchapter62,heremitted‘allillwill,indignationandrancour’betweenhimselfandhismen,angryfeelingsfromwhichmightflowthearrest,

imprisonment,outlawry,dispossession,exileanddestructionmentionedinchapter39.TheCharteralsotestifiedpowerfullytothebeliefthatJohnwasutterlyuntrustworthy.Hencethewaythesecurityclausegavesuchextraordinarycoercivepowerstothetwenty-fivebaronsandthecommuneofthelandifJohnbrokethe

agreement.SuspicionalsohoveredoverJohn’ssincerityasacrusader,hencethewaytheCharterenvisagedthathemightneverinfactsetout.AndJohn’spromiseattheendoftheChartertoseeknothingbywhichitmightbeinvalidatedrevealedalltooclearlythesuspicionthatheintendedtodojustthat.John’scharacterwasfarfrom

straightforward,whichwasonereasonwhyhewassodangerous.Hewasperfectlycapableofactinginwhatappearedtobeagraciousandconsensualmanner.Hefrequentlysaidhewishedtoupholdlawandcustom.Ontheotherhand,hecouldequallybehaveinwaysthatseemedutterlyunacceptable.Thebetteroneknewhim,the

moreonedetectedthemalevolencebehindthesmileandtheknifebeneaththecloak.Johnwasinhisearly

thirtieswhenhecametothethronein1199andlatefortiesatthetimeofMagnaCarta,havingbeenborninEnglandin1166or1167.Weknowlittleofhisphysicalappearance.Overhistombin

Worcestercathedralliesaneffigyofthekingmadefromdark,ratherforbiddingPurbeckmarble.ItgivesJohnashortbeard,aclippedmoustacheandasmallish,almostdelicatefacewithprominentcheekbones.AlthoughpresumablyfinishedintimefortheremovalofJohn’sbodytoitsnewtombin1232,thereisno

reasontothinkthatitbearsalikenesstohim.4Thetombitselfwasopenedin1797,whensomegreyhairswerediscernibleunderthecoveringofthehead,acoveringthatdisappointinglywasnotremoved.Theteethinthedisplacedupperjawweregood,andthebonesoftherightfootwerewellpreserved‘ontwoorthreeof

whichthenailswerestillvisible’.Someteeth,athumbboneandashoefromthetombaredisplayedintheBritishLibrary’sMagnaCartaexhibition.Thebodymeasuredfivefootsixandahalfinches,soJohn,forthetime,wasofreasonableheight.5When,therefore,Gervase,amonkofCanterbury,writingofearly

inthereign,spokeofJohn’s‘smallnessofbody’–‘corporisparvitatem’–hewasprobablyreferringtotheslightnessofhisframe.Later,givenhisgoodappetite,forwhichthereisampleevidence,heprobablyputonweight.TheStAlbanschronicler,MatthewParis,hasaformerservantofJohn,inthecourseofnarratinga

veryfancifulstory,describehimas‘stronginbody,nottall,butrathercompact’.6

HowthencanwegetafeelforwhatJohnwaslike?Theansweristhroughtheworksofcontemporarywritersandthroughtherecordsofroyalgovernment.ThischapterexploresJohn’spersonalityasseenthroughthelensofboth,therebyalsoprovidingan

introductiontowhatarethemostimportantsourcesfortheMagnaCartaperiod.ThecontemporarieswhowroteaboutKingJohnhavenotreceivedagoodpress,beingoftenjudgedbothprejudicedandinaccurate.YetitisremarkablehowmanyaccountswerewrittenbymenwhoeithersawJohnatclosequartersorhadinformation

fromthosewhodid.SuchsourcesoftenpreservewhatseemauthenticandintimatepicturesofJohninactionandconversation.Theycantakeusclosetotheking.

JOHNBEFOREHISACCESSION:GERALDOFWALESANDROGEROF

HOWDEN

WegetafirstglimpseofJohninthewritingsofGeraldofWales,aprolificandprejudicedauthor,sometimeroyalclerk,andaspiranttothebishopricofStDavid’s.7

GeraldaccompaniedJohntoIrelandin1185,andgaveanaccountoftheexpeditioninhisConquestofIreland,whichwasfinishedfouryearslater.Atthistime,Geraldwas

stillbroadlyasupporteroftheroyalhouse.HispictureofJohnbetraysthecontradictionsthatweretobecomefamiliar.GeraldhasJohnfallingathisfather’sfeetandbegging‘inamostlaudablefashionitissaid’tobesentnottoIrelandbutoncrusadetoJerusalem.Thiswascertainlynoeasyoption,butitwastoIreland,by

decisionofhisfatherHenryII,thatJohnwent.Therehisyoungandirresponsibleentourageshoweditscontemptforthenativerulersbypullingtheirbeards,‘whichwerelargeandflowingaccordingtothenativecustom’.Suchoffensiveconductwasonereason,Geraldbelieved,forthefailureoftheexpedition.8

John’sreputationintheensuingyearswasfurtherblastedbyhisrebellionagainsthisfather.ItwasGerald,inalaterdyspepticphase,whogavethevividpictureofHenry,onhisdeathbed,turninghisfacetothewallwhenlearningofthetreacheryofhisyoungestandfavouriteson.ThiswasfollowedbyJohn’srebellion

againsthisbrotherRichardwhilethelatterwasabsentoncrusadeandthenincaptivity.ThemostdetailedaccountoftheseyearsisgivenbyRogerofHowden,anotherroyalclerk,butonewhosewritings,comparedtoGerald’s,aremeasuredandself-effacing.HowdenpreservesRichard’scontemptuousreflectiononJohn’streachery:‘mybrother

Johnisnotamantoconqueralandifthereissomeonetoresisthimwithevenameagredegreeofforce’.9YetHowdenalsohasJohn,afterhisrehabilitationonRichard’sreturnin1194,fightingloyallyandsuccessfullyagainstthekingofFrance,aswellasclearinghimselfoffurtherchargesoftreachery.Indeed,in1196,

JohnandthemercenarycaptainMercadier,havingcapturedthebishopofBeauvais,returnedtoRichard‘gloriouslytriumphant’.10

RALPHOFCOGGESHALL

ThismixedbutfarfromwhollynegativepictureiscontinuedinthechronicleofRalphofCoggeshall,amonkand,from1207,theabbotof

theCistercianmonasteryofCoggeshallinEssex.Ralph’snarrativeoftheyears1199–1201waswrittenverysoonafterwards,andcertainlybeforethedisastersofthelossofNormandyin1204andtheInterdictpronouncedonEnglandin1208byPopeInnocentIII.11CoggeshallwasnotacourtinsiderlikeGeraldofWalesandRogerof

Howden,butwhenitcametonarratingJohn’squarrelwiththeCistercians,hewasalmostcertainlyaneyewitness.WhentheCistercians,

standingontheirrightsofexemption,refusedtopayataxleviedonEnglandin1200,John‘inangerandfury’orderedthesheriffsbothbywordofmouthandbyletterstodoasmuchdamage

tothemastheycould.TheyweretodenytheCisterciansany‘justice’orassistanceandrefereverythingtohim.Aftertheinterventionofhischancellor,thearchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter,Johnwithdrewthese‘cruel’orders,buthethenbrushedaside,asfartoosmall,thepaymentof1,000marksthatHubertsuggestedfora

settlement,andgaveorderstohisforesterstoexpelallCistercian-ownedanimalsfromhiswoods.WhenagreatcouncilmetatLincolninNovember1200,theCistercianabbotsdidnotgoinprocessiontogreettheking,forfearofbeingturnedawaybyhisattendantsandexcludedwithridiculefromtheroyalhall.John,

meanwhile,refusedtolistentoanotherattemptedinterventionbyHubertWalter:‘Mylordarchbishop,Ibegyounottoenragemetoday,becauseIproposetobebled.’Intheend,however,after

thearchbishophadtalkedtoJohnashecameoutfromMass,theabbotswereallowedtoprostrate

themselvesbeforetheking,andwerethengivenaccesstohischamber.ThereJohnleftthemstandingashetwicewithdrewforprivatediscussionwithministersandbishops,beforeHubertWalterhimself,onJohn’scommand,pronouncedasettlement.TheCistercianswererestoredtotheking’sfavour,nomentionwasmade

ofthetaxandJohnpromisedtofoundamonasteryoftheorder(whichhedidlateratBeaulieu).When,inreturn,theabbotsforgaveallthedamagesthattheyhadsuffered,Johnprostratedhimselfhumblyattheirfeet,hisfacecoveredwithtears,whilethemonksintheirturnfelltotheground,‘seeingsuchgreathumilityand

reverencefromtheking’.Theabbots,Coggeshall,concluded,‘werefilledwithimmensejoyandgavemanifoldthankstoGod,whohadsoinclinedthemindofthekingtomercyandreverencefortheirorder’.12

Johnhereseemsverydifferentfromtheignorant,ineffectualyouthportrayedbyGeraldofWalesand

dismissedbyRichard.Heishandsonandintimidating,askingsneededtobe,yethealsotakescounselandchangescourse,comingoutofaquarrelwithhisreputationenhanced,indeedasoneguidedbythehandofGod.AllthisisnotdisimilartoJohn’sconductinhisquarrel,in1201–2,withtheabbeyofStAugustine,

Canterbury,overthepatronageofthechurchofFaversham.Here,accordingtotheabbey’saccount,JohninafurythreatenedtoburnFavershamchurchdownandallinsideit.Hecertainlyissuedordersthatledtothechurch’sblockade,theviolentextractionfromitoftheabbotandsomemonks,andtheseizureofStAugustine’s

estates.Then,however,withthepopebecominginvolved,sentencesofexcommunicationflyingroundandthemonksofferingmoneyforasettlement,JohncalmeddownandaskedadvicefromHubertWalter.Thearchbishop,inalongandnuancedletter,counselledaclimb-down.HisconclusionwasthatitwasJohn’sagents,

ratherthanJohnhimself,whohadprofitedfromtheseizureoftheestates:‘forastoyouitmaybesaidonthismatterthatyouhaveshakenthebushesandothershavecaughtthebirds’.ClearlyJohnwassomeonetowhomaleadingcounsellorcouldwritefranklyandfully.Apartfromdecidingtotaketheofferedmoney,Johnactedon

theadvice.‘Andthushewhohadformerlybeenthemostcruelpersecutorofthismonasterybecameitspatronandprotector’,theabbey’saccountconcluded.13

John’srecordearlyinthereignwonfavourablecommentinmattersofgreatermoment.ThusCoggeshallwelcomedthepeaceJohnmadewithPhilipAugustusin

1200,hopingthiswouldendtheterriblefinancialexactionsthathadbeenneededtofinanceRichard’swars.14GervaseofCanterbury(whofinishedwritingin1210)wasalsoimpressedbythepeace.Ifitledthe‘malevolentandenvious’tocallJohn‘softsword’,thatwasonlybecause‘byprudencemore

thanwar,hehadobtainedpeaceeverywhere’.15

THELIFEOFSTHUGHOFLINCOLN

Therewas,ofcourse,nopeace,ornotforlong.In1204PhilipAugustuscompletedhisconquestofNormandyandAnjou.AfterthatJohnwassoonembroiledinhisquarrelwiththe

papacy,whichsawhisexcommunicationandEnglandbeinglaidunderanInterdict.16ThereisoneintimateaccountofJohnwrittenduringthistime,writteninfactin1213,sobeforeMagnaCarta.ThiscomesintheLifeofHughofAvalon,thebishopofLincolnbetween1186and1200,whowascanonizedin1220.The

LifeofSaintHughwastheworkofhischaplain,AdamofEynsham,andisoneofthegreatestbiographiesbyanacolyteeverwritten,quiteworthytostandbesideBoswell’sLifeofJohnson.Inevitably,Adam’saccountofthestartofJohn’sreignisprejudicedbylaterevents.BishopHughismadetorumbletheking’scharacter

andforeseethedisastersthatweretocome.YetAdam,inhispositionbyHugh’sside,wasextremelywellinformed.Oncethelaterveneerisremoved,hecanactuallyshowJohnasmuchlikethe‘good’kingrevealedbyRalphofCoggeshall.17ThusatChinon,justafter

Richard’sdeath,seeingBishopHughapproaching,

Johnspurredhishorseforwardinhiseagernesstomeethim,leavingallhiscompanionsbehind.Thepairmetagainafewdayslater,attheabbeyofFontevrault,wherebothHenryIIandnowRichardwereburied.StandingunderthegreatLastJudgementportal,Hugh,asadreadfulwarning,pointeduptokingsbeingdraggeddown

toHell,onlyforJohntopointuptothekingsontheotherside,joyfullyascendingtoHeaven,withtheassurancethathewouldbeamongtheirnumber.Nextyear,whenHughwasdying,Johndismissedhisattendantsandsataloneforalongtimebesidehisbed,‘sayingmanykindwords’.

Mixedinwithsuchconduct,however,wasotherbehaviourthatseemedutterlyinappropriateanddisrespectful.ThusJohnboastedtoHughthatastonesetingold,whichheworearoundhisneck,wouldpreserveallhisdominionsfromharm.ThispromptedthenaturalresponsethatJohnshouldputhistrustnotin

magicalgemsbutintheLordJesusChrist.Alittlelater,JohnscandalizedthebishopbyseemingforamomentabouttopocketthetwelvegoldcoinsofhisofferingatMass.Andthen,tocapitall,beinghungryandwantingtoeat,hesentthreemessagesaskingthebishoptoconcludethesermonandhurryonwiththeservice.TheLifeofSaint

HughalsoreportedthelaughterandlevityofJohn’sentourageduringhisinvestitureasdukeofNormandy.Turningroundtojoinin,Johndroppedthelancethathadbeenplacedinhishands–notagoodomen.John’scontradictory

treatmentofBishopHughhasparallelswithhisconductinJocelinofBrakelond’sLifeof

Samson,abbotofBuryStEdmunds,whichwasfinishedsoonafter1202.HereJohnwongoldenopinionsbygoingatonce,afterhiscoronation,onapilgrimagetoBury.Hethenspoiledtheeffectbygivingthemonksnotthegreatofferingthattheyexpectedbutasinglesilkenclothwhichhehad

borrowedfromtheabbey’ssacrist,andneverpaidfor.18

AdamofEynsham’sLifeofSaintHughisthelastsignificanttestimonytoJohn’spersonalityactuallywritteninhisreign.Theotherrelevantworkscomefromthedecadeafterhisdeath.Oneofthese,anaccountofHughofNorthwold’selectionasSamson’ssuccessoratBury,

writtenbyaBurymonkandeyewitness,givesafascinatingimpressionofJohnin1214and1215,andwehavesaveditforournarrativeoftheseyears.HereletuslookfirstatanaccountofthereignbyawriterknownastheAnonymousofBéthune.

THEANONYMOUSOFBÉTHUNE

Itishardtothinkofamoreunappetizingnamethan‘theAnonymousofBéthune’fortheauthorofwhatisasuperbanduniqueaccountoftheMagnaCartaperiod.Thisisfoundaspartofalargerwork,conventionallyentitled‘TheHistoryoftheDukesofNormandy’.19Attheheartof

theportionthatconcernsusisacircumstantialnarrativeofeventsbetween1213and1217.ThisiscombinedwithacharactersketchofKingJohn,andamuchvagueraccountofepisodesinhisreignpriorto1213,notablyJohn’sexpeditiontoIrelandin1210andthefalloftheBriouzefamily.Theworkisenlivenedbynumerous

anecdotes,vividscenes,andquotationsfromJohn’sactualconversations.Sincetheauthorisunnamedheiscalled‘theAnonymous’.SincehewasintheentourageofRobertdeBéthune(judgingfromthenumberoftimesRobertappears),hebecomes‘theAnonymousofBéthune’.

Theauthorhadeveryreasontobewellinformed.Hewaswritingatthelatestsoonafter1220.Between1213and1216hismaster,RobertdeBéthune,wasintermittentlyinEnglandinJohn’sservice.Indeed,hewastherefortheweekseithersideofMagnaCarta.Ourauthorwasalmostcertainlywithhismasterandthusan

eyewitnesstowhathenarrates.Giventhelevelofdetail,insuchmattersasdates,hemustalsohavetakennotesatthetime.RobertwastheyoungersonofthelordBéthuneinArtoisandDendermondeinFlanders.HeandhisassociateswereregardedandregardedthemselvesasFlemings.Roberthad,

however,inheritedlandin1214(onhisfather’sdeath)innofewerthanfiveEnglishcounties.20WithnumerousconnectionswiththegreatEnglishandAnglo-Normanbarons,hewasfarfrombeinganoutsider.TheAnonymouswroteforRobertdeBéthune’sentertainment(henceinFrench),andtheamountofdetailabout

warfaredoubtlessreflectsRobert’ssoldierlyinterests.Therewasalsoapoliticalagenda.Althoughneveropenlyavowed,thewaythenarrativeswitchesfocusinthemiddleof1216stronglysuggeststhatRobert,atthispoint,hadswitchedsidesandenteredtheserviceofPrinceLouisonhisarrivalinEngland,havingbeenoffered

thethronebytherebels.TheportraitofJohnas‘bad’thusjustifiedthisconduct.Thatdoesnotmakeitanythelessbelievable.TheAnonymous

acknowledgedJohn’slavishhospitalityandhisgenerosityingivingrobestohisknights.Buttheoverallpicturewasnegativeindeed:

Hewasaverybadman,morecruelthanallothers;helustedafterbeautifulwomenandbecauseofthisheshamedthehighmenoftheland,forwhichreasonhewasgreatlyhated.Wheneverhecould,hetoldliesratherthanthetruth.Hersethisbaronsagainstoneanotherwheneverhecould;hewasveryhappywhenhesawhate

betweenthem.Hehatedandwasjealousofallhonourablemen;itgreatlydispleasedhimwhenhesawanyoneactingwell.Hewasbrim-fullofevilqualities.21

HerethenwemeettwoofthekeychargesagainstJohn:hiscruelty,andhistamperingwiththewivesanddaughtersofhisbarons.The

AnonymousgivesanexampleofthesecondinrelayingRobertfitzWalter’sclaimthatJohnhadtriedtoseducehisdaughter,thewifeofGeoffreydeMandeville.22HegivesanexampleofthefirstinagraphicaccountofthemurderofMatildadeBriouzeandhereldestson.AlthoughtheAnonymousdoesnotmaketheconnection,here

Johnhadform,forhehadalsobeenresponsibleforthemurderofhisownnephewArthur.23ArthurhadcomeintoJohn’shandsin1202andbeenimprisonedfirstatFalaiseandthenatRouen.TheannalsofMargamabbeyinsouthWalesgivetheonlycircumstantialaccountofwhathappenednext:

InthetowerofRouen,afterdinnerontheThursdaybeforeEaster[3April1203],whenhewasdrunkandpossessedbythedevil,[John]killedhimwithhisownhand,andattachingagreatstonetothebody,threwitintotheSeine.24

TheMargamstoryprobablycamefromWilliamdeBriouze,Matilda’shusband.

HewasinRouenatthetime,butisobviouslyahostilesource.That,however,John,inonewayoranother,murderedArthur,therecanbelittledoubt.Themurderwasnotnecessarilyunpremeditated.RalphofCoggeshallhadheardofanearlierplantoblindandemasculateArthurwhenhewasatFalaise.25Arthur,as

wehavesaid,hadlittlesupportinEngland,butLouis,sonofPhilipAugustus,thoughtthemurderworthharpingoninhismanifestowhenheinvadedEnglandin1216.26AccordingtotheStAlbansabbeychronicler,RogerofWendover,MatildadeBriouzeherselfrefusedtosurrenderhersonsas

hostagesonthegroundsthatJohnhadwickedlymurderedArthur.27

IfthemurderofArthurwasbadenough,thatofMatildadeBriouzeandhereldestsonseemedfarmoreshocking,foritstruckattheheartofagreatbaronialfamily,withwidelordshipsinIreland,WalesandEngland.Thecourseofthefamily’squarrel

withKingJohnwewilltraceinChapter7.Itendedin1210withMatildaandWilliamdeBriouzejuniorbeingstarvedtodeath.Therewasnothingunpremeditatedaboutthat.TheAnonymous’saccountregistersthefullhorrorofthisatrocity:

HeimprisonedMatildaandhersonatCorfeandorderedthatasheafof

oatsandonepieceofrawbaconbegiventothem.Hedidnotallowthemtohaveanymoremeat.Afterelevendays,themotherwasfounddeadbetweenherson’slegs,stilluprightalbeitleaningforwardagainstherson’sfoot.Herson,whowasalsodead,wasfoundsittingstraight,bentagainstthewall.Sodesperatewasthe

motherthatshehadeatenherson’scheeks.28

Sofarsoterrible,yetwhentheAnonymousgetstohisnarrativeof1213andportraysJohncloseup,thepictureisratherdifferent.Weseeakingacerbiccertainlybutalsoquiteabletotakecounselandactinarationalandappropriatemanner.29

Thuswhen,in1213,Robert

deBéthunecomestocourttoseekhelpfortheembattledFerrand,countofFlanders,Johniswelcomingandwellinformed:‘Iknowexactlywhatyouwant.’Hecallsinhiscounsellors,andagreestosendouttheearlofSalisbury,theresultbeingthedestructionoftheFrenchfleetatDamme.Nextyear,whenRobertannouncesthearrival

ofthecountinEngland,andaskswhyJohn(attheTowerofLondon)isnotatonceridingtomeethim,Johnappearstomock:

HeartheFleming,hedoesthinkhislordthecountofFlandersisagreatman.30

ButwhenRobertrepliedthat‘bySaintJames’,hecertainlywas,Johnlaughed,

summonedhishorsesandoutrodehisentourageinhishastetogettoCanterbury.Onarrivalhewentstraighttothecount’shosteland,withthecountwaitingoutsideintheroad,dismountedtosaluteandkisshim.Inside,Johnwasaffabilityitselfandinvitedthecounttodinewithhimonthenextday,whentheiralliancewouldbe

sealed.ItisdifficulttothinkJohncouldhavehandledthisbetter.31Hereisverymuchthekingwho,astheAnonymousobserved,treatedRobertdeDreux,whencapturedlaterin1214,‘mosthonourably’,allowinghimtohuntandhawk.32Onbalance,therefore,theAnonymous’spictureofJohnbetween1213

and1215wasapositiveone.33

THELIFEOFWILLIAMMARSHAL

ThesamecouldnotbesaidforthesecondgreatworkwrittenforaristocratswhohadactuallyparticipatedintheeventsofJohn’sreign,namelythelifeofWilliamMarshal.Williamwasa

youngersonofamiddle-rankingmagnatewhohadlandsinWiltshireandBerkshireandwasmarshaloftheroyalhousehold.Bornaround1147,andwithnoprospectofaninheritance,WilliamhadmadeanawesomereputationasaknightontheFrenchtournamentcircuit,FrenchbecauseFrance,notEngland,

wasthecentreforsuchchivalricenterprises.34HeeventuallyenteredtheserviceofHenryII,wherehecombinedhisreputationasafightingknightwiththatofacounsellorandmilitarystrategist.OnHenry’sdeath,KingRichardmarriedWilliamtoastupendouslywealthyheiress,thustransforminghimintooneof

thegreatestbaronsintheAnglo-Normanworld,lordofLeinsterinIreland,ChepstowinWalesandLonguevilleinNormandy.Atthestartofhisreign,JohnwentfurtherandacceptedWilliam’sclaim(throughhiswife)totheearldomofPembroke.Despitemuchprovocation,WilliamneverrebelledagainstKingJohnandis

namedinMagnaCartaasthefirstofthe‘noblemen’onwhoseadviceJohnsaidthathehadacted.Ontheking’sdeathinOctober1216,Williambecameregentforhisson,thenine-year-oldHenryIII,despitebeingaroundseventy.HeheldthepostuntilshortlybeforehisdeathinMay1219,winningthewarfortheyoungking,

andsealingwiththepapallegatethenewversionsofMagnaCartaissuedin1216and1217.Inthemid-1220sWilliam’s

sonsdecidedthatthisextraordinarylifeshouldbemadeknownandpreserved.Sotheycommissionedapoettowriteitinwhatturnedouttobenofewerthan19,214linesofrhymingFrench

verse.TheHistoryofWilliamMarshal,asitiscalled,isacardinaltextfortheidealsandactionsofchivalricknights.Itisequallysoforthefactualcourseofevents.William’sfamilyandentouragetookgreatpainstoseethatthepoetwaswellinformed.KeytestimonycamefromtheMarshal’sformersteward,Johnof

Earley,whowitnessedmanyofthecrucialpassagesbetweenJohnandtheMarshal.Thevividpictureofthekingisthuswellsourced.TheportraitofJohnhasa

fewredeemingfeatures.TheimmensityofhisvictoryatMirebeauinAugust1202(describedlater)isbroughtout,evenifthefruitsarethenthrownaway.Inonepassage

JohnseemsconcernedoverthehealthofoneoftheMarshal’syoungersons(Richard),keptasahostage;andthereispathosintheaccountofthekingonhisdeathbed,whenheaskstheMarshal’spardonandbegshimtoassumetheregencyofthekingdom.Occasionallythepleasantfacethekingcouldadoptisacknowledged:

herevertedtohisformerhabitofdisplayingfriendliness[belechiere]in[theMarshal’s]companyasifheborenogrudgeagainsthimorwasangrywithhim.35

Itis,however,madeveryclearthatsuchfriendlinesswasduplicitous,assumed

merelywhenthekingneededtheMarshal’ssupport.36ThegeneralthrustoftheHistoryistosubstantiatetheAnonymous’sviewthatJohnwas‘brim-fullofevilqualities’.Thereisasubtexthere,notverydifferentfromthatintheworkoftheAnonymous.TheMarshalwasloyal,buthiseldestson,WilliamMarshaljunior,

perhapswithhisfather’sconnivance,joinedtherebelsandwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronscommissionedtoenforcetheCharter.NothingissaidabouthisrebellionintheHistory,butclearly,asthechiefpatronofthework,WilliamMarshaljuniorwouldhavewelcomedevidencetojustifyhisconduct.Johnhimselfwould

certainlyhavedefendedhisowntreatmentoftheMarshal.ShouldWilliamnothavebeenmoregratefulforbecomingearlofPembrokeatthestartofthereign?WashenotguiltyoftrickeryanddisloyaltyinstrikingadealwithPhilipAugustus,andthuskeepinghisNormanlandsafterJohn’slossoftheduchy?37Andyet,whenall

allowanceshavebeenmade,thepictureintheHistory,supportedbymuchcircumstantialdetail,remainsapowerfulandforthemostpartconvincingindictmentoftheking.TheHistorydoesnot

mentiondirectlythemurdersofArthurorMatildadeBriouze,butitcertainlyagreeswiththeAnonymous’s

chargeofcruelty,notablyinJohn’streatmentoftheprisonerstakenatMirebeau:

WhenthekingarrivedinChinon,hekepthisprisonersinsuchahorriblemannerandinsuchabjectconfinementthatitseemedanindignityandadisgracetoallthosewithhimwhowitnessedhiscruelty.38

ItwasnotjustatChinonthattheprisonerssuffered.TheMargamannalsmentiontwenty-twonobleandgallantknightstakenatMirebeaubeingstarvedtodeathatCorfecastle.39

AnaspectofhiscrueltywasJohn’sreadinesstolieinthecauseofgivingpain.Oneday,ridingoutfromGuildford,Johnsummoned

theMarshaluptohimandannouncednewsfromIreland.Inagreatconflictthere,theMarshal’sknightshadapparentlybeenvictorious,butsomehadbeenkilled,includingJohnofEarley.Itwasallmadeup,butuntilhelearntthetruth,theMarshalwasleft‘greatlyaggrievedatheart’.40

TheconflictinIrelandillustratesanothercharacteristicmentionedbytheAnonymous,namelythewayinwhichJohn‘sethisbaronsagainstoneotherwheneverhecould’.Thus,inIreland,thekingdidallhecouldtoexploitandexacerbatethetensionsbetweenhisgovernorthere,MeilerfitzHenry,andthe

Marshal.HealsomadestrenuouseffortstounderminetheloyaltyoftheMarshal’smen.Duringthesequarrels,theHistoryshowsthedifficultiesofbeingagreatmanatcourt.Betweenhisburstsof‘goodcheer’,thekingcouldtreattheMarshalsocoollythatnoonewouldspeaktohim.41Andinsuchsituations,weseeagainthe

Johnwholovedtomock.Inoneconfrontation,whenthecourtwasinafieldoverlookingtheseaatPortsmouth,waitingtoembarkforPoitou,Johnstompedofftoonesidewithhisentourage,leavingtheMarshalvirtuallyalone:

Theking,fromwherehewasstanding,

lookedatthesceneandwasgreatlypleasedbyit,andhesaid:‘ThatishowIwantit.Hereallyisrichlycounselled.TheMarshalhasnobodytherewithhiminhisdeliberations,fromamongstallthosehewantedtobepresent,exceptHenryfitzGerold

andthatmangyJohnofEarley…’42

Thekinghadreasonforhisanger.TheMarshalwasrefusingtojointheexpedition,beingunwillingtofightagainstthekingofFrance,towhomhehaddonehomageforhisNormanlands.YettoseektohumiliatetheMarshalinthisway,inanepisodethat

clearlyburntdeepandwaslongremembered,wasneitherwisenorkingly.43

ThemenJohnwentoffwith,whiletauntingtheMarshal,werenothisbaronsbuthis‘bachelors’.Thesewerehishouseholdknights,someofgoodbirth,somenot,whohadtakenaspecialoathofloyaltytothekingand,usuallywithoutgreatlanded

estates,weretotallydependentonhisfavour.Itwasoneofthese,JohnofBassingbourn,whoactedasJohn’sspokesmanagainsttheMarshal.44Later,inanotherepisode,itisamanofsimilarstatus,Gerardd’Athée,aknightfromtheTouraine,andverymuchoneofJohn’screatures,whoisseenintheHistorygoingintotheking’s

chamberafterdinner,withMeilerfitzHenry,todiscusstheMarshal’saffairs,whiletheMarshalhimselfisleftoutside,coldshouldered.ItwaswithpeoplesuchasBassingbournandAthéethatJohnfeltmostcomfortable,peoplewhowouldlaughsycophanticallyathisjokesand,withoutquestion,dohisbidding.Athéehimselfwas

deadby1215,buthisnameappearsinMagnaCartachapter50,whereJohnwasmadetodismisshisrelationsfromoffice.TheHistoryshows

somethingelseaboutJohn,namelythewayhecouldswingfromover-confidencetounder-confidence,fromill-judgedarrogancetoexaggeratedfearsand

suspicion.ThekingowedmuchofhisvictoryatMirebeautoWilliamdesRoches,butintheflushofthatsuccesshefobbedWilliamoff,tellinghimfirsttomeetupwithhimatChinon,thenatLeMans:

…daybydaytheking’sarrogance[orguels]grewandgrew,afaultwhichdoesnotallowthosein

itsgriptoseereasonbutbringsthemdown.

JohnthussawnoneedtohonourhispromisestodesRoches,andtheresultwasthelatter’sdefectiontothekingofFrance,andtheunderminingofJohn’spositioninAnjou.45Nextyear,Johnseemsverydifferent.Sensingtreason

everywhere,theHistorygivesagraphicpictureofhisflightfromNormandy,steelingawayinthemorningbeforepeoplewereup,avoidingthemainroadsandpromisinghewouldreturn,whileleavingeveryonesuspectingthathewouldnot.Thereasonforsuchconductwasclear:

Amanwhodoesnotknowwhomhehasto

fear,andwhoalwaysthinksheisinaninferiorposition,isboundtofeareverybody.46

RalphofCoggeshall’sverdictwasthesameontheseevents.John‘alwaysfearedbetrayalbyhismen’.47Nowonderthekingsooftentriedtosecureloyaltybythetakingofhostages.

COGGESHALL’SCONTINUATIONANDTHECROWLANDCHRONICLE

RalphofCoggeshall’saccountofthelaterstagesofJohn’sreign,thatisfrom1212,waswrittenafterJohn’sdeathin1216,inmuchthesameperiodastheworkoftheAnonymousandtheHistoryoftheMarshal.Itisofthefirstimportanceas

evidencefortheMagnaCartaperiod,butlackstheintimatepictureofthekingatworkfoundintheportionfinishedsoonafter1201.WhatisclearisthatCoggeshall’sviewofJohnhascompletelychanged.ThecatalystwasprobablytheInterdict,duringwhichtheCisterciansweremajorsufferers.ThusCoggeshall’shostilitytothekingwasnow

set,albeitexpressedinclippedremarksratherthanset-piecedenunciations.ThushestigmatizedJohn’s‘violent’exactionsfromtheEnglishchurch,hisresorttofraud,‘aswashiscustom’,hiscruelthreatsatthesiegeofRochesterin1215,andhistearful,terrifiedandshamefulretreatsafterPrinceLouis’invasion.Toseekmercyfrom

Johnwastoseek‘mercyfromtheunmerciful’.48CoggeshallgivesaneerieandluridaccountofJohn’sdeathinNewarkcastleduringthenightof17–18October1216,andaddsthat‘manyhorribleandfantasticvisionsweretoldbymanypeopleafterwards,thetenorofwhichwewillforgodescribinghere’.Hisreaderswouldhave

knownwhatthismeant.ThevisionswereofJohnsufferingthetormentsofHell.49

AsecondmajoraccountofJohn’slastyearsisfoundinwhatisoftencalled‘theBarnwellchronicle’,thisfornobetterreasonthanthatacopyofitoncebelongedtoBarnwellabbeyinCambridge.Infact,thanksto

theworkofCristianIspir,therecanbenodoubtthattheoriginaltextwaswrittenbyamonkatCrowlandabbeyinsouthernLincolnshire,anditwillbecalledtheCrowlandchronicleinthisbook.50

Gettingintoitsstridearound1212,thechronicleofferswhatisgenerallyagreedtobethemostperceptiveanalysisofJohn’slastyears.The

chroniclehasnoneoftheunremittinghostilitytothekingfoundinCoggeshall.ItrecognizesthedominationheachievedforawhileoverBritain,thepopularityofhisconcessionsin1212and1213,andtheadvantagesgainedfromhissubmissiontothepope.Ontheotherhand,initsfinalcomments,thechronicleobservesthatJohn

favouredforeignersandoppressedhisnativesubjects,beingdesertedbythematthelast.Johnwas‘agreatbutunluckyprince’–‘princepsmagnussedminusfelix’.LikeMarius,heexperiencedbothtypesoffortune–thereferencebeingtoGaiusMarius,theseven-timesconsulandtriumphantgeneralwho,attheendofhis

life,sufferedexileandthenengulfedRomeinabloodycivilwar.51Thismeasuredviewisstrikingandmaybeexplicable.TheabbotofCrowlandbetween1190and1236wasHenrydeLongchamp.ThefamilywasNormanbutHenryspentmostofhislifeinEngland,havingbeenamonkofEveshambeforebecoming

abbot.Heowedhispromotiontohisbrother,noneotherthanJohn’sgreatenemyinthe1190s,WilliamdeLongchamp,bishopofEly,Richard’schancellor.Henryhad,therefore,reasonstodislikeJohn.Yetwhen,earlyinthereign,hesawJohnatclosequarters,thisinthecourseofCrowland’sgreatdisputewithSpalding

abbey,hefoundhimperfectlyreasonable.Theking‘graciously’promisedtoshowtheabbot‘thefullnessofjustice’,andthoughhepostponedthecaseagainandagain,andtookmoneyfrombothsides,heultimatelycamedowninCrowland’sfavour,havingtakenadvicefrom‘thewisemenofhiscourt’.52Themonksof

CrowlandknewthatJohnwasnotallbad.

STALBANSABBEY:ROGEROFWENDOVERANDMATTHEWPARIS

AtStAlbans,RogerofWendoverdidnotcompletehisaccountofJohn’sreignuntil1225attheearliest.Thataccountwasthencopiedandembellishedafter1235byhis

successorastheStAlbanshousechronicler,MatthewParis.GiventhecircumstantialdetailthatWendoveroffers,hemusthavebeenworkingfromadraftorfromnotesmadeclosetotheeventshedescribes,althoughthisdidnotfreehimfrominventionanderror.NeitherWendovernorParisisofmuchvalue

whenitcomestoanassessmentofJohn’scharacter,buttheirworkswereimportantinfosteringthepictureofJohnasacruel,godlesstyrant.ThusitisWendoverwhohasthestoryofhowJohntorturedtodeathGeoffrey,archdeaconofNorwich,byhavinghimpressedtodeathinaleadencope,hiscrimebeing

disloyaltyduringtheInterdict.Here,however,therewasatleastsometruthbehindthestory,forthesoberannalsofDunstablerecordhowGeoffreyofNorwich(notthearchdeacon)diedinprisonatBristol,havingsufferedalongandgrievous‘martyrdom’.AReadingabbeysourcehashimbeingstarvedtodeaththere.53

MatthewParis,however,wascertainlyascendingintotheworldofpurefantasywhen,havingheardthetalefromoneofthesupposedenvoys,hedescribedanembassyJohnsenttotheemirofMoroccoofferingtoconvertthekingdomtoIslam.PariscopiedWendover’sfamousaccountofJohn’sdeathinwhichtheking’sfeveris

exacerbatedbypigginghimselfonenightonpeaches(wouldtherebepeachesinOctober?)andnewcider.Hethenconcludeswithamuch-quotedverse:

EnglandisstillfouledbythestinkofJohn,ThefoulnessofHellisdefiledbyJohn’sfoulness.54

THERECORDSOURCES

Inmakinguseofthewritingsofcontemporarywriters,scholarsare,ofcourse,utilizingasourcewithalongpedigreebehindit.Whentheyalsousetherecordsofroyalgovernment,theyareusingasourcethat,ingoodpart,issensationallynew.ItisatthestartofJohn’sreignthatthefullorchestraofgovernmentrecordsbeginstoplaywitha

poundingforce.TheserecordsallowthehistoryofJohn’sreigntobewritteninalevelofdetailimpossibleforanypreviousperiodofEnglishhistory.Inunderstandingthoserecords,andthegovernmentthatproducedthem,therearealsotworemarkablebooksbothwritteninthereignofHenryII.Oneofthese,calledthe

DialogusdeScaccario,wasbyHenry’streasurer,RichardfitzNigel,andexplainstheworkingsoftheexchequer.Theother,namedGlanvillafterHenry’schiefjusticiar,RanulfdeGlanvill,doesthesameforthenewlegalproceduresintroducedinHenry’sreign,whichwereattheheartofthecommonlaw.BoththeDialogusand

Glanvillareextraordinaryachievements,fullofprofessionalprideforthesystemstheydescribewithsuchpassionateprecision.55

TheDialogusandGlanvillareabouthowthingsoughttowork,atleastintheeyesoftheirauthors.Howgovernmentactuallydidwork(andhowsocietyrespondedtoit)isshownbythegigantic

corpusofroyalrecords.From1155thereisacontinuousannualsequenceofpiperollsthatrecordtheexchequer’sannualauditofthemoneyowedthecrown.Then,from1199,manyrollssurviveonwhichthechanceryrecordedthechartersandlettersissuedbytheking,asalsotheoffersofmoneytohimforconcessionsandfavours.

Fromthe1190stherearealsotherollsrecordingpleasintheking’scourts.Thankstothelaboursofnineteenth-andtwentieth-centuryeditors,nearlyallthismaterialhasbeenpublished.Onaroughcount,forJohn’sreignitrunstosome8,650printedpagesofvariousshapesandsizes,allofitindexed,albeittovariablestandards.Eventhis

doesnotexhaustthecorpusofgovernmentmaterial,foronlynow,undertheMagnaCartaProject,areJohn’soriginalchartersandletters(asopposedtothecopiesonthechanceryrolls)beingcollected,analysedandpublished.Therecordsproducedby

thechancery,exchequerandlawcourtsshowthegreat

powerofthegovernmentalmachineinJohn’shands.Theyalsoshedlight,sometimesoblique,sometimesdirect,onhischaracter.Tobesure,manyoftheking’sletters,copiedandthuspreservedonthechanceryrolls,wereaboutroutinemattersandweretheworkofministers,sometimesexplicitlyso.Wheretheking

wasdirectlyinvolved,heprobablygavegeneralinstructionsabouttheformoftheletters,ratherthandictatingthemwordforword,buthecouldstillgivevigourtotheirphraseology.OnepictureintheMarshalHistorytakesusclosetohowthingsworked:

Thekingsaidtohischancellor:

‘Makeallhastetocarryoutthetask.Preparetheselettersforthwith,withexplicitwordingaimedatallthoseholdinglandfromme,totheeffectthat,iftheyfailtocometoEngland,theywillnotholdsomuchasafootoflandfrommeinthewholeofEngland.’

Someletters,therefore,maywellcatchJohn’sownemphaticwords,aswheremiscreantsaretobe‘hangedfromthenearestoak’,orJewsaretobeprotectedsince‘evenifwegiveourpeacetoadog,itoughttobeinviolablyobserved’.56

Aboveall,therecordsshowJohn’stremendousgraspofdetail.Hewas

alwaysthinkingaroundtheanglesoftheproblemshefaced,intheprocesssometimesrevealingalltooclearlyhisanxietythatthingsmightgowrong.Thewordingofacharterisalteredbyhis‘specialorder’;aprisoneristobekeptinadeepdungeon;knightssenttogarrisonacastlearenottogointothesurroundingcountry;

prisonersaretobereleasedalthoughnotnamedinhisletter(hedoesn’tknowtheirnames);paymentofadebtistobedelayeduntilhecancometotheexchequerandseefromitsrollsexactlyhowmuchisowed;ifheisrightinthinkinganinstalmentofapensionhasbeenpaidtwiceover,thenitistobeadjustedaccordingly;housesandlands

aretobetakenawaybecausehehasbeendeceivedbyliesaboutthesizeofadebt;EngelarddeCigognéistobringRobertdeDreuxtoWinchesterprovidedhecansafelyleavethecastlesinhiscustody;ifhecannot,heshouldgivethejobtoreliablemen.57Theseexamplesinvolverelativelysmallmatters,butthesame

attentiontodetailwasdisplayedinmattersofmoresignificance,notablyindevisingpunishmentsandinsettingoftenexcruciatingtermsfortherepaymentofdebts.TheOxfordshirebaronHenryd’Oillywastopayoffadebtof£1,015at100marksayear.Ifhedidnotkeeptheterms,inanoft-usedthreat,

hewastoloseallhehadpaid.58

ThelettersalsotestifytopositivesidesofJohn’skingship,amplyjustifyingtheAnonymous’sclaimthathewasanexpansivehost.Withsuchalimentaryextravagance,Johnhopedtoenhancethemoraleofhisentourage,conciliatethosewhocametocourtandby

holdinggreatfeastswitherstwhileenemiesdemonstratethatquarrelswereatanend.ForJohnitseemedespeciallygrievousthatsomeone‘whoatemybread’shouldbetrayhim.59

Therecordsalsohintatahumansideoftheking.HeallowsthehostagesonofRobertdeRostospendthewinterwithhisparents,

althoughhewantshimbackatEaster.Sometimesthethreatsthemselveswerejokes,aswhenJohnsenthisministerWilliamBrewerafatdeer,andtoldhimhewouldnotgetanotherunlesshecarriedouttheaccompanyingorder.60Theletterscanexpresswhatseemslikegenuinefriendship:

Knowthatwearesafeandwell…wearecomingintoyourareasoonandarethinkingaboutyouconcerningthehawk,andalthoughwehavebeenapartfromyoufortenyears,onourarrivalitwillnotseemtousmorethanthreedays.

ThiswasaddressedtotheGermanknightTheodoricTeutonicus,whomJohnhad

madeconstableofBerkhamsted.ThehawkwasprobablyagiftofTheodorictotheking.61Johncouldalsowritelettersfulloffulsomepraise,nonemoresothanwhenthankingWilliamMarshalforhissupportinIrelandin1212.HereJohnconcludedbyrespondingtotheMarshal’sanxietiesabouthishostageson.Theking

offeredtoentrusttheboytoJohnofEarley,volunteeredtobuyhimamuchneededhorseandrobe(althoughwantingtoberepaid),anddeniedthathehadtheleastintentionofsendinghimtoPoitou.Indeed,hehadheardnothingabouttheideauntilitwasmentionedbyoneofhisministers.62

TherollsrecordingthelawsuitsthatwereheardatJohn’scourtlikewiseshowhisactivityinafavourablelight.63Johnthusdeclaresthatcasesshouldbedecidedaccordingtocustom,reasonand‘thecounselofhisbarons’.Heisfrequentlyconsultedbyhisjudges(‘speakwiththelordking’)evenoverminorcases.In

one,hemakesarulinginfavourofoneEmma,daughterofHolfrid,whowasseekingamereeightacresoflandasherinheritance.DorisStenton,reviewingthismaterial,feltsuchinvolvement,evenindifficulttimes,‘demonstratesasingularstrengthofcharacter,agenuine“stabilitas”,whichiswhollyadmirablewhatever

viewistakenofKingJohnasaman’.64

Therecords,ontheotherhand,alsogosomewaytosupportallegationsofimpiety.TworollsrecordingJohn’sday-to-dayexpenditureduringtheregnalyears1209–10and1212–13(apartfromrevealingtheking’sregularbaths)arefullofofferingstothepooras

actsofpenance.ThusJohnfrequentlyfedahundredpaupersbecausehedinedtwiceonaFriday,supposedlyadayofabstinence.Fivehundredpaupersbenefitedwhen,insteadoffasting,heatefishanddrankwineonthefeastoftheAdorationoftheHolyCross.65OtheroccasionsforalmsgivingwerewhenJohnwenthuntingor

hawkingonachurchfestival.OneHolyInnocents’Day,hegaveapennyapieceto350paupers,thisbeingfiftyforeachofthesevencranestakenbyhishawks.66ThelessthanpietisticatmosphereatcourtisalsoreflectedinthewayJohnfedpaupersbecauseofthefoodanddrinktransgressionsofhisministers,onebeneficiary

beingThomasBasset,whowasnamedasacounsellorinMagnaCarta.67Ontheotherhand,thefactthatJohnfelttheneedforactsofpenanceatallshowshewasnotwhollyirreligious.Healsofedpaupersforreasonsotherthanhisowntransgressions,forexampleforthesoulsofhisfatherHenryandbrotherRichard.Whenhismother

diedin1204,hearrangedforthefeedingofovertwothousandpauperseachdaythroughoutthesummer.68IfheaskedBishopHughtohurryuphissermonsohecouldgoandeat,itwassurelybecausehehadfastedbeforetheservice.69

TherecordshavesomethingtosayaboutJohn’srecreations.Wehave

justseenhimasahawker.IndeedhishawkinghelpedprovokeacoupleofthechaptersinMagnaCarta.70

Hewasalsoagreathunterwithhounds.John’shunt‘shadowed’hisitineraryandcouldrisetoasmanyas300greyhounds,nineotherhuntingdogsandsixteenboarhounds,withsixty-fourhandlers,animpressivesight

astheywentpast.71TherollsalsorecordpaymentsofJohn’sgamblingdebtsandoccasionallymentionhismistresses.In1212achapletofroseswassenttoJohn’s‘friend’fromamanorofthechiefjusticiar,GeoffreyfitzPeter.72MoresinisterisanentryconcerningthewifeofJohn’schiefforester,HughdeNeville.The‘finerolls’for

1204–5recordherasofferingtheking‘200chickenssothatshemightbeabletolieonenightwithherlord,HughdeNeville’.Interpretationsofwhatwasgoingonhavevaried,butthemostlikelyexplanationisthatthewifewasJohn’smistressandthetwoofthemwerejokingaboutwhatanightbackwithHughwasworth;theanswer

wasaridiculous200chickens.ThejokewasmadeallthemorehumiliatingforHughbyputtinghimdownassuretyforthedeliveryofahundredofthechickens.73

HughwastodesertJohnin1216,althoughhehadlittletohopeforintherebelcamp.Another,evenmorehigh-profiledesertionwasthatofJohn’shalf-brother,William

Longespee,earlofSalisbury(anillegitimatesonofHenryII).TheFrenchcourthadasimpleexplanationforthat.WhileLongespeewasinFrenchcaptivityin1214,Johnhadseducedhiswife.74

Howintheendtobalanceallthisup?ItistemptingtoagreewithJohnGillingham’spithyconclusionthatJohnwasa‘shit’.Thiswassaidin

aradiodebateinwhichmyunpalatabletaskwastodefendtheking!Yetadefencecanbemade.Johnwasenergetic,intelligent,astute,imaginative,informedandamasterofdetail.Hewassensitivetobehaviouralexpectations,and,whenhefeltlikeit,couldappearpiousandpenitent,courteousandconsiderate,akingeagerto

actjustly(ifformoney)andreadytotakeadvice.Johnalsofacedimmenseproblems.Heinheritedamonarchyalreadyunpopularandanempirealreadyseriouslyunderthreat.TheCrowlandchronicler,evenattheendofthereign,thoughtofJohnasagreatprince,ifanunluckyone.Onecan,however,seetheforceina

Gillingham-typeverdict.IfthetestimonyofWendoverandMatthewPariscanbediscounted,itismuchhardertosetaside,whatevertheiragendas,thecharactersketchbytheAnonymousofBéthuneandthepicturethatemergesfromtheMarshalHistory.ThattheywerewrittenafterJohn’sdeathmerelyincreasestheirforce.

Therecordwasnowcomplete.ThosewhoreallygottoknowJohnrealizedthatbehindthesometimesacceptableexteriortherelayafracturedpersonality,suspicious,untrustworthy,aggressiveandcruel.John,aswehaveseen,seemstohavegotonbestwithsubordinates,whodidwhattheyweretold.Itisnoaccidentthatthe

greatestshowofaffectioninhislettersispreciselytoonesuchman,TheodoricTeutonicus.Thekingfeltmuchlesseasywiththosemorehisequals,andprobablydidnotliketheircompany.Inonetellingepisode(forwhichoneofhislettersisevidence),hetriedtopersuadeWilliamMarshaltoleavecourtandgoandvisithisestatesuntilthe

nextmeetingoftheking’scouncil.(TheMarshal,knowingthedangersofabsence,refusedtogo.)75

WhereasJohn’sgoodcharacteristicswereassumed,hisbadoneswerepartofhisverybeing.WhenhewaspleasanttotheMarshalandtheFlemings,hewassooutofcalculation.WhenhecastasideWilliamdesRoches,

andmurderedMatildadeBriouze,hegaveventtorealfeelings.Itisalsofarfromclearthat

John’scharacterbeganwellandthendeterioratedunderthepressurescreatedbythelossofNormandy.IfheactedsensiblyinhisquarrelswiththeCisterciansandStAugustine’s,Canterbury,earlyinthereign,thatisnot

sodifferentfromhowheappearsatworkintheAnonymousofBéthune’saccountbetween1213and1215.Equally,thenegativesidesofJohn’scharactercanallbeseenbefore1204:hisdelightinmockery;hiscruelty;hisarrogance;hisfearfulsuspicions;hisunseemlyconduct(AdamofEynsham’sstorieshere

cannotbeentirelymadeup).Whathappenedisthatafter1204thesecharacteristicsoperatedinafarmorehostileenvironmentcreatedbyabsolutelynovelfinancialexactions.John’scharacteritselfwouldnothaveprovokedtherebellionthatledtoMagnaCarta.Norwouldhisfinancialexactions.

Itwasthetwotogetherthatwereunsupportable.HowJohnbecamelikethis

onecanonlyspeculate.Didhisconspiraciesagainsthisfatherandbrothermakehimalwaysexpecttreatmentinlikecoin?Hadhebeendamagedasayoungestson,treatedbyRichardwithcontempt,andforlongholdingonlytheremote

lordshipofIreland?Thenickname‘Lackland’(‘sineterra’)wascontemporary,as(unfairly)was‘softsword’.76

Didhisslightframe,inearlylife,makehimfeelinferiortomachoknightssuchasWilliamMarshal?Whateverthecauses,fortheAnonymousofBéthune,evenJohn’sperfectlyreasonabletreatmentoftheFlemings

couldnoterasehisreputationasanevilman.Onhisdeath-bed,WilliamMarshalwasequallyexplicit.TurningtotheyoungHenryIII,andclaspinghishand,heexpressedthehopethathewouldgrowuptobeaworthyman.If,ontheotherhand,hefollowedthepathof‘anycriminalancestor’(‘alcunfelonancestre’),then‘Ipray

Godthathedoesnotgiveyoulongtolive’.The‘criminalancestor’was,ofcourse,KingJohn.77

QUEENISABELLA

MagnaCartabeginswithKingJohn.Itends,inthesecurityclause,withhisqueenandchildren.Nomentionismadeoftheirnames,buttheirpersons,like

thatoftheking,aretobesparedinanyactionstakenbythetwenty-fivebarons.JohnmarriedIsabellaofAngoulême,thenatmostinherearlyteens,in1200,hisfirstmarriagetothecountessofGloucesterhavingbeenannulled.JohntherebygainedIsabella’srichandstrategicinheritanceofAngoulême.Beyondthat,Isabella

certainlyfulfilledherprimaryroleofprovidingJohnwithanheir.78Herfirstchild,borninOctober1207,wasason,thefutureHenryIII.Shewentontoproduceanothersonandthreedaughters.DespiteJohn’smistresses,maritalrelationscontinuedthroughoutthereign,andIsabellawaspregnantwithherlastchild,Eleanor(the

futurewifeofSimondeMontfort),atthetimeofJohn’sdeathin1216.79TheStAlbanschroniclers

providetwostoriesaboutIsabella.One,fromWendover,wasthatJohndalliedinhercompanywhileNormandyfellin1204.That,ofcourse,isridiculous.80Theother,fromMatthewParis,isthattheenvoysentto

MoroccotoldtheemirthatJohnhadhermanyloversstrangledonherbed.81Ifso,shecertainlypaidJohnbackforhisinfidelities,althoughwithunfortunateresultsforthelovers.ButofcoursethestoryisevenmoreunbelievablethanWendover’s.BothchronicleandrecordevidencesuggeststhatIsabellaresidedina

seriesofroyalcastles,whereshewasdoubtlesscarefullyguarded.AtacriticalmomentinNovember1214,byanordertypicalofJohn’smicro-management,TheodoricTeutonicuswastold,oncehehadsufficientknights(doubtlessforaguard),totakeIsabellatoBerkhamstedbyaspecifiedroute.Amonthlater,Theodoricwasordered

togowithhertoGloucester,and‘keepherthereinthechamberinwhichourdaughterJoanwasborn’.82

ItdoesnotsoundasthoughIsabellahadmuchsayaboutthesearrangements,andthatwouldhavebeenparforthecourse.Shehadbeencrownedandanointedwithmuchdisplay.Isabellawasqueen‘bythegraceofGod’,

justasJohnwasking.Asqueen,theexpectationwasthatshewouldplayaroleasanintercessorandpeacemaker.Yet,thereisnoevidencethatJohninvolvedherinpoliticaloranyotherdecisions.Evenwhenshemusthavebeeninhertwenties,hedeniedherthetraditionalrevenuesofqueenship,andtreated

Angoulêmeashisown.Isabella’slatercareershowsshewasawomanofhardandhighspirit.AfterJohn’sdeath,deniedanyroleintheminoritygovernment,sheleftherfivechildren,returnedtoAngoulême,andproducedanotherfamilywithhersecondhusband,HughdeLusignan.Sheneverforgotherqueenlystatusandwas

‘killed’(assheputit)whenmadetostandinthechamberofthekingofFrancelikesome‘fatuousservant’,whiletheroyalfamilylolledonthebed.WhenherhusbandwentontoentertaintheFrenchatLusignan,sheransackedthecastle,tookallhergoodsbacktoAngoulêmeandkeptHughwaitingoutsideforthreedaysbeforeshewould

seehim.83HowIsabellamusthavewishedtotreatJohninthesameway!ThatshedidtrytostanduptohimissuggestedinonestorypreservedbytheAnonymous.WiththeFrenchoverrunningthecontinentalpossessions,Johntriedtoreassureher:

Mylady,don’tworry…Iknowacornerwhereyouwon’thavetowatch

outforthekingofFrancefortenyears,notforallhispower.

ThiswasIsabella’sreply:Indeed,mylord,Ireallythinkyouarekeentobeakingwhoismatedinacorner.84

Ifthisreflectsthenatureoftheirconversations,onecanunderstandwhyIsabellahadsolittleinfluenceoverher

husband.AftersheleftEngland,shementionedhiminnotasingleoneofhercharters.85

KINGJOHNANDCORFECASTLE

ThischapterhasconcentratedonthewrittensourcesforJohn’sreign.Itisapitythatsolittlesurvivesofthephysicalenvironmentin

whichhelived,allthemoresosinceJohnwasamasterofmanipulatingspace,asthecontemporaryaccountsofhimatworkshow.Hemoveddiscussionsbetweenhalls,chambers,chapelsandchapterhouses,inakindofritualoftherooms.Withdifferentspacescamedifferentaudiences,asJohnfirsttookcounselfromone

group,thenanother–‘you,you,you,therestwaitoutside’–beforeannouncinghisdecisionsorhavingthemannounced.Wehavenoevidencefordiningarrangements,butthesetoowerepartoftheritual.Hoipolloiate(andslept)inthehall,whilethekinghimself,saveatgreatfeasts,atewiththefavouredfewinhis

chamber.Aninvitationtothechambermealshowedyouwere‘in’.Ifyouwereexcluded,youknewyouwere‘out’.Fortunately,onebuilding

doessurvivetogiveanimpressionoftheenvironmentJohncreatedforthistheatre.ItisCorfecastle,onwhichhespentover£1,400.86JohnwasatCorfe

innineyearsofhisreign.Hemadethreevisitsin1215.In1216hewasthereforamonthashepreparedforwhatturnedouttobehisfinalcampaign.JohnwasacutelyawareofthedifferentgradationsofCorfe’sarchitecturallayout.In1215theprivilegedprisonerRobertdeDreuxwastobeentertainedinthecastle’shall

andallowed,ifhewished,toenterthekeep,butnothingwassaidaboutthemoreprivateapartments.87

ThecastleonwhichJohnlavishedsuchattentionwasbuiltonanextraordinarynaturalmound,stickingupinacleftbetweentworangesofthePurbeckhills.Johnstrengthenedthecastlebecauseithadgreatstrategic

significance,controllingtheharboursofPooleandWareham.Healsowantedittobeutterlysecure,aplacewherehecouldkeephisprisoners,andhousehiswifeandsons.AndJohnalsowantedthecastletoimpress.AvisitorarrivingatCorfecameupfromthelittlevillageandenteredthroughthegatewayofthecastle’souter

bailey.Havingdismounted,hethenwalkedupthesteepinclineandpassedthroughasecondgateway,fromwherehesawthegreatpalisadedditchdug,onJohn’sorders,toprotectthemiddleandinnerbailey.ThemiddlebaileyJohnhadstrengthenedwithnewwalltowers,makingthewholeensembleresemblethemostfamousofall

contemporarycastles,RichardI’sChâteauGaillard.Inthemiddlebaileywastheking’shallwhereRobertdeDreuxwastobeentertained.Toprogressfurther,thevisitorhadtogoonandupintotheinnerbailey,wherehecouldenter,asRobertwaspermittedtodo,thetoweringtwelfth-centurykeep,andreflectonthosewhohad

starvedtodeathinitsdungeons.Hehadstillnotreachedtheking’sownprivateapartments.Johnhadbuilttheseattheveryhighestpointofthecastle.Toreachthem,youhadtoclimbacoveredstonestairwayleadingtothemiddlestageofathree-storeytower,fromwhichdoorwaysopenedlefttotheking’schapelandright

intohis‘greatchamber’.Andwhatachamber!ForJohn,afterthemightoftherestofthecastle,hadgonenotforsizebutfordelicacyandsophistication.Builtliketherestoftheapartmentsinbeautifullycutstone,thechamberwaslitbylonglancetwindows,fouroneitherside,eachrisingfromwindowseats.Fromthe

windowsontheeasternside,standingabovethecastle’souterwall,thereweremagnificentviewstowardstheDorsetcoast.Inthegreatchamber,theking’sclerks,counsellorsandcroniesmingled,waitingtobecalledintoanotherroom,orforthekingtocomeoutfromit.Forthegreatchamberwasnottheendofthissetofapartments.

Beyondit(alasnowlost)wasanevenmoreextraordinaryroom,calledquiteprobablybyJohnhimself‘LaGloriette’.Thenameseemstohavederivedfromatwelfth-centurychansondegeste,inwhichaSaracenpalacecalledLaGloriettehas,amongotherwonders,‘afantasticalmarbletowerwithfixturesingoldandsilverincludingsilver

windows’.HowJohn’sinnerchamberresembledthatwedonotknow,butevidentlyitdid.88Itwashere,ifhecouldgetpasttheushers,thatabaroncouldatlastbowdownbeforeJohnhimself,akingdoubtlessbejewelledanddressedinmagnificentrobes,playingperhapswithanewswordorcrown,andporingoversomeofthemany

treasuresofgoldandsilverhekeptatthecastle.WasthebaronawedandinspiredtodoJohn’sbidding?Ordidheseethroughtheoutwardshow,toJohn’srealpersonality?Probablyhedid.

4

MagnaCartaandSociety:Women,Peasants,Jews,

theTownsandtheChurch

AtthestartofMagnaCarta,Johngreetedhisclericalandlaymagnates,hisministersand‘hisfaithfulmen’–‘FidelibusSuis’–and

informedthemofwhathewasdoing.HewastherebyannouncingtheChartertoallthemenofthekingdom,sinceeachadultmalewasexpectedtotakeanoathoffealtytotheking,thusbecominghis‘faithfulman’–‘fidelis’.LikewiseattheendoftheCharter,inthesecurityclause,itwas‘everyone’–‘omnes’–orallmenwho

weretosweartheoathtosupportthetwenty-fivebaronsintheirworkofmaintainingtheCharter.Alladultmaleswerethuspotentiallypartofthe‘communeofalltheland’(‘commune’meaningswornassociation),whichtheoathcreated.1

ContemporariescouldregardtheCharterinthesame

way.TheannalsofDunstabledescribeditasbeingabout‘thelibertiesofthekingdomofEngland’.Lateritwasoftencalledacharterof‘commonliberties’.2Thismeantitwas‘common’inthegeographicalsenseinthatitappliedtoallthecountry(whereasthelaterForestCharterwasonlyrelevanttoforestareas),buttheCharter

alsocarriedatleastatingeofbeingcommoninthesenseofeveryonesharinginitsbenefits.Noronthefaceofitwasthatuntrue.Someofthechaptersseemedtohaveauniversalreach.‘Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice’,ranchapter40.

THEECONOMICFRAMEWORK

ThepeopleofMagnaCarta’sEnglandlivedinanageofeconomicexpansion.3AllhistorianswouldagreethatthepopulationofEnglandroseveryconsiderablyinthehundredorsoyearseithersideoftheCharter,beforeitwasslashedbytheBlackDeath.Therewouldbemuch

lessagreementoverprecisefigures,especiallyforthe1200s,whicharesituatedinastatisticalvacuumbetweenthedatathatcomefromDomesdayBookin1086andthe‘HundredRoll’surveyof1279.Ahighestimatefortheearlythirteenthcenturywouldbe4.5millionpeople,alowone3million.Perhapsaround3.5millionmightbethe

safestbet.Therisingpopulationwasaccompaniedbyurbanandcommercialexpansion.Manynewtownswerefounded,andoldonesgrewinsize.Thetownpopulationmaywellhaveincreasedfasterthanthatinthecountryside,reachingby1300atleast10percentofthewhole.4Therewasagiganticincreaseinthe

moneysupply,andanewnetworkofmarketsandfairswasintroduced.5

JustwherethereignofJohnfitsintothispictureofgeneralexpansionis,however,farfromclear.Indeed,itcouldbearguedthattheeconomyinhistimesufferedaseriesofshocks,somebeingtheresultsofhispolicies,somenot.There

werecertainlyatthestartofJohn’sreignsomeyearsofveryrapidinflation,inwhichpricestripledormorethantripled.Althoughtheythenfellback,pricesneverreturnedtotheiroldlevels.Themostimportantpriceofall,thatofwheat,fluctuated,after1207,atsomethingmorethantwiceitslevelbefore1200.6Thecausesofthe

inflationhavebeenmuchdebated,butthemostimmediatefactorwasprobablyaseriesofbadharveststhatpushedupthepriceofcorn.RalphofCoggeshallspecificallyblamedthehighpricesof1205,whichhecontrastedwiththoseinthereignofHenryII,onthefreezingweatherthathaddestroyed

thecrops.7Chroniclersalsocommentedonthebadweatherof1201andthefamineof1203.8Anotherfactor,purelymonetary,wasarguablythereleaseoflargenumbersofcoinsbecausehoardershaddecidedtospendtheirmoney,havinglostconfidenceinamuchclippedcurrencyandbeingfearfuloflosingoutina

recoinage,whichindeedwasintroducedin1205.9Overthelongerterm,thefailureofpricestoreturntotheiroldlevelswasprobablyduetotheflowofsilverintothecountryfromFlandersinordertopayforEnglishwool.Thisinflationtookplace,moreover,despitethedeflationarypressuresresultingfromthemoneysent

overseasforthedefenceandthenrecoveryoftheAngevinempire.AlargeamountofmoneywasalsotakenoutofcirculationasJohn,after1204,builtupthetreasureneededtofinancehiscontinentalschemes.10

Tradingpatterns,meanwhile,musthavebeendisruptedbothbythelossofNormandyandAnjouin1203–4,andthe

conflictwithFrancethatcontinuedthereafter.ThisindeedisreflectedinMagnaCarta’schapter41withitsconcern,ifwarbrokeout,forthetreatmentofforeignmerchantsinEnglandandEnglishmerchantsabroad,theimplicationbeingthathithertotheyhadbeenarrestedandtheirgoodsseized.

John’sreigninthisperspectivemightseemthentocombinebadharvests,inflation,shortageofcoin,disruptionoftradeandageneraldeclineinproductivity,allmakinghisexactionsthemoregrievous.MagnaCartabecomestheresultofaneconomiccrisis.P.D.A.Harveyindeedremarkedthat‘nolandmark

inEnglishconstitutionalhistorywasmoreclearlybroughtaboutbyeconomicchangethanMagnaCarta’.11

Yetitisimpossibletobesureofthisinterpretation.Theharvestsin1213and1214wereactuallygood,andpricestumbledfromthehighlevelsofsomeearlieryears.12

Theyear1215wasthusverydifferentfrom1258,whena

greatpoliticalrevolution,strippingJohn’sson,HenryIII,ofpower,tookplaceatatimeofdearthandstarvation,followingaharvestfailure.ThesumsJohnwasabletoraisefrombaronsevenlateinhisreignhardlysuggestthattheywerestrappedforcash.Withsurpluscorntosellontherisingmarketforagriculturalproduce,lords

mightanywaybeshieldedfromtheinflation.ManytownsinJohn’sreignwereprosperousenoughtoofferhimmoneyforexemptionfromtollsandtherighttoanswerdirectlyfortheirrevenuesattheexchequer.Itisanywayimpossibleto

generalizeacrosssociety,sinceeconomicdevelopmentsaffecteddifferentgroupsin

differentways.Theeconomymightexpand,forexample,withoutbringinganybenefittothepeasantswhoformedthebulkofthepopulation.TheCharteritselfreflecteddeepdivisionsinEnglandsociety,divisionsbetweenmenandwomen,freeandunfree,lordsandtowns,lordsandtenants,ChristiansandJews,andchurchandstate.It

was,moreover,farfrombeingamerepassivereflectionofthestatusquo.Onthecontrary,theCharterwas,inplaces,anaggressivedocument,whichsectionsofsocietysoughttouseagainsteachother.Itisusual,whenlookingatthatsociety,tofocusontheearls,baronsandknights.Thisisunderstandable,giventhatit

wasthiselitewhichforcedtheCharterontheking.Johnhimselfandthecontemporarywritersoftendescribedtherebelssimplyas‘thebarons’.ButsuchconcentrationalsoconcealswhattheChartertellsus,sometimesbyitssilence,abouteveryoneelse.Earlsandbaronsformedatinyeliteonehundredorsostrong.Ofknightstherewere

severalthousand.Thepopulationwasseveralmillion.Thischapter,therefore,concentratesonthosewhomtheChartermoreorlessleftout,namelywomen,peasants,Jewsandtowns,beforeconcludingwiththechurch.Earls,baronsandknightsappearinthechapterthatfollows.

WOMEN

IfthepopulationinJohn’sreignwas3.5million,thentherewerearound1.75millionfemales,ofwhomperhapshalfwouldhavebeenunderfifteen,so875,000adultwomen,andaroundthesamenumberofadultmales.13NowomenarementionedbynameinMagnaCarta.Thequeenappearsin

thesecurityclausebutisleftanonymous.AlsoanonymousarethesistersofthekingofScots,AlexanderII,whofeatureinchapter59,althoughtheyarenamedinJohn’sletterannouncingthe1209TreatyofNorham;itwasunderthistreatythattheycameintohishands.14Bycontrast,theCharternamesJohnandthirty-eightother

men.Thewords‘man’and‘men’–‘homo’and‘homines’–appearnineteentimesintheCharter.‘Woman’–‘femina’–appearsonce,andinachapter(54)thatreducesthepowerofwomenovermen.Therearetworeferencestothe‘widow’–‘vidua’–andtwotothewidowed‘wife’–‘uxor’(chapters7,8,11and26).To

besure,theword‘homo’couldcertainlybeusedatthistimetomeansimplyahumanbeing.Women,therefore,wereprotectedbymanyofMagnaCarta’schapters.Indeed,itmaybethatthemurderofMatildadeBriouze,alongsidehereldestson,wasonestrandbehindchapter39’sinsistencethatnofreemanbe‘destroyed’

savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.Yetchapter39,ifitembracedwomen,alsoignoredthem.Whenitsaidthatthereshouldbenooutlawrysavebyjudgementorbylaw,itwasdealingexclusivelywithmen.Awomanwasnotoutlawed,shewas‘waived’,whichmeantshewasabandonedasa

‘waif’.Thishadthesameconsequences(awaivedwomanlikeanoutlawedmancouldbekilledonsight)butalsoreflectedafundamentaldifferencebetweenmenandwomen.Whereaswomendidhaverightsoverproperty(althoughlessthanthoseofmen),theyhadhardlyanypublicfunctions.Thuswhereasalladultmales,as

wehaveseen,sworefealtytotheking,womeningeneraldidnot.Therewasnoneedforthemtodososince,intheory,everywomanwasundertheprotectionof,andcouldbeansweredforby,aman,beitfather,husbandorlord.Since,therefore,therewasnooathoffealtymakingwomengenerally‘inlaw’,theycouldnotbe‘outlawed’,

andhencetheywere‘waived’.Theonlywomenwhotookanoathoffealtytothekingwerethosewhodidsoaspartofanactofhomageperformedtotheking(anactdiscussedmorefullyinthenextchapter).Thenumberofwomeninthiscategorywassmall,sinceitwasconfinedtoheiresseswhoheldtheirlanddirectlyfromtheking

anddidhomagewhentheyenteredtheirinheritances–didhomage,thatis,iftheywereunmarried(usuallybeingwidows).Iftheyweremarried,theirhusbandsperfomedhomagefortheirlands.Onlywhenthehusbanddiedwastheheiresscalledontodoso.Since,therefore,thegreatmajorityofwomendidnotswearfealtytotheking,

theyweretechnicallynotevenamongtheking’s‘fideles’towhomtheCharterwasaddressed.Thisimbalance

correspondedtothepositionofwomeninmale-craftedlaw,customandwiderthought.15‘Womendifferfrommeninmanyrespects,fortheirpositionisinferiortothatofmen’,opinedthegreat

bookonthelawsofEnglandknownasBracton,muchofwhichwaswritteninthecoupleofdecadesafterJohn’sdeath.16Thesubordinationofwomenwaspartlyjustifiedbiblically,goingbacktoEve’sroleasAdam’sserpentinetemptress.Otherfemalefailings(intheviewofthemid-thirteenth-centuryOxfordfriarJohnof

Wales)weregarrulity,slothandostentationindressandmakeup.17WalterMap,writinginthe1180s,equatedwomenwithonething,namely‘malicia’–‘malice’.18

HownecessarythentheinjunctioninEphesians5:22–3:‘WivesshouldbesubjecttotheirhusbandsastotheLord,sincethehusbandistheheadofthewifeasChristis

theheadoftheChurch…’!Womenwerealsofrail.When,in1249,UghtredSmith,ofButelandinNorthumberland,pulledanarrowoutofhisheadbeforegoinghome,itwas‘sothatmywifemaynotseeit,forshewouldperhapsgrieveovermuch’.19Strongman,weakwoman.

Womenthenhadaverylimitedpublicrole.Theydidnotsitonjuries,andonlyveryexceptionallyheldanykindofoffice.If,underchapter39oftheCharter,freewomenwereentitledtojudgementbytheirpeers,thatjudgementwouldhavebeengivenexclusivelybymen.WhenMagnaCartawasredraftedin1216,itwas

madeclearthatawomancouldnotremaininthehouseofherlatehusbandifitwasacastle.The1216Charterwasissuedinthemiddleofacivilwar,buttheclauseremainedinplaceinthelaterversionsissuedintimeofpeace.Evidentlycastleswerenotforsinglewomen.TheCharter,however,showsthatwomendidhaverightsoverproperty.

Chapter7laiddownthat,onthedeathoftheirhusbands,widowsshouldhavefreeentryintotheirinheritances,marriageportionsanddowers.TheCharterwasthinkingpre-eminentlyhereofthoseatthetopofthesocialscale,namelythedaughtersandwidowsoftheking’sbaronialandknightlytenants-in-chief;butits

stipulationsalsoapplieddownwards,thatis,tothedaughtersandwidowsoftheknightswhoheldfromthetenants-in-chiefthemselves.20

Thiswaswhy,ifawidowwantedtoremarry,sheneeded,underchapter8,togettheconsentofwhomeversheheldherlandfrom,whetheritwasthekingoralord.UnderKingJohn,

widowshadcertainlynotenteredtheirdowers,marriageportionsandinheritancesfreeofcharge;butthattheywereentitledtothem,underexistinglawandcustom,wasnotdisputed.TheCharterwasconcernedtosecurefreeentryintothoseproperties,notestablishtheprincipleofentryitself.Whenitcametoinheritances,a

woman’srightswereinferiortoaman’s.Sheonlyinheritedherparents’propertyindefaultofabrother.Andwhereas,bytheoperationofprimogeniture,aneldestbrotherwouldinheriteverything,withwomentherewasnoprimogenitureandsistersdividedtheinheritance.Thisiswhychapter2oftheCharterspoke

ofthe‘heirorheirs’ofearls,baronsandknights,theheirsherebeingwomen.Itwasalsowhythechapterimpliedthatbaroniesandknights’feesmightnotbe‘whole’,whichwouldbetheresultoftheirdivisionbetweenheiresses.Whentheywerenotheiresses,womenmightstillhavelandintheformofamarriageportiongivenby

theirnatalfamilies.And,onthedeathoftheirhusbands,theywereentitledtoadower,carvedoutofhisestates.The1217versionoftheCharterdefinedthisasathirdoftheestatesheldbythehusbandinhislifetime,unlessasmalleramounthadbeenagreed.21

Awoman,therefore,mighthaveproperty,butherchancesofactually

controllingitwerelimited.Formuchofthetimeitwascontrolledbymen.InthelawasstatedbyGlanvill,afemaleheiresscouldnotenterherinheritanceunlessshewasmarried.Ifunmarriedatthetimeofherfather’sdeath,then,evenwhenoffullage,sheremainedinthewardshipofherlord,untilhemarriedheroff.22Amaleheir,by

contrast,escapedfromwardshipandgainedhisinheritanceassoonasheattainedhismajority.The1216Chartergavetheageforthatastwenty-one.Inpractice,mostheiressesweremarriedoffeitherbytheirfathersor,iftheycameintowardship,bytheirlords,longbeforetheyreachedthatage.Inthecaseofdaughtersof

tenants-in-chief,thelordwastheking.WhenMagnaCartalaiddownthat‘heirs’(ofbothsexes)weretobemarried‘withoutdisparagement’,itwasdesignedtostoplords,andabovealltheking,frommarryingoffheiressesintheirwardshiptothoseoflowersocialrank.Inmarriageahusbandhadcontrolofhiswife’sinheritanceandcould

alienateitashewished.TheCharteracknowledgedasmuch.Theinheritanceitallowedawidowtorecoverwastheinheritanceasheldatthetimeofherhusband’sdeath.Itwasonlyaftera

husband’sdeaththatthispicturechanged.Aswidows,womencouldthemselvescontroltheirinheritances,

marriageportionsanddowers.TheCharter,insayingthatthesepropertiesshouldbeenteredwithoutdifficultyandwithoutcharge,wasdesignedtomakeitalltheeasierforwidowstoobtainthem.Whenitcametowidowsobtainingtheirdowers,theCharterwasalsoputtingtheminastrongerpositionthansome

translationshaveindicated.InHolt’s,forexample,itissaidthatthewidow‘maystayinherhusband’shouseforfortydaysafterhisdeath,withinwhichperiodherdowershallbeassignedtoher’.The‘maystay’herecouldbetakentoimplythatstayingisjustapossibilityopentothewidow.ButthereisverylittleintheLatintojustifythe‘may’.

Rather,thepresentsubjunctiveisjussive,asitisintheotherverbsinthechapter,andismuchbettertranslatedas‘istostay’.Inotherwords,thewidowisabsolutelynotgoingtobedisturbed,untilthefortydaysareup,byking,lord,familyorwhomever.23TheCharteralsoofferedtwofurtherprotectionsforwidows.In

chapter11,ifahusbanddiedowingmoneytotheJews,oranyoneelse,thewidowwasbothtogetherdowerandpaynothingofthedebt.Underchapter26,althoughthisonlyappliedtowidowsoftenants-in-chief,widowswereguaranteedareasonableshareoftheirlatehusband’schattelsasagainstthe

demandsoftheexecutorsofhiswill.Ifwidowsremarried,

however,theirpropertybecameagainsubjecttotheirhusband’scontrol,butatleasttheCharter,inchapter8,preventedthemfrombeingforcedintoasecondunion.Asunmarriedwidows,womencouldalsolitigate,andindeedmanydidsoboth

overtheirdowersandoverpropertyalienatedbytheirhusbandsfromtheirinheritances.Unmarriedwidowswerethusverymuchpublicfiguresintheking’scourts.Indeed,theyhadallthemoreopportunityinthisareaunderthedemandsof1215.Theprotectionofferedwidows,whenitcametothefreeentryintotheirdowers,

marriageportionsandinheritances,wasnotmerelyforthefuture.Therewasalsotheintentionofredressingthegrievancesofthepast.Underchapter37oftheArticlesoftheBarons,allfinesmadefordowers,marriageportionsandinheritances,unjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland,weretoberemitted.24Iftherewasanydispute(aswasquite

likely),itwastobejudgedbythetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseandArchbishopLangton.Therewerenumerouswidowswithgrievancesoverjustsuchfines.Iftheysecuredredressbyauthorityofthetwenty-fivebarons,theywereexploitingthemostrevolutionaryfeatureoftheCharter.

ItisnaturaltothinkthatthechaptersinfavourofwidowsintheCharterowedagooddealtothedemandsoftheirmalerelatives,andtheremustbetruthinthat.Nosonwantedtoseehismother,withallherlands,takenoffbysomesecondhusband.Itwasfarbetterthatsheremainedsingle,inwhichcasethesonhimselfmight

hopetoprofitfromherlands.Women,however,werefarfrombeingmerepawnsinthehandsofmen.Before1215theyhadbeenactiveinsecuring,inreturnformoney,preciselythekindsofconcessionsthattheyweretogaininMagnaCarta.Governmentrecordsshownofewerthan149widowsinJohn’sreignofferingmoney

tothekingfortherighttostaysingleormarrywhomtheywished,offersthatweresometimesalsoforentryintotheirlandsandthewardshipoftheirchildren.25Holthascalledsuchproffers‘oneofthefirstgreatstagesintheemancipationofwomen’.26Itseemsinconceivablethatallthewomeninquestionwerebeingmanipulatedbymen.

John,ofcourse,couldnotcarelessonewayortheother.Allhewantedwashismoney,andtheoffersshowthatwomenhadplentyofit.In1214Margaret,widowofRobertfitzRoger,promisedthequeenlysumof£1,000fortherighttostaysingleandotherconcessions.Herofferwasclearlyatherintitiative,foritwasactuallyaimedin

partatherson:shewastohaveherdower,evenifhedidnotwishtogiveittoher.Thispointedtoacommoncauseoffriction.Sinceawidow’sdowerhadtobecarvedoutofherlatehusband’slands,itdiminished,untilherdeath,theamounttobeinheritedbytheheir,whetherhersonoranyoneelse.Theofferalso

showshowdeterminedMargaretwastolitigateinordertorightperceivedinjustices.ThusJohnagreedtogiveherjusticeinhiscourtoverherclaimstoherinheritance,partofitalienated,shebelieved,byhertwoformerhusbands.27

Womenmightalsohopetobenefitfromthefamouschaptersaboutjusticeinthe

Charter.Chapter39mightnotreferto‘waiving’,butfreewomencouldstillbeprotectedfromunjustdisseiseunderitsterms.Indeed,Isabella,countessofArundel,laterupbraidedHenryIIIfortheway,inhisdealingswithher,hehadbreachedthisveryclause.28Thiswasalsoasocietywhichacceptedthatnoblewomencouldhold

publicofficeatleastinthefewcaseswheretheyhadinheritedatitletoit.JohnhimselfacceptedtheclaimofNicoladeHay,asherfather’sheir,tobecastellanofLincoln,andshewasdeterminedtodothejobinperson.TheHistoryoftheMarshalshowsherincommandthereduringthegreatsiegein1217that

helpeddeterminetheoutcomeofthecivilwar.Bythistimeshehadwiderauthority,forJohn,onthedayofhisdeath,madeherjointsheriffofLincolnshire.29

Atthelowestlevelofsociety,theCharterhadnothingtosayaboutthepropertyoftheunfree,maleorfemale,since,aswewillsee,thatwasentirelyamatter

forthelord.Womenasawhole,however,didfeatureintheCharter,whichbringsustotheonechapter,chapter54,wheretheword‘woman’–‘femina’–appears.Thiswasachapterintroduced,forreasonswewillsee,atRunnymedeitself.30Thebackgroundtothechapterwasthewayinwhichwomen,whatevertheirstatus,

werepermittedincourtsoflawtoappeal,thatisaccuse,individualsofcrime.Whereasamancouldbringappealsforawholerangeofcrimes,awoman,inthelegaltheoryassetoutinGlanvill,waslimitedtoaccusationsoftwokinds.31Thefirstwasforthekillingofherhusband,whereshehadpersonallywitnessedthedeed–withthehusband,

intheconventionalphraseology,dyinginherarms.Thesecondwasforrapeandinjurytoherbody.Onefactorunderlyingtheserestrictions,quiteapartfromtheusualprejudices,wastheviewthatwomenhadanunfair‘proceduraladvantage’.Theycouldnotbechallengedtobackuptheiraccusationsinatrialby

battle,andso,withlesstolose,mightbringtheirchargesirresponsibly,eitherontheirownaccountorbecausetheywerebeingmanipulatedbymen.32

Chapter54didnotdealwiththeserestrictionsdirectly,butlimitedthepowerofwomeninarelatedarea.Thusitdirectedthatnoonewastobearrestedorimprisonedonthe

appealofawomanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.Inotherwords,ifawomandidmakeanappealforthekillingofsomeoneotherthanherhusband,theaccusedwasnottobeimprisonedpriortotrial,aswouldhavebeenthecaseiftheaccuserwasaman.Instead,aswasprobablythepracticeforcrimesotherthan

homicide,whateverthegenderoftheaccuser,hecouldgivesuretiesforcomingtocourtandansweringthecharge.Women,asaccusers,therefore,werebeingputonalowerplanethanmen.Chapter54could,however,

havebeenworse.Itclearlyimpliedthatwomenweremakingappealsforhomicides

otherthanthoseoftheirhusbands.Itlimitedthepre-trialconsequencesofsuchaccusationsbutdidnothingtostopthem,orotherappeals,byenforcingGlanvill’srule.Indeed,plearollevidence,bothbeforeandafter1215,showsthattherestrictionsonwomen’sappealswerefarfromroutinelyenforcedbytheking’sjudges.Whatis

equallyclearisthatappealsbroughtbywomenformedalargepartofthebusinessofjudgeswhentheytouredthecounties.TherewereoverseventysuchappealsbroughtbeforethejudgesinLincolnshirein1202.Thegreatmajorityoftheappeals,moreover,seemtohavecomefromwomenofpeasantbackground.Heretherewas

nodistinctionbetweenthefreeandtheunfree.ThatwascertainlynotthecaseelsewhereintheCharter.33

THEPEASANTRY:UNFREEANDFREE

Inthe1200s,onaveryroughestimate,about90percentofEngland’spopulationwerepeasants,soapproachingsome3.15millionsouls–

men,womenandchildren–ifthetotalpopulationwasaround3.5million.Withinthisgroupthebalancebetweenpeasantswhowerefreeandunfreevariedbothasbetweenneighbouringmanorsandasbetweendifferentpartsofthecountry,andthereissimplynottheevidencetobepreciseaboutit.Aclassicstudybythe

RussianhistorianE.A.Kosminsky(whosurvivedthepurgesbyputtingindutifulreferencestotheworksofJ.Stalin)showedthatinsixMidlandscountiesforwhichtherewasevidenceinthe1279HundredRollsurvey,theratiobetweentheunfreeandfreepeasantrywas62percentto38percentintermsoflandheld,and58percentto

42percentintermsofnumberofhouseholds.Inotherpartsofthecountry,however,notablyinEastAngliaandthenorth,therewascertainlyamuchhigherproportion,indeedapreponderanceoffreepeasants.34TheLatintextsthatmostly

describetheirconditionhadawholevarietyofwordsfor

peasant,including‘villanus’,‘servus’,‘rusticus’,‘nativus’,‘custumarius’and‘bondus’.Althoughsomeofthesewordscouldbeusedinaloosersense,theyusuallycarriedtheimplicationthattheindividualwasunfree.Asokeman,ontheotherhand,wasafreeorfreerpeasant.Fortunately,thereisnoneedtospendtimeagonizingover

definitions.Weknowfromnumeroussurveysofmanors,notleastthe1279HundredRollsurvey,thetypeofpersonwhomcontemporariesdescribedaspeasants,usingoneoftheaboveterms.Insuchsurveyslistsof

unfreepeasants(mostoftendescribedasvilleins)frequentlyshowthemholdingeitherawholeorahalf

virgateoflandfromtheirlord.Avirgatevariedinsize;itcouldbethirtyacres,twenty-fouracres,orless.Land,ofcourse,variedinproductivity.Halfavirgateinoneplacemightbeworthasmuchormorethanavirgatesomewhereelse,butprobablymostpeasantswithhalfavirgateandupwardscouldsupporttheirfamilieslargely

fromtheirland.Beneaththevilleins,anothergroupoftenlisted(stillclearlyunfree)werethe‘cottarii’–‘cottagers’.Theseweresmallholderswithatbestafewacresofland(theamountisrarelystated).Inreturnfortheirland,boththesegroupsofpeasantsowedthelordacombinationofmoneyrentsandagriculturallabour

services;forvilleinvirgaters,thelattermightinvolvesupplyingtwomen,whowouldworkforthelordacoupleofdaysaweekformostoftheyear,andeverydayinharvesttime.Thepeasantsdescribedas

sokemencanbefoundinsurveysholdingasfewasfiveacresoflandand,moretypically,asmuchashalfa

virgateoravirgate.Theyansweredformoneyrents,andiftheyowedlabourservices,thesewereusuallylightcomparedtothoseofvilleins.Manorialsurveysalsooftenhavelistsof‘freetenants’.Theseweremenwhoansweredexclusivelyformoneyrents.Somehadsubstantialholdingsthatplacedthemabovethe

generalrunofthepeasantry,butmanyothershadlandofequivalentsizetothatheldbyvilleinsandcottars.Apartfrombeinglegallyfree,andansweringexclusivelyforrents,theymustoftenhavebeeninaverysimilareconomiccondition.Theframeworkgoverning

thelifeofthepeasant,especiallytheunfreepeasant,

wasveryoftenthatofthemanor,althoughthesecameinmanyforms,shapesandsizes.Sometimestheywerecoterminouswithanotherunitoflocalsociety,the‘villa’,mentionedinchapter23oftheCharter,whichisconventionallytranslated‘vill’butinmanycasesequatedtoavillage.Manyvillages,ontheotherhand,

hadmorethanonemanor.Inthethirteenthcentury,lordsretainedmostoftheirmanorsinhand–‘indemesne’–ratherthanrentingthemout.Chapter25oftheChartermentionedtheking’sown‘demesnemanors’,whileanewchapter(26)intheCharterof1217safeguardedthedemesnecartsoflordsfromseizure,whichmeant

thecartsthattheyhadontheirdemesnemanors.Withanin-handmanor,lordscultivatedfortheirownprofitalargepartofthelandwithinwhatwereusuallytwoorthreebigfieldsaroundthevillagecentre.Thisareawasalsocalledthe‘demesne’,beingthein-handpartofademesnemanor.Thelabourservicesowedbytheunfree

couldbeusedtoworkthedemesne,althoughpaidlabourwasoftenemployedaswell.InKosminsky’sanalysisofthe1279survey,32percentofthelandwasdemesne,asagainst40percentvilleinlandand24percentpeasantfreeholdings.35Thisjustshowstheinequalitiesthatexisted,forofcoursethenumberoflordsraninto

thousands,andthenumberofpeasants(whoanywayhadtoworkforthelords)intomillions.Evenalargepeasantholdingofthirtyacreswassmallcomparedtothe250acresthatmighttypicallybeheldindemesneinamedium-sizedmanor,andgreatlordshadmanymanors.By1215theking’sjudges

haddevelopedaveryclear

testtodecidewhowasunfree,andusedthewords‘villein’and‘servus’–‘serf’–inatechnicallegalsensetodescribesomeoneinthatcondition.Thetesthadseveralcomponents,butthemostvitalwaswhetherthepeasant(orhisancestor)hadperformedagriculturallabourservicesofanysignificancetothelordinreturnforhis

land.Theking’sjudgeswereveryclearabouttheconsequencesofunfreedom.Villeinscouldnotleavethemanorwithoutthelord’sconsent.Theyhadtopaythetaxcalled‘merchet’tomarryofftheirdaughters.Villeinscouldbesoldwiththeland‘likeoxenandcows’.Theyhadnorecourseatalltotheking’scourtsinanymatter

concerningtheirlandandservices.Thesewereentirelymattersforthelordtodetermine.AsthelawbookBractonputit,avillein‘cannotknowintheeveningtheservicetoberenderedinthemorning.[He]isboundtodowhateverheisbid.’36

Theeconomicpositionofthepeasantryinthethirteenthcenturyhasbeenmuch

debatedintheso-called‘standardoflivingcontroversy’.37Accordingtooneview,therisingpopulationwasoutrunningtheabilityofthelandtosupportit,andcreatingaproliferationofpeasantsmallholderslivingontheedgeofsubsistence.Akeycalculationhereisthat,inaverageconditions,apeasant

familyneededatleasttenarableacrestosubsistsimplyfromitsland.Kosminsky’sfigureschillinglysuggestthatover40percentofthepeasantryweresmallholderswhofellbelowthatlevel.Indeed,ithasbeenestimatedthataround1300thiswastrueof60percentofpeasanthouseholds.38Tosurviveatall,smallholdershadtofind

othersourcesofincome,mostnotablyfromwagelabour.Thatmightprovideenoughtogetbyinnormaltimes,butnotwhenpriceswentupwithbadharvests.Thentheremightbewidespreadstarvation.Somehistorians,however,havesoughttoqualifythisbleakpicture,whichinanycaserelatesmoretothelaterthirteenth

centurythanitdoestothereignofJohn.Insomepartsofthecountry,peasantscouldexploitresourcesofforestandmeadow,outsidethearablefields.Theten-acrecalculationisitselfbasedonfiguresfromtheproductivityoflordlydemesnes,whereasproductivityonpeasantland,whichwasliterallyamatteroflifeanddeath,mighthave

beenmuchhigher.Wherepeasantslackedaccesstoploughs,theycould,withplentyoffamilylabour,preparetheirlandsforsowingallthemorefruitfullybyspade.39Yet,whateverthetruthinthisdebate,noonewoulddisputethattheEnglishpeasantrywerepooranddisadvantaged.They

neededalltheprotectioninMagnaCartatheycouldget.Therewasnoreason,in

theory,whythefreepeasantryshouldnotbenefitdirectlyfromtheCharter.Asfreemen,underchapter20,theywereprotectedfromexcessiveamercements(finesinmodernparlance),whetherimposedbythekingortheirlords;inchapter39,they

wereprotectedfromunjustdispossession.Theymightalsogainfromchapters17to19,whichaimedtoexpeditecivillitigationintheking’scourts.Thiswasmorethanmereform,fortheplearollsrecordingsuchbusinessshowmanyofapparentlypeasantstatuslitigatingoversmallamountsofland.TheCharterturnedamuchmorenegative

facetotheunfree,indeeditwasdeliberatelydesignedtodoso.Theunfreewereamongtheking’sfidelestowhomtheCharterwasannounced,buttheconcessionswerenotactuallygiventothem.John,atthestart,madehisgrantto‘allthefreemenofourkingdom’,sonottotheunfreeatall.Thebishops,intheirletters

testifyingtotheCharter’sauthorizedtext,describeditasbeinggrantedto‘theearls,baronsandfreemenofEngland’.True,inchapter63,itwas‘themeninourkingdom’whoweretoenjoytheconcessions,butitwentwithoutsayingthatthesemenwerefree.Thepointwasclearinchapter60’sstipulationthat‘allthemenofour

kingdom’shouldobservetheconcessionstotheirownmen.Theunfreehadnomen.TheCharterdidnothingat

alltochallengethebasicrestrictionsofunfreedom.Onthecontrary,itreinforcedthem,makingitveryclearthattheunfreewereindeedsubjecttothewilloftheirlords.Theonlychapterinwhichvilleinsappearedby

name,andwheretheygainedprotection,wasnotwhatitseemed.Thiswaschapter20onamercements.Itlaiddownthatamercementsimposedonfreemenandmerchantsshouldfitthecrime.Theyshouldnotbesolargeastoaffectafreeman’s‘contenementum’,whichmeanthismeansoflivelihood,andamerchant’s

merchandise,whichcametothesamething.Thechapterthencontinued:

andavilleinistobeamercedinthesamewaysavinghiswainage,iftheyfallintoourmercy.Andnoneoftheaforesaidamercementsaretobeimposed,savebytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood.

‘Wainage’heremeansthethingsnecessaryforthevilleintobeabletomakealiving,inotherwordshiscropsundercultivation,seedcorn,ploughsandploughteams.40Itwasthustheequivalentof‘contenementum’andmerchandise.Onthefaceit,therefore,villeinsherearebeingtreatedlikeeveryone

else.Indeed,thepluralinthepassagequotedabove,‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’,mightseemtoimplythatthe‘if’qualificationappliestothefreemenandmerchantsintheearlypartofthechapterjustasmuchastovilleinsattheend.Inotherwords,allthreegroupsareonlyprotectedfromamercementsimposedbytheking.41

Indeed,thechapterhassometimesbeentranslatedtomakethisalltheclearerwith‘Iftheyfallintoourmercy’beingplacedatitsstarttogovernallthatfollows.Butitisplainthatthequalification‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’wasmeanttoapplyonlytothevillein.HadtheChartermeanttolumpfreemen,merchantsandvilleins

togetherhere,itwouldhavemadethatclear,asitdidintheimmediatelyfollowingpassage,whichsaidthat‘noneoftheaforesaidamercements’weretobeimposedsavebytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood.Theconfusionthatcouldarisefromthe‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’beingpluralrather

thansingularwaseliminatedintheCharterof1216,anditssuccessors.Therethe‘they’waschangedto‘he’,sothepassagenowread‘ifhefallsintoourmercy’,thusclearlyreferringonlytothevillein.IntheengrossmentsofthelaterCharters,moreover,thesection‘andavillein…ifhefallsintoourmercy’isoftenpunctuatedasaseparateand

discreteclause.ThischangewasanticipatedintheveryearlyFrenchtranslationofthe1215Charter,whereagain‘iftheyfall’appearsas‘ifhefalls’.42Eitherthetranslatorhadsensedthecorrectmeaningorhewasworkingfromanengrossmentwherethesingularinfactoccurred.Thepointofallthisisthatthelordswishedtoprotecttheir

villeinsfromamercementsimposedbytheking,whileremainingfreetoimposewhateveramercementstheylikedthemselves.Thereisoneotherstriking

featureaboutthisclauseonvilleins.Thequalification‘ifhefallsintoourmercy’(asitshouldhaveread)doesnotappearintheequivalentchapterintheArticlesofthe

Barons(9).ItwasthusinsertedintotheCharteratRunnymedeitself.Evidentlylordshadrealizedthat,leftasitwas,thechaptergaveblanketprotectiontovilleins.Thatwouldnotdo,hencethechange.Thedoingdownofvilleinsinthechapterandtheseparationofthemfromeveryoneelsewasthushighlydeliberate.Evenat

Runnymede,inthemidstoftensenegotiationswiththeking,lordswerethinkingofhowtoentrenchtheirauthorityovertheunfreepeasantry.Thatisameasureofhowimportanttheissueseemedtobe.Justhowawarethedrafters

oftheCharterwereofchapter20’simplicationsforthepeasantryisshownina

changemadetoitinthenewversionoftheCharterwhichwasissuedin1217.The1215Charter,probablyinadvertently,hadleftthekinginaworsepositionthanhislords.Theycouldimposewhateveramercementstheylikedontheirownvilleins.Theking,ontheotherhand,couldnot,fortherewasnothingtoindicatethathis

ownvilleinswerenotprotectedbythechapteriftheyfellintohismercy.In1217thiswasputrightthroughtheintroductionofanotherqualificationtothechapter.43Thevilleinswhoweretobeprotectedfromexcessiveamercementsimposedbythekingweretobe‘otherthanourown’.Inotherwords,thekingnow

gainedthesamelet-outaslordsandcoulddowhatheliked,asfarastheCharterwasconcerned,whenamercinghisownvilleins.Inthe1215Charteritself,thekinghadalreadygonesomewaytoassertinghisauthorityoverhisownpeasants.Chapter25hadexemptedtheking’sdemesnemanorsfromthelimitationsonthemoney

thatcouldbetakenfromthecounties.Thekingwasthusfreetoimposeheavierburdensonhismanors,whichmeantofcourseheavierburdensonhispeasanttenants.Afterthesectionon

amercements,chapter23wentontoprotectmenandvillsfrombeingdistrainedtoworkonbridges,otherthan

whensuchworkwascustomary,theprotectionof‘men’ratherthanjustofvillsbeingaddedatRunnymedeitself.Thiscertainlyofferedsomethingtounfreepeasants.Thatthechapterspokeof‘men’ratherthan‘freemen’showsthatthelowestsectionsofsocietywereinvolved.Thechapterwasthere,however,becauselordswereactingin

theirowninterests.Theiraimwastopreventtheirpeasantsbeingdraggedawayfromtheirproperdutiesbyworkontheking’sbridges.Failuretocarryoutsuchworkalsorenderedmenandvillsliabletoamercement,anditwasontheissueofamercementsthatthechapterintheArticlesoftheBaronshadfocused,whichiswhyitappearsafter

thesectiononamercements,aplaceitkeptintheCharteritself.Toenforcebridgeworkwasanancientroyalright.44Itwas,however,onewhichJohnhadexploitedinanewwayforthebridgesneededforhishawking.45

Whatthenoftheclutchofchaptersaboutjusticebetween38and40?Chapter38,ininsistingthatnobailiff

(andnotjustabailiffoftheking)shouldput‘anyone’‘tolaw’,andthusontrial,onhisownunsupportedaccusation,seemedintheorytobenefiteveryone.Thismadethecontrastwith39,theCharter’smostfamouschapter,allthestarker.Hereitwas‘nofreeman’not‘noman’whowastobeprotectedfromunjustimprisonment,

disseisinandoutlawry.Theimplicationherewasnotthatlordscouldoutlawtheirvilleinsastheyliked.Outlawrywasapublicprocessforthecountycourts.Norreallycouldlordsimprisontheirvilleins.Butwhattheycoulddowastodisseisethemoftheirland.Thatwasavitalpower,andtoreserveitwasthereasonwhy

thechapterprotectedthefreemanbutnotthemanwhowasunfree.Lords,asfarastheCharterwasconcerned,coulddisseizethelatterastheyliked.ThiswasmadeevenclearerinaslightrevisiontothechapterintheCharterof1217,whereitnowstatedthatnofreemanwastobedisseisedofhis‘freetenement’.Thisgavelords

evenmorescopebecauseitmeantafreemancouldbedisseisedoflandheheldinvilleinage,whichmeantlandtowhichvilleincustoms,suchaslabourservices,wereattached.Forfreementotakeonsuchlandwasriskybecauseitcouldinvolvebeingdraggeddownintopersonalunfreedom,butwith

landinshortsupply,manytooktherisk.Andsotochapter40.‘To

noone[nulli]willwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.’Surely,hereatlast,theCharterwasofferingjusticeequallytofreeandunfreealike.Unfortunatelynot.Ifavilleinaccusedhislordoffelonyandsedition(notaverylikely

occurrence),itistruethekingwasboundtohearhim.Butitwasthelawitselfthatdeniedvilleinsanyrightsagainsttheirlords,andthusanyjusticefromtheking,inmattersconcerninglandandservices.Lords,judgingfromthe

Charter,werethusveryconcernedtosingleouttheirunfreepeasantsandkeep

themintheirplace.Butwhyso?Afterall,inpracticelordsdidnotmakeregularuseofthefullrangeoftheirpowers;theydidnotusuallydispossesstheirpeasants,ormakethemwork‘attheirbidding’.Sometimeslordswerereadytoconvertlabourservicesintomoneyrents,eventograntvilleinsoutrightfreedom.Theyalsoallowed

(aslaterrecordsshow)peasantsthemselvestoassesstheamercementsimposedinmanorialcourts,muchinlinewiththestipulationintheCharterthattheyshouldbeassessedbylocalmen.46

Itis,however,veryclearwhythepowersaffirmedintheCharterweresoimportant.Theearlythirteenthcenturywasa

periodwhentheruraleconomywasbeingtransformed.Lords,awarethattherewasmoreprofittobemadefromlandintheexpandingeconomy,werereducingtheareasthattheyhadoutatrent,andincreasingthesizeoftheirdemesnes,withtheaimofcultivatingthemdirectlyandhavinglargegrainsurplusestosell.

Butattheverytimewhenlordswishedtoassertmorecontrolovertheirmanors,therewereforcesmakingitmoredifficulttodoso.Therisingpopulationwascreatingpressuretosubdividepeasantholdings.Alongwithanincreasingmoneysupply,itwasalsogeneratingapeasantlandmarket.47Lords,inthefaceofentrenchedmanorial

customs,mightfinditmoredifficulttoincreasetheburdensontheirpeasantsthanlegaltheoryimplied.Failingthetestingoftheissueincourt,therecouldbeconsiderableuncertaintyastowherethelinebetweenfreeandunfreeshouldbedrawn.Apeasantmightappearasasokemaninonesurveyandavilleininanother.Therewere

sokemenfreesokemen‘gersumarii’sokemen,bondsokemen,villeinsokemenandserfsokemen,avarietyofnamesthatsuggeststhestruggleofsokementoasserttheirfreedomontheonehand,andoflordstodenyitontheother.48Inaddition,freemen,aswehavesaid,mighttakelandtowhichvilleinserviceswereattached.

Inthesechallengingcircumstances,lordsfeltitwasabsolutelynecessarytoholdthelineandretaintheirpackageofpowersovertheunfree.Thosepowersseemedvitalfordiscipliningtheirpeasantworkforceandkeepingcontrolofwhatwasgoingoninthemanor.TheCharterthusbecameaninstrumentoflordshipthat

assertedthefundamentaldivisionbetweenthefreeandunfree.Itprotectedtheunfreefromtheking,onlytoplacethemallthemorefirmlyundertheirlords.Whatmadethislordly

victoryallthemoresignificantwasthatitcutacrossacurrentwhichsuggesteditmighthavebeenotherwise.Unfreepeasants

couldcertainlyberegardedasverymuchpartoftherealm.Johnenlistedeveryone,freeandunfreealike,inhisschemeofnationaldefencein1205,justaseveryonewasenlistedtoenforcetheCharter.49Peasants,freeandunfree,wereinvolvedintherunningoflocalgovernment,havingtogiveevidenceatcoroners’inquestsandat

localcourts.Therewasalsotheideathatthekingshouldindeedprotectunfreepeasantsfromtheirlords.Thisemergesinthediscussion,foundintheDialogusdeScaccario,astowhythekingcouldtakepossessionofthechattelsofvilleinswhentheywereconvictedofanoffence.Wasthisnotsurprising,the

Dialogusasked,giventhatsuchchattelswerethepropertyofthelord?Theanswerwasthatiflordsgotthechattelsinsuchcircumstances,theymightbeencouragedtotrumpupchargesagainsttheirvilleins.Sotheking,‘entrustedbyGodwiththecareofallhissubjects’,hadprotectedvilleinsfromthe‘greed’of

theirlords,bylayingdownthatthechattelsshouldbelongtohim.50TheunfreegainednoprotectionfromthegreedoftheirlordsinMagnaCarta.

THEJEWS51

Chapter10laiddownthatifanyonediedowingmoneytotheJews,thedebtshouldnot

gatherinterestduringtheminorityoftheheir.Inaddition,ifadebtowedtheJewscameintothehandsoftheking,thenhewouldonlytaketheprincipalofthedebt(the‘catallum’),inotherwordshewouldnotexacttheaccumulatedinterest.Chapter11wentfurther,protectingbothadebtor’swidow,aswehaveseen,andunderage

children.Thelatterweretohavethenecessaryrequirementsfortheirsupport,andonlythenwasthedebttobepaidfromwhatremained.InJohn’sreigntherewere

probablynotmanymorethanfivethousandJewsinEngland,andtheywereconfinedtothemajortowns.Thattherewerechapters

abouttheminMagnaCarta,nonetheless,showsthecentralparttheyplayedintheeconomiclifeofthecountry.Thereason,astheChartershowed,wasthatJewsweremoneylenders;indeed,giventhechurch’sbanonChristianusury,theywerethemainsourceofcredit.Theborrowersrangedacrosssociety:freetenants,evenof

peasantstatus,knights,barons,earls,bishopsandmonastichouses.Thedebtsofgreatmencouldrunintohundreds,eventhousandsofpounds,withthisbusinessbeinginthehandsofasmallnumberofJewishplutocrats,whosetownhousesexcitedaweandenvy.Theinterestratecouldrunatoneortwopenceinthepoundperweek,

so22percentor44percentayear.TheJewswerenotonlyresentedbecauseoftheirmoneylending.Theywerealsopersecutedfortheirreligion.AcombinationofbothfactorsledtoanappallingmassacreoftheJewsinYorkin1189.Givensuchpowerful

enemies,whywastheCharternotmoreradical?Whydidit

notseektobaninterestondebtsaltogether,orevenexpeltheJewsfromthecountryasfinallyhappenedin1290?TheanswerlaypartlyinanacknowledgementthattheJewswereindeedusefulassourcesofcredit,andpartlyinthewaytheywereprotectedbytheking.ThiswasnotanissueonwhichJohnwouldgiveway.

ThefactwasthattheJewswereavitalsourceofprofitforthecrown.TherewereawholevarietyofwaysinwhichdebtsowedtheJewscouldcomeintoroyalhands,whereuponthekingcouldthenexactthemforhimself.Inaddition,thekingcouldtaxtheJewsatwill.Thereasonwasthatthekingregardedthemashisownproperty.As

alegalworkofthemid-twelfthcentury,knownastheLegesEdwardiConfessoris(TheLawsofEdwardtheConfessor),putit,‘theJewsthemselvesandalltheirpossessionsaretheking’s’.52

John,likehispredecessors,thusputtheJewsunderhis‘specialprotection’,andgavethemaseriesofprivileges.Hewasfuriouswhenthey

weremaltreatedinLondon.Hisresultinglettertothemayorandsheriffs,sayingthathispeaceshouldbeobservedevenifgiventoadog,showedhiscontemptfortheJews,butalsohisdeterminationtoprotectthem.53

LONDON,TOWNSANDMERCHANTS54

LondonistheonlytownmentionedbynameinMagnaCarta.TheCharterstipulatedthattheaids(thatis,taxes)leviedonLondonbythekingweretobetakeninthesamewayasthoseimposedontherestofthekingdom,whichmeantthattheyweretobe‘reasonable’insizeandagreedbythe‘commoncounselofthekingdom’.

Londonwasalsotohaveallitsancientlibertiesandfreecustomsbybothlandandwater.InmodernprintingsoftheCharter,thefirstoftheseprovisionsistackedontotheendofchapter12,thesecondmadetostartchapter13.Lookingattheoriginalengrossments,therewouldbeacaseforjoiningthemtogetherinanexclusive

chapteronLondonitself,andthatishowtheyappearinoneearlycopyoftheCharter.55Chapter33oftheCharter,followingagaintheArticles,alsometoneofLondon’smajordemands(onealreadyconcededinroyalcharters),namelythatfishweirsshouldbecompletelyremovedfromtheThamesandMedway.Inchapter35‘thequarter’of

Londonwastobeadoptedasthestandardformeasures.London’sexclusiveplace

intheCharterisabsolutelyunderstandable.IthadplayedacentralpartintherebellionagainstKingJohn.Indeeditsmayorwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Alreadyinthe1150s,Londoncouldbedescribedas‘thequeenofthewhole

kingdom’.56Onereasonableestimateofitspopulationintheearlythirteenthcenturyisaround40,000,havingdoubledintheprevioushundredyears.ItwasmanytimeslargerthanitsnearestrivalsBristol,Winchester,NorwichandYork.57

Situatedinalowriverbasin,shelteredbythefriendlyprotectinghills

aroundBlackheath,BrockleyandHampstead,Londonoweditspre-eminencetoitslocation.Itsplaceontheeasternsideofthecountryopenedittomerchantsfromthecontinentwho,sailinguptheThames,couldunloadtheirwares,notinsomechannelportbutwellinland.Thebridge,themostseawardovertheriver,meantthat

fromLondononecouldtravelbothnorthandsouth.VesselscouldalsonavigateupstreamasfarasLechladeinGloucestershire.Inthesecondhalfofthetwelfthcentury,theexchequermovedfromWinchestertoWestminster,confirmingLondonasthecountry’sgovernmentalcapital.WiththemightoftheTower

controllingthecity,andwithWilliamRufus’sgigantichallatWestminsterprovidingamagnificentsettingforfeastsandassemblies,LondonwasthechiefseatofEngland’smonarchy.Thepowerandaspirations

oftheLondonershadlongbeenrecognizedinconcessionsmadetothembytheking.Thesewerethe

‘ancient’libertiesthatMagnaCartaconfirmed.Theyfacilitatedtradebyfreeingthecitizensfromtolls,andalsoallowedthemtoelecttheirownsheriffs.Inthecrisisof1191,duringKingRichard’sabsenceoncrusade,theLondonershadgainedfromJohnandthemagnatesofthekingdomtherighttoforma‘commune’,whichmeanta

sworn,self-governingassociation,headedbyitsownelectedmayor.58NeitherRichardonhisreturn,norJohnonhisaccession,actuallyconfirmedthecommune,buttheyprobablyacquiescedinitsexistence.In1206,duringanepisodethatrevealsthesocialtensionsinthecity,Johncomplainedthat‘thesuperiors’ofLondon

wereexploiting‘thecommonpeople’athisexpense.Nonetheless,hestillacceptedthecity’sself-government,forheorderedtheleadingcitizens,‘thebarons’,toelecttwenty-fouroftheirfellowstoputmattersright.In1215itself,littlemorethanamonthbeforeheconcededMagnaCarta,Johngrantedthe‘barons’ofthecitythe

righttochoosetheirownmayor.59

TheCharteralsorecognizedtheimportance,albeitnameless,of‘allothercitiesandboroughs,andvillsandports’,whenitconfirmed‘theirlibertiesandfreecustoms’.Indeed,theoriginalengrossmentsallhaveanewchapterbeginningwiththisclause,ratherthanjoiningit

ontochapter13onLondon.Themostimportantofthesetownsdidindeedhavelibertiestodefend,sincebetween1100and1215overseventyhadacquiredroyalchartersgrantingvariousprivileges,sometimessimilartothoseenjoyedbyLondon.Inthecharters,thetownsweredescribedascities,boroughsorvills,so

correspondingtotheterminologyinMagnaCarta.Sandwich,Dover,Hythe,RomneyandHastingsformedtheCinquePorts,withRyeandWinchelseaassociatedtowns.Therecipientsofthegrantswerecalledcitizens,burgessesorsimplymen.Theyheldtheirpropertybyburgagetenure,referredtoinchapter37oftheCharter,

whichmeantinreturnforrentandwithfreedomofalienation.60Thewealthofthetownscamefrombothtradeandmanufacture.TheCharter,inoneofitsfewnon-partisanchapters(35),triedtofacilitatebothbystandardizingmeasuresofwine,ale,cornandcloth.Italso,inchapter41,gavemerchantssafetransitto,

fromandwithinEngland,freefromall‘evilexactions’.Theimportanceofthemerchantswasseenequallyinchapter20,whichtreatedthemasaseparateclassalongsidefreemenandvilleins,whenlayingdownthattheyshouldonlybeamercedsavingtheir‘merchandise’.ThatthemerchantsinEnglandmightbeforeign,as,equally,

Englishmerchantsmightbeinforeignparts,wasclearinchapter41,inwhichJohnestablishedregulationsaboutwhatshouldhappentobothgroupsintheeventofa‘landatwarwithus’.Theuseof‘land’here,ratherthankingdom,reflectedthatmerchants,suchasthosefromFlanders,mightnotcomefromakingdomatall.

Muchtradewas,ofcourse,internaltoEngland,includingthatincorn,whichwasonlyimportedintimesofdearth.Alewasevenmorelocal,forithadtobeconsumedsoonafteritwasbrewed.ThedifferentclothsmentionedintheCharter–thedyedcloths,russetsandhalbergetsinchapter35–weremanufacturedatmanycentres

inEngland.Athirteenth-centurydoggerelmentionedthescarletsofLincoln,thehalbergetsofStamford,therussetsofColchesterandsoon.61High-qualityclothwasalsoimported,aboveallfromFlanders,thecentreoftheEuropeanclothindustry.England’schiefimport,however,waswine.WiththelossofAnjou,in1204,this

camemoreandmorefromGascony,routedthroughitsgreatportofBordeaux.England’schiefexportwaswool,abovealltoFlanderstosupplyitsclothindustry.ThedutyonexportedsacksofwoolwastobethefoundationoftheEnglishcustoms,andjustwhyitwasnotintroducedbefore1275isoneofthemysteriesofEnglishroyal

finance.62SincetheclothFlanderssenttoEnglanddidnotbalancethevalueofthewoolitimported,itpaidformuchofthewoolincash,insilver,whichwasamajorfactorinthestunningincreaseinEngland’smoneysupplyinthethirteenthcentury.Atfirstsight,Londonand

otherprivilegedtownsseemtobeverymuchgettingtheir

dueintheCharter,evenagainstothersectionsofsociety.Thustheremovaloffishweirs(asanobstacletotradepassingupanddownrivers)impactedonthelordswhohadweirsontheirownsectionsofriver.Later,incompliancewiththischapterofMagnaCarta,amongtheweirsdestroyedwerethoseofRichard,earlofCornwall.63

Inotherways,however,townsgotmuchlessthantheyhadhopedfor,indeedlessthantheyhadsolicitedintheArticlesoftheBarons.TheretallagesandaidsimposedbothonLondonandonothercitieswithlibertiesweretorequirethecommonconsentofthekingdom.Here,intermsofprinciple,therealprizewascontrolovertallage.

Thekingmightacknowledgethattaxesintheformofaidsrequiredsomeformofconsent,howevernebulousthatconsentmightbeinpractice,hencethewaytheCharter,aswewillsee,triedtodefinetheassemblywhichshouldgiveit.Tallages,ontheotherhand,thekingclaimedtolevyonhistownsatwill.Thattheyshould

henceforthrequireconsentwouldthushavebeenamajorgain.ButinMagnaCartathereferencetotallagewasdropped.InsteadjustaidsrequiredcommonconsentandonlythoseimposedonLondon,nottheothertowns.Therewasanotherchapterwheremoremighthavebeendonefortowns.Chapter25preventedthekingincreasing

thefixedpayments(called‘farms’)duefromhiscountiesandhundreds,butnosimilarrestrictionswereimposedontownfarms.ThetownswouldcertainlyhavewelcomethatforJohnwasverymuchinthebusinessofincreasingtheirfarms.64

Johnhimselfmustsurelyhavefoughthardtokeeptallageandtownfarmsoutof

hisconcessions,arguingthathisopponentshadnobusinesstointerferewithhisrightsoverhisownproperty.Thatthebaronsdidnotmakeastandontheissueswas,however,alsobecauseofself-interestandself-regard.IfMagnaCartapreventedthekingtallaginghistownsandincreasingtheirfarms,thenthebaronsalsomightbe

subjecttothesamerestrictionsintownssubjecttotheirlordship.TheearlofChester,forexample,wasaccustomedtotakeregulartaxesfromhisburgessesofCoventry.65Therewasarelateddanger.Whenthekingtallagedhistownsandmanors,lordstoocouldprofitbecausetheywereusuallyallowedtotallageanyoftheir

propertiesthathadoncebeentheking’s.When,therefore,AlanBasset,oneofJohn’scounsellorsnamedatthestartoftheCharter,reachedanagreementwithhisburgessesofHighWycombe,hereservedthesumshemightlevy‘whenthekingandhisheirstallagetheirdemesnesthroughEngland’.66Inkeepingtallageoutofthe

Charter,therefore,themagnatesandkingweremakingcommoncauseagainstthetowns.Therewasalsoadegreeofsocialprejudiceagainsttowns,townspeopleandtrading.ThebaronialleaderswouldhaveagreedwiththeDialogusdeScaccariowhenitcriticizedknightswhohadsofar‘degeneratedfromthedignity

oftheirstatus’astomakemoneyfromtrade.67In1236theStatuteofMertonthoughtheirsmightbedisparagediftheyweremarriedeithertoburgessesortovilleins.68

Significantly,althoughthemayorofLondonwasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’inthesecurityclause,innoneofthelistsofthemembershipishegivenaname.

AllthishelpstoexplaintheverystrikingwayinwhichLondonwasexcludedfromanyroleintheassemblythatwastogivethecommonconsentofthekingdomtotaxation.ThiswastruewhethertheassemblywastoconsenttoaidsleviedonthekingdomasawholeoraidsleviedonLondon.Thesameassemblywastodealwith

bothand,asdefinedinchapter14,itwastobecomposedentirelyoftenants-in-chief.Thearchbishops,bishops,abbots,earlsandgreaterbaronsweretobesummonedindividuallyandtheothertenants-in-chiefgenerally,throughthesheriffs.Asnoted,themayorofLondonwasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’ofthe

securityclause.Thekingcalledtheleadingcitizenshis‘barons’,butthereisnosuggestionthattheywouldhavebeensummonedeitherpersonallyorgenerallyunderMagnaCarta’sarrangements.WhatmakesthisallthemorepointedisthatLondonhadbeeninvolvedingreatpoliticaldecisionsinthepast.Londonershadplayedakey

roleintheaccessionofStephenin1135,claimingthatitwastheirrightandprivilegetochoosetheking.69

In1191,duringKingRichard’sabsenceoncrusade,theyhadjoinedwithJohnandthebishopsandbaronsindeposingWilliamLongchamp,asgovernorofthekingdom,puttingthearchbishopofRoueninhis

place.ThiswasthemomentwhentheLondonersweregrantedtheircommune.70

TherewasalsoafeelingamongLondonersthattheirconsentshouldbesought,alongwiththatofthekingdom,whenitcametotaxation.ThusascheduleofcitydemandsfromJohn’sreignincludesonestatingthattallagesaretobeabolished

savewhenauthorized‘bycommonconsentofthekingdomandthecity’.71Theimplicationwasclearlythatifatallagewastobeleviedonthecity,thentheLondonerswouldneedtobepartofthenationalassemblywhichconsentedtoit.TheLondonersprobablyalsothoughtthattheyshouldbepresentwhensuchan

assemblyconsentedtoanaid,whetheronepaidjustbyLondonorbyLondonaspartofageneralaidleviedonthekingdom.Suchrepresentation,however,wasnotsomethingthatthebaronsof1215werepreparedtocontemplate.Itwasonlyin1265,whenthegovernmentwascontrolledbySimondeMontfort,thatrepresentatives

ofthetownsweresummonedtoparliament.

THECHURCHANDCHURCHMEN

Churchmenseem,intheCharter,toplayafarlargerpartinthelifeoftherealmthandotownsmen.Thearchbishops,bishopsandabbotsweretoreceivepersonalsummonsesto

chapter14’snationalassembly.StephenLangton,archbishopofCanterbury,togetherwithsevenotherEnglishbishops,wereallmentionedbynameatthestartoftheCharterasthoseonwhoseadviceJohnhadacted.Itwasthesamemen,inchapter62,whoweretoissueletterstestifyingtotheCharter’sauthentictext.

MagnaCarta,initsveryfirstchapter,guaranteedthefreedomofthechurch,andconfirmedJohn’spreviousconcessionoverfreeelections.Chapter22preservedclerksfromunjustamercements.MagnaCartaalsorevealedthepositionofthepopebothasheadofthechurchandasoverlord(thankstoJohn’sconcession

in1213)ofthekingdom.ThusthepreamblelistedMasterPandulf,a‘familiarisofthelordpope’–meaningamemberofPopeInnocentIII’shousehold–asoneofJohn’scounsellors,whilechapter1mentionedInnocent’sconfirmationofJohn’schartergrantingfreeelections.TheArticlesoftheBarons,intheirturn,hadtried

topreventJohnseekinganythingfromthepopethatmightunderminetheCharter.Thisplaceaccordedto

churchmenwasabsolutelynatural.Itstemmedinpartfromthedeep-rootedideathatthebishopsingeneral,andthearchbishopofCanterburyinparticular,shouldbetheking’scounsellorsinbothspiritual

andtemporalaffairs.InnocentIIIhimselfopinedthatbishopsshouldbe‘loyaltotheking,profitabletothekingdom,andcapableofgivingcounselandhelp’.72

TheplaceofthechurchintheCharteralsostemmedfromitsgreatwealth.SomeofthebishopsoftheseventeenEnglishdioceseshadincomesthatequalledorexceeded

thoseofthegreatestearls.Thesamewastrueofthegreaterabbots(ofStAlbansorWestminster,forexample).AtthetimeofDomesdayBookin1086overaquarterofthelandinEnglandwasinthehandsofthechurch,andthesharehadincreasedconsiderablysincethenwiththefoundationofnewmonasteries,especiallythose

oftheCistercianorder.Muchofthisland,moreover,washelddirectlyfromthekinginreturnforthesamemilitaryandotherservices(describedmorefullyinthenextchapter)aswereowedbyearlsandbarons.Thechurch,asalandholder,therefore,benefitedlikeeveryoneelsefromthechaptersintheCharterwhichsoughtto

restraintheabusesoftheking’slocalofficials,andreducetheareaoftheroyalforest.Therewasalso,however,a

vastrangeofecclesiasticalactivitygovernedbythechurch’sownproceduresandcanonlaw,thelatterthesumofpronouncementsbythepopeandchurchcouncilsdowntheages.Oneofthe

mostremarkablenarrativesfromJohn’sreignisanaccountofEveshamabbey’sstruggleagainstitslecherousabbotandthejurisdictionalclaimsofthebishopofWorcester.WrittenbythemonkThomasofMarlborough,whoplayedaleadingpartintheaffair,itrunstoover130printedpagesinamoderneditionand

givesgraphicaccountsofjourneystoRomeanddecisionsbythepopeandhisdelegatedjudges.73KingJohnhardlyappearsonce.ThisseparationbetweenchurchandstateisseenintheveryfirstchapteroftheCharterwheretheconcessiontoGodofthefreedomofthechurchismadequitedistinctfromtheconcessionstotherealm.

Thepreciseboundarybetweenecclesiasticalandsecularjurisdictionhadlongbeencontentious,andMagnaCartaillustratessomethingoftheuneasydivide.Thesecularcourthadjurisdictionwhentherighttoappointaparishpriesttoaliving(oneclaimedbymanylords)wasdisputed.Indeed,therelevantlegalaction,thatof‘darrein

presentment’,wasoneofthosemademoreavailableunderchapter18oftheCharter.Ecclesiasticalcourts,ontheotherhand,hadjurisdictionoverChurchrevenuestowhichnosecularserviceswereattached,sotithesandlandheld‘infreealms’.Thus,inchapter22,theamountofanamercementimposedonaclerkwastobe

determinedaccordingtothevalueofhis‘laytenement’,nothisecclesiasticalbenefice.Overthelatterthekinghadnoauthority.TheCharteralsomadeanodtowardstheChurch’sclaimtooverseetheadministrationofadeadperson’sproperty,thepointbeingsothatitcouldthenensurethefulfilmentofcharitablebequests.Chapter

27thussaidthatthegoodsofsomeonewhodiedintestateshouldbedistributedbyhisnearestrelationsandfriends‘underthesupervisionofthechurch’.74Thechurchdidnot,however,usetheChartertostrengthenthedivisionbetweensecularandecclesiasticaljurisdiction,althoughitoftencomplainedofitsbreach.TheCharter

thusdidnottrytoreaffirmtheconcessionmadebyHenryIIafterthedisputewithThomasBecket,whichfreedclerksaccusedofcrimefromtrialandpunishmentinsecularcourts.JustwhytheCharterwasnotmoreofanecclesiasticaldocumentwillemergewhenwelookattheroleofArchbishopLangtonintheeventsof1215.75

5

MagnaCartaandSociety:Earls,Barons,KnightsandFreeTenants

TheChartergivesnoinformationabouttherelationsbetweenlordsandtheirvilleins.Bycontrast,itprovidesagreatdealofinformationabouttherelationsbetweenthekingandhisleadingmen,namelytheearls,baronsandothersholdingtheirlanddirectlyfromhim,holding,thatis,fromhim‘inchief’–‘in

capite’–asitwasputinchapters2and14oftheCharter.These‘tenants-in-chief’,ashistorianscallthem,formedanelitegroup,abovethemanyotherswhoheldtheirlandnotfromtheking,butfromthetenants-in-chiefthemselves.Toregulaterelationsbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chiefwasacentralthrustofMagnaCarta.

Thetenants-in-chiefwerethusattheheartoftheCharter.Theywerealso,astheChartersawit,attheheartofthekingdom.Theyalone,underchapter14oftheCharter,weretogivethecommonconsentofthekingdomtotaxation.Themostimportantofthetenants-in-chief,theearlsandgreaterbarons,weretoreceive

individuallettersofsummons;therestweretobesummonedgenerallybythesheriffs.AttheendoftheCharter,itwastwenty-fivebarons,chosenbythebaronsthemselves,whoweretoenforceitsterms.Thelandheldbyatenant-

in-chieffromthekingwasoftencalleda‘feodum’,aword,translatedas‘fief’or

‘fee’,whichappearsthirteentimesintheCharter.Anditisfrom‘feodum’thathistorianshaveoftenlabelledthetenurialstructurebasedonthefeeas‘feudalism’.Chapter2oftheCharterhighlightsamajordivisionwithinthetenants-in-chief,between,thatis,theearlsandbaronsontheonehandandknightsontheother.Chapter14

makesadifferentdivisionbetweenearlsandgreaterbarons,andtherestofthetenants-in-chief.Includedamongthegreaterbaronsweretheecclesiasticalmagnates,thearchbishops,bishopsandabbots,fortheytooheldlanddirectfromthekingoncomparabletermstotheirlaycolleagues.

ItwasassumedintheCharterthatfeeswerehereditary,asindeedtheygenerallywere.WhentheArticlesoftheBarons,initschapter1,statedthat‘heirsshallhavetheirinheritanceafterthedeathoftheirancestors…’,theissuewasnotthesuccessionitselfbuttheamounttobepaidforit.Atthestartoftherelationship

betweenthekingandatenant-in-chiefwastheactofhomage.ThisisnotmentionedintheCharter,althoughitdoesfeatureinchapter3oftheCharterof1216anditssuccessors.Homagetookplacewhenanewtenantsucceeded.Thetenantwouldkneeldown,placehistwohandsbetweenthehandsofthekingand

declare‘IbecomeyourmanforthetenementwhichIholdofyou,andIwillbearyoufealtyinlife,limbandearthlyhonour.’1Thisactestablishedamuchstrongerandmoreintimatebondthanthatinvolvedinasimpleoathoffealty,foritwasdirectlyrelatedtoloyaltyinreturnforland,asfealtywasnot.Italsocreatedamutualbond,sothat

theceremonyofthehandssymbolizedtheking’sprotectionofhismanandtheman’ssubjectiontohisking.Theceremonywassupposedtotakeplaceinapublicspace,soinachurch,chapelorhall,andhaveanuminousquality.Itmeanteverytenant-in-chiefbeganhiscareerwithaverypersonalencounterwithhisking,andwas

thereafterboundintoamutualrelationshipwithhim.Whilethe1215Magna

Cartasaidnothingabouthomage,itwasveryclearabouttheotheringredientsintherelationship.Onewasthecounselthekingcouldandshouldreceivefromhistenants,astheChartertestifiedwhenitcametotaxationinchapters12and

14.Anotherwasmilitary.Chapter2mentionedthatthetenants-in-chiefheld‘byknightservice’.Thesamechapteralsoreferredto‘thewholefee[feodum]ofaknight’.Thismeantafeeforwhichtheserviceofoneknightwasowedwhenthekingsummonedouthisarmy.Aknightlytenant-in-chiefmightindeedowetheking

theserviceofoneknight.Thereturnstoaninquiryfrom1166,ontheotherhand,showmanyearlsandbaronsowingthekinganythingbetweentwentyknightsandahundred.2Analternativeformofmilitaryservicewasthatofgarrisoningaroyalcastle.Chapter29wasconcernedtopreventJohndemandingadoubleration–both

garrisoningacastleandappearinginhisarmy.Anadditioninthe1217versionoftheCharter(chapter29)madeitexplicitthatthearmyserviceinquestionwas‘forthefee’forwhichitwasowed.Chapter29also

demonstratedthewayinwhichmilitaryservicecouldbecommutedtomoney,when

directingthatifaknightwantedtoservepersonallyorthroughadeputy,ratherthangivemoneyinlieu,heshouldbeallowedtodoso.Givingmoneyinlieuhadlongbeencommon.Foreachofhismanycampaigns,Johnraisedataxcalled‘scutage’.Thisisreferredtoinchapters12and14,whichtriedtoensurethatitwasleviedonlybycommon

consent.‘Scutage’waspaidatafixedrateaccordingtothenumberoffeesheldbythetenant-in-chief,andthusthenumberofknightsheowed.(Scutageitself–‘scutagium’inLatin–meansshield.)Ifthescutagewas£2afee,abaronwitheightyfeeswouldowe£160.Whetheratenant-in-chiefledacontingentofknights,orgave

scutageinstead,dependedonapersonalagreementwiththeking,asdid,inpractice,theprecisenumbersactuallybroughttothehost.Thenominalservicebasedonfeesdeterminedscutagebutnotanylonger,ifiteverhad,theactualsizeofthecontingents.Thesecouldbemuchsmaller,whichwasareflectionofthecostsinvolved.3

Otherfeaturesoftherelationshipbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chieflikewisestandoutintheearlychaptersoftheCharter.Therewasthepaymentmadewhenthenewtenantenteredhisestate.TheCharterstipulatedthisshouldbeafixedsum,calleda‘relief’,andnotsomearbitraryfine.Therewerethe‘aids’(essentiallytaxes)of

chapters12and14,whichthekingcouldraiseforransominghisbody(asKingRichardhaddone),knightinghiseldestsonandthemarryingononeoccasionofhiseldestdaughter.Andtheninchapters3,4and5thereweretheking’srightsofwardshipoveranheirwhowasunderage.(TheCharterof1216addedtochapter3

thattheageofmajoritywastobetwenty-one.)Theserightsmeantthekingheldthefeeoftheheir(maleorfemale)andreceivedallitsrevenuesduringtheminority.Alternatively(aschapter4said),hecouldgiveorsellthecustodytosomeoneelse.TheCharterwenton,inthenextchapter,namelychapter6,tostatethat‘heirs’weretobe

‘marriedwithoutdisparagement’,thatisnottothosebelowtheminsocialrank.Thekingalsohadpoweroverthewidowsoftenants-in-chief,hencethestatement,inchapters7and8,thatwidowsshouldnothavetopaytogettheirlandsafterthedeathoftheirhusbands,andshouldnotbeforcedintoremarriage.

Anotherchapter,26,showsthespecialvulnerabilityofthewidowandchildrenofatenant-in-chiefwhenhedied(the‘children’hereimpliestherewasnoheirofage),forittriedtostoptheking’sagentsarbitrarilyseizingchattelsontheexcusethatthedeceasedtenant-in-chiefhadowedmoneytothecrown.

Thestatusandmilitarymienofthegreattenants-in-chiefaredisplayedintheeffigiesontheirtombsandtheimagesontheirseals.ThePurbeckmarbleeffigiesofWilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,andWilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury(KingJohn’shalf-brother),bothsurvive,theoneinLondon’sTempleChurch,the

otherinSalisburycathedral.Longespee’seffigyshowshimwithhishandonhissword,hisbodyencasedinchainmailprotectedbyagreatshieldonwhichdancethesixlionsofhiscoatofarms.Themightofthesemenstandsoutinthecastlessitedatthecentreoftheirfees.AthisseatatFramlingham,RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,

oneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause,rebuiltthecastlewithnofewerthanthirteentowersarounditscurtainwall.4

Whatkindofnumbersthenarewedealingwithwhenitcomestoearlsandbarons?Earlsareeasiesttocountbecausetheyarealwaysgiventheirtitle,andhadprobablyreceiveditata

formalceremony.IntheLatinoftheCharter,thismadethelorda‘comes’,while,intheFrenchtranslation,heisa‘conte’–a‘count’.ItwasonlyinEnglishthathewouldhavebeencalledan‘earl’,butthatishowconventionallyallhistoriansdescribethesemen.Thankstotheformalceremonyneededtoenterthehonour,oneeitherwasanearl

oronewasn’t.InJohn’sreigntheyusuallynumberedaroundadozen.Thereweresevenearlsamongthetwenty-fivebaronselectedundertheCharter’ssecurityclause,whileJohnwasabletonamefouratthestartoftheCharteramonghisadvisers.HemighthaveaddedRanulf,earlofChester,andhisally,WilliamdeFerrers,earlof

Derby,hadtheynotbeenabsentfromRunnymede.5

Baronsarehardertocount,because,althoughabarondidhomageforhisbarony,hedidnotactuallyuse‘baron’asatitle.Inaddition,theestatesconstitutingthe‘whole’baroniesofchapter2oftheCharterwereneverclearlydefinedbefore1215.Afterwards,theyhadtobe,in

ordertodecidewhoowedthe£100reliefstipulatedbytheCharter.Oftenusingthislaterevidence,I.J.SandersinhisstudyofEnglishbaroniesbetween1087and1327wasabletolist102ofthem,althoughhethenaddedanotherforty-eight‘probablebaronies’.Nearlyallofthesebaronieswereinexistencebefore1215,althoughfar

fromallwereinbeingatanyonetime.Asfortheknightlytenants-in-chiefwhoheldnotbaroniesbutknights’fees,therewereperhapsbetweenthreetofourhundredofthem.6

Theaveragebaronialincome,drawnfromasamplegrouptakenfrombetween1160and1220,wasabout£200ayearandthemedian

was£115,butsevenbaronshadincomesofover£400.Inoneyearbetween1211and1212theking’sofficialswereabletoraise,afternecessaryexpenses,around£1,000fromthelandsoftheunderageJohndeLacy.Probablythatwasthekindofincomeenjoyedbymanyoftheearls,althoughlaterinthecentury,whenwehavemorefigures,

someearlshadincomesofseveralthousandpoundsayear.Bywayofcomparison,KingJohn’sannualincomefromEnglandatthestartofhisreignwasabout£22,000.Thewageofalabourerworkingononeoftheking’sbuildingswasoneandahalfortwopenniesaday.Awomanlabourerreceivedonepenny,so240thofapound.7

Bothearlsandbaronspresidedoverthesamekindofestate.ThatpointemergesfromthephraseologyoftheCharterwhereearlssucceedednottoanearldombuttothe‘baronyofanearl’,whichintermsofitsstructurewasnodifferentfromthebaronyofabaron.Althoughnearlyalltheearlswereearlsofacounty,orthechiefcity

ofacounty,thisentitledthemtonomorethanafairlymodestannualpaymentfromthecounty’srevenues.TheonlyexceptionwasChester,wheretheearlhadalltheking’srightsinCheshireitself.Theearldomwasthusanhonoraryposition,althoughonecoveted,forthehonourwasgreat.Betweentheearlsandgreaterbarons,

andtheothertenants-in-chief,therewas,however,afundamentaldifferenceinthestructureoftheirfees.True,allofthemderivedthebulkoftheirincomefromland,fromthedemesnemanorsthattheykeptinhand.Buttheearlsandgreaterbaronsalsohadmanors,partsofmanorsandotherproperties,heldfromthembytheirown

knightlytenants,whereasminorbaronsandknightsholdinginchiefdidnot,ordidnotonanythinglikethesamescale.In1166WilliamdeFerrers,earlofDerby,listedforty-sevensuchtenants.8Itwasthetotalpackage,demesnemanorsandtenantedlands,thatmadeupthehereditaryfeeoftheearlorbaron.Sometimes,as

inchapter43,whichdealtwithsomefeesintheking’shands,thiswascallednotthebaron’sfeebuthis‘honour’(hisestate).Withinthebaronialfeesor

honours,thegreatmajorityofsignificanttenantsintheearlythirteenthcenturywereknights,andtheirrelationshipwiththeirbaroniallordreplicatedthatbetweenthe

baronandtheking.Thiswasmadeveryclearinrespectofhomageinchapter3oftheCharterof1216,whichdirectedthat,inthecaseofanunderageheir,thelord(sonotjusttheking)wastotakehishomagebeforereceivingthewardship.Therelationshipisalsoilluminatedinchapter43ofthe1215Charter,dealingwithbaroniesintheking’s

hands.Thisstipulatedthatthekingshouldreceivereliefandotherservicesfromthetenantsasifthebaronywasstillheldbythebaron.Theotherserviceswouldhaveincludedaidsandknightservice,aschapters15and16oftheChartershowed.Theywouldalsohaveincludedscutage,sothat,whenleviedbytheking,thebaron

recoupeditfromhisknightlytenants.Inaddition,lordscontrolledwardshipsandmarriagesofunderageheirs,andhadrightsovertheremarriageofwidows.Thus,underchapter8,awidowhadtogivesecuritythatshewouldnotremarrywithouttheking’sassent,ifsheheldherlandfromhim,or‘withouttheassentofherlord

fromwhomsheholds,ifsheholdsfromanother’,aperfectlayingoutofthetenurialhierarchy.Lordsalsoheldacourt(sometimescalledbyhistorians‘thehonorialcourt’)fortheirtenantsbymilitaryservice,anddefendeditsauthorityinchapter34oftheCharter.Suchcourtshadjurisdictionoverdisputesaroundboth

possessionofthefeesandtheservicesowedthelord.Thecourtsmightbecomeafocusofloyaltyandcommunity.Theywerealsoawayforthelordtomakemoneyfromamercements.

KNIGHTS

KnightswereabsolutelycentraltokeyfeaturesoftheCharter.True,theywereonly

nameddirectlyasthebeneficiariesoftwochapters,andthesewerelimitedtoknightlytenants-in-chief.Chapter2regulatedreliefduefromtheheirorheirsofaknight,andchapter29allowedknightstogarrisoncastlesinperson,andprotectedthemfromhavingtodobothgarrisonandarmyduty.Chapter43,too,

benefitedknights,althoughagainonlythoseholdingtheirlandfromtheking,whenitregulatedthereliefandotherserviceswithinhonoursthathadcomeintotheking’shands.Itwasinthechaptersonjusticeandlocalgovernmentthatthegeneralbodyofknights,notjustthoseholdingfromtheking,cameintotheirown.Under

chapter18,thekingwasto‘sendtwojusticesthrougheachcountyfourtimesayear’tohearthecommon-lawlegalactions,calledassizes,whichdetermineddisputesoverproperty.Thesejudgeswerenottoactalone.Theyweretohearthecaseswithfourknightsofthecounty,electedbythecountycourt.Thiswasastriking

recognitionofthelegalexpertiseandself-confidenceoftheknights.Evidently,theyfeltquiteabletositalongsidetheking’sjudges.Inaddition,inwhatBlackstonewronglymadeanewchapter(19),itwaslaiddownthatsufficientknightsandfreetenantsweretostaybehindforjudgementstobemade,ifthebusinesscould

notbefinishedonthedayofthemeetingofthecountycourt.Theroleofknightswasrevealedevenmoreremarkablyinchapter48oftheCharter.Underitsterms,twelveknightsineachcounty,electedby‘uprightmenofthesamecounty’,weretoinvestigatetheabusesoftheking’slocalofficialsandthen,withinfortydays,

abolishthem.Theknightsthushadvirtuallyafreehandinthereformoflocalgovernment.Justhowcentralthischapterwastothewholesettlementwasshownon19June1215,when,asaconditionofthepeace,Johnhadatoncetosettheworkoftheknightsinmotion.9AccordingtothecalculationsofKathrynFaulkner,there

werearound4,500menacceptedasknightsinearlythirteenth-centuryEngland,acceptedthatisforthepurposeofsittingonjuriesandperformingvariousadministrativeandjudicialtasks.AlargecountysuchasYorkshirehadanestimatedtotalof238knights;asmallonesuchasSurrey,90knights.10Afewhundredof

theseknightswouldhavebeentenants-in-chiefoftheking,anddirectbeneficiariesofchapters2and29.Therestwould,forthemostpart,havebeentenantsoftheearls,barons,bishopsandabbots.Aswehaveseen,thetermsonwhichtheyheldfromtheirlordsreplicatedthoseonwhichthoselordsheldfromtheking.Inrespectoflanded

wealth,asurveyoffifty-sevenOxfordshireknightsfromthe1220sshowsthatfivehadfourormoremanors,andthusincomesapproachingbaronialproportions.Someoftheseknightshadtheirowntenantsbyknightserviceforwhomtheyheldcourts.11ManyoftheknightswhostarinHolt’sstudyofnorthernerscome

fromthisupperbandoftheclass.12Theirinfluencehelpstoexplainwhychapter34,protectingprivatejurisdiction,wasdrawnwidelyandspokeofthecourtsoffreemen,notjustofthecourtsofbarons.Belowthisupperleveltherewere,intheOxfordshiresurvey,twentyknightswithtwoorthreemanors;twenty-five

withonemanorofreasonablesize;andsevenwithsmallerproperties.ABedfordshiresurveyfromafewyearsearliersuggestsamuchhigherproportionofknightsinthelastcategory,withover50percenthavinglessthanawholefee,althoughfeesareanuncertainguidetoactualproperty.13Laterinthethirteenthcentury,whenthe

levelwasputatthebareminimumrequired,anincomeof£15ayearwasdeemedsufficienttorenderoneliabletotakeupknighthood.14Probably,inJohn’sreign,mostknightswithtworeasonablysizedmanorsorequivalentpropertieswouldhavebeenabovethatlevel;thosewithonemanorofreasonablesize

mighthavebeenatthatlevel;thosewithless,belowit.TheknightsinJohn’sreign

thuscoveredaverybroadsocialspectrum.Fromacoreofknightswithoneortwomanors,thegroupreacheduptothoseofbaronialwealth,anddowntothosenotmuchdifferentfromthefreetenantssittingabovethepeasantry.Intheupperlevelsofsociety,

bothkingsandbaronshadlongbecomeknightsthroughaformalceremonyinwhichtheyweregirdedwiththeswordofknighthood.Increasingly,apingtheirsuperiors,thiswasalsotrueofthewealthiercountyknights.Whether,however,thegeneralrunofthosedescribedasknightsinJohn’sreignhadgonethrougha

ceremonymaybedoubted.Probablymenwereacceptedasknightsonjuriesandinotherlocalgovernmentrolesbecausetheyinsomewaylookedthepart.Thiscouldcauseargumentsastowhoexactlywasaknight.TheabbotofCrowlandinthe1190scomplainedthatfour‘knights’whohadtestifiedagainsthimwereactually

‘lowfellows’(‘viles’),‘notoftheknightlyordernorgirtwithsword’.Indeedtheydidnotholdtheirlandsbyknightservice.OneofthemcouldnotevenspeakFrench.15Thatthekingsometimesorderedinquiriestobemadebybeltedknightsshowsthatnotallknightswerebelted.InthedecadesafterMagna

Carta,therewasarapid

declineinthenumberofknights.InresponsetoattitudessuchastheabbotofCrowland’s,theviewbecameestablishedthatonlythosewhohadgonethroughtheceremonycouldberegardedasholdingthehonour.16Sincetheceremonywasexpensive(theaspiringknightneededtohavethenecessaryequipment),onlytheupper

levelsoftheoldknightlyclasstookupthehonour.TheexpenseisshowninMagnaCartaitselfwheretheknightingofaneldestsonwasoneoftheoccasionsonwhichbothkingandlordscouldlevyanaid.In1216Johngavesomeonetenmarksorahorseworththesameamount‘inaidofhisknighting’.17InJohn’sreign,

however,westillhavethe‘old’knightlyclass,andthatdidnothingtodiminishitspower.Inasense,ithadthebestofbothworlds,thenewandtheold.Ontheonehand,therewerebeltedknightsveryconsciousoftheirstatusandimportance.Yet,ontheotherhand,onjuriesandinotherlocalroles,thesemen,withoutanyformal

distinctionofstatus,workedalongsideknightsofmuchlesserestate.Indeed,justwhereknightsstoppedandfreetenantsbeganwasnotatallclear.Societywaslessstratifiedandarguablymorecohesivethanitbecamelater.TheCharteritselfdidnotstipulatethattheknightsinchapters18and48neededtobebelted,andthusdid

nothingtoacceleratethedevelopmentofaknightlyelite.Italsoenvisagedaneasycooperationandinterchangebetweenknightsandfreemen,thusreflectingthelackofanycleardivisionbetweenthosewhowereandwerenotknights.TheCharterhadtwomenrunningwardshipswheretheUnknownCharterhadfour

knights.Underchapter19,itisknightsandfreetenantstogetherwhoaretostaybehindtoassistjudgementsinthecountycourt.TheknightsofJohn’sreign

werecertainlymilitarilyactive,hencetheirimportanceintherebellionof1215.Theycouldallhaveperformedthearmyserviceandcastleguardexpectedoftheknightly

tenants-in-chiefinchapter29.Thesamemenwereequallybusyinlocalaffairs.ManyknightsinJohn’sIrisharmyof1210canbefoundsittingongrand-assizejuries.TheknightswerewellqualifiedfortherolesassignedtheminMagnaCarta.Undertheproceduresofthegrandassize,whichdeterminedtherighttoland,twelveknightly

jurors,chosenbyfourknights,gavetheverdicts.Panelsoffourknightswereregularlyappointedtoinvestigatetheexcusesofthosewhodidnotturnupinlawsuits,andalsoto‘beartherecord’ofproceedingsinthecountycourteitherbeforethekingorbeforehisjudgesatWestminster.Thekingwasemployingknightsinawhole

raftofrolesacrosslocalgovernment:assheriffs,coroners,keepersofmanorsandforestofficials.Lordswereemployingthemtoo,notablyastheirstewards.MatthewParisdescribedtheknightLaurencedeTybridge,stewardofStAlbansabbey,as‘amanmosthandsomeinbody,eloquent,wiseandknowledgeableaboutcivil

pleas’.ThevigourwithwhichhestoodupforStAlbansinonedisputeearnedhimthehatredofthegreatbaronRobertfitzWalter.18

Therolesassignedtotheknightsinchapters18and48oftheCharterwerepartofawidercampaign,wellunderwayby1215,forlocalmentocontrollocaloffices.19Thestrengthoffeelingis

brilliantlyhighlightedbyacaseintheSomersetcountycourtin1204recordedbytwelveknightsofthecounty.HereRichardRevelupbraidedthesheriffforbeinganoutsiderwhileheandhisfatherwere‘nativemenandgentlemenofthecountry’–‘naturaleshominesetgentilesdepatria’.20InLincolnshire,nofewerthan

twenty-ninelocalmenstoodsuretyforthe500marksofferedforthesheriffdombythemajorcountyknightThomasofMoulton.21ThemenofCornwall,andofSomerset-Dorset(ajointsheriffdom),bothofferedJohnover1,000markstohavesheriffschosenfromtheirnumber,whowouldberesidentintheircounties.22

Themenofthecountieswhomadesuchofferscouldincludebishopsandbaronsaswellasknights,butknightswereattheheartofsuchgroups.Indeed,bishopsandbarons,thinkingtheycouldlookafterthemselves,sometimesrefusedtobeinvolved.23ItwasknightswholedtheresistanceinDevonwhenthesheriff

seemedtobebreakingthecounty’scharter.InDecember1214twelveknightsapiecefromCornwall,DevonandSomersetcametothekingtonegotiateabouttheconcessionoffurther‘liberties’.24

Thestipulationthattheknightsinchapters18and48belocallyelectedthus

respondedtolocalsociety’sdesiretocontrolthepersonneloftheking’sgovernmentintheshires–‘self-governmentattheking’scommand’,asthehistorianA.B.Whiteputit.25Inchapter18itisclearfromthecontextthatthecountycourtistobethebodyelectingthefourknightssittingwiththejudges.(InLatin,theword

‘comitatus’canmeanboth‘county’and‘countycourt’.)Chapter48,wherethetwelveknightsreformingabusesaretobeelectedby‘proboshomineseiusdemcomitatus’,ismoreambiguous,andthewordsareusuallytranslatedassimply‘uprightmenofthesamecounty’.26However,John’sletterof19June1215,settingchapter48inmotion,

showsthatthecountycourtwasagaintobetheforum.27

Anewlydiscoveredletteralsoshowstheelectionsweretotakeplaceineachcountybeforefourknightsappointedbythetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.28

Thecountycourtsusuallymetonceamonth,butlittlesurvivesfromthisperiodtoshowexactlyhowthey

worked.29That,however,knightswerecentraltotheirprocedures,therecanbenodoubt.ItispanelsofknightswhoroutinelybeartherecordofcasesinthecountycourtbeforethekingorthejudgesatWestminster;in1212itisknightswhoarearrestedformakingfalsejudgementsintheGloucestershirecountycourt;intheHerefordshire

court,ayearbefore,acaseispostponedbecausetheknightsareindisagreementandtoofewarepresent;inSuffolk,in1213,moneyistobepaidoveratthecountycourt‘beforetheknights’;inOxfordshire,in1222,‘nearlyalltheknights’ofthecountycourt‘riseup’inprotestagainstaparticularjudgement.30Justhowmany

knightsroutinelyattendedthecourtwecannotknow.Therewasprobablyasmallishcoreattheforefrontofitsbusiness,astherewaswhenitcametosittingongrand-assizejuries.TheGloucestershirecasesuggeststhatitwasacliqueofknightswhoweremanagingthejudgements.Ontheotherhand,importantbusinessmay

wellhavebroughtinlargernumbers.Theframersofchapter48cannothaveknownpreciselywhowouldconstitutethe‘uprightmen’ofeachcounty,chargedwithelections.Therecannothavebeenanydoubt,however,thattheywouldbelargelysynonymouswiththecountyknights.

Noneofthismeansthatearlsandbaronslackedinfluenceinthecountycourt.Theknightsweretheirtenants,andmanywerealsotheirstewards.Indeed,thosewhoattendedthecourtaresometimesdescribedas‘stewardsandknights’or‘knightsandstewards’.InacaseintheLincolnshirecourt,in1226,knightsofthe

county,rallyingindefenceofachapterinHenryIII’sMagnaCarta,threatenedastewardwhohadsteppedoutoflinewithtellinghislordabouthisbehaviour.31Baronscouldalsoappearinthecountycourtinperson.Yetitwouldbeequallywrongtothinkthatthecountycourtwassimplydominatedbygreatlords.In1220thebaron

RogerdeMontbegon,whowasalsooneofMagnaCarta’stwenty-fivebarons,sweptfuriouslyoutoftheNottinghamshirecourtwhenhefoundthemajorityopinionagainsthim.32TheOxfordshireknightswhoroseupagainstacourtjudgementin1222werenotactingforagreatbaronorbarons;therewerenoneinthecounty.

Instead,theknightswerestandingtogetheragainsttheover-mightysheriff,FalkesdeBréauté,andhisagents.33

Clearly,thebalanceofpowervariedbetweencounties,dependingonthelocalpoliticalgeography.Thatthetwenty-fivebaronsin1215orderedtheelectionstotakeplacebeforefournominatedknightswaspartlytoprotect

theprocessfromthesheriffs,whopresidedoverthecountycourts.Italsomeantthatindirectlytheyhopedtohavesomeinfluenceovertheelectionsthemselves.Butthetwenty-fiveonlywentsofar.Theydidnotsaythefourknights,asinthegrandassize,shouldactuallymaketheelection.Thatwouldhavebeencontrarytothetermsof

theCharter.

FREEMENANDFREETENANTS

MagnaCartareachedouttoamuchbroadersectionofsocietythanthatcomposedofearls,baronsandknights.JohngrantedtheCharter,aswehaveseen,to‘allthefreemenofourkingdom’.Indeed,freemenwereapparentlya

farmoreprivilegedgroupthanearlsandbarons,havingsevenchaptersintheCharterdevotedspecificallytotheirinterests,whereasthelatter(likeknights)onlyhadtwo.34Insomecases,itistrue,‘freemen’meantessentiallyearls,baronsandknights.Therecanhavebeenfewoutsidethatnumberwhoheldthecourtsbelongingtofreemenwhose

jurisdictionwasprotectedinchapter34.Indeed,alaterglossontheclausedescribeditasdealingwiththecourtsof‘magnates’.35Ontheotherhand,freemenaresometimesmanifestlydistinctfromtheearlsandbarons,notablyinthechaptersonamercements(20and21)wherethetwogroupsaregivenseparatetreatment.Inothercases,

‘freeman’wouldseem,intheoryatleast,toembraceallsectionsofsocietyabovetheunfreepeasantry.Thiswastrueofchapter27,whichdirectedthat‘ifanyfreeman’diedintestate,hischattelsweretobedistributedbyhis‘closestkinandfriends’.Itwasalsotrueofchapter30,underwhichnoofficialwastotakethehorsesandcartsof

‘anyfreeman’,save‘withtheconsentofthefreemanhimself’;theconsentofthefreemanwasanempoweringconcept.And,ofcourse,underchapter39itwas‘nofreeman’,notjustnoearl,baronorknight,whowasnottobeproceededagainstsavebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.

Freemenwereawidergroupthanthefreetenants,whoinchapter19weretostaybehindwiththeknightstoheartheassizes.Afreetenantbydefinitionheldland,afreemanmightnot,forhecouldbeamerchant,aprofessionalsoldieroracraftsman.Allfreetenantswerefreemen,butnotallfreemenwerefreetenants.Free

tenantsthemselvesweredividedaccordingtothetermsonwhichtheyheldland,astheChartermadeclearinchapter16.Theycouldoweserviceforthefeeofaknightor‘foranother[kindof]freetenement’.Chapter37revealedthatthelattermightincludetenementsheldinfeefarm,orinsocage,whichmeant

essentiallytenementsheldinreturnfordifferentkindsofrent.36

Freetenantsholdinglandforrentincludedaverylargesliceofthepeasantry.Theyalsoincludedafarmoresignificantgroup,governmentallyandpolitically,onewhoseimportancehelpstoexplainwhythechaptersinthe

Charteronfreemenandfreetenantsappearedatall.Thisisagrouphardtodefine,andverylittlestudiedbyhistorians,butonerecognizedbycontemporarieswhentheyspoke,asinchapter19,offreetenantsseparatefromknightsbutnonethelesscooperatingwiththem.Thesefreetenantsformedahingebetweenthegeneralrunof

thepeasantryfreeandunfree,ontheonehand,andtheknightsontheother.Theyarebestseeninthegroupsoftwelvemencalledontostaffthejuriesrepresentingthelocalgovernmentdivisionofthehundred.Suchjurieswerevitalinstitutions,fortheygaveevidenceabouteventsinthehundredtotheking’sjudgesontheirvisitationsto

thecounties.Intermsofpersonnel,thejuriesprobablyoverlappedwiththemenwhotookaleadingpartinthebusinessofthehundredcourt,attendedthecountycourtandstaffedthenumerouscommon-lawjuries.(Itwasonlythejuriesofthegrandassizethatwereconfinedtoknights.)Whenthepersonnelofthesehundredjuriescanbe

studiedforlateryearsofthethirteenthcentury,atthebottomofthescaletheycomprisemenwhointermsofthesizeoftheirlandedholdingsseemofpeasantstatus.Atthetopofthescaletherecanbesomeknights.Inbetweenthesetwogroups,andformingthesocialcoreofthejuries,weremenwhoheldbetweenthirtyandahundred

orsoacres.Theirlandmightbeinacontiguousblockorscatteredbetweenseveralholdings.Itmightbeallinhand,orpartyheldbytenants.IntheHundredRolls,jurorsfromBlackbournhundredinSuffolkincludethosewith32,56,64,86,110,129,145,180and320acres.Theaverageholdingwas79acres.37Insuch

groups,somememberswererisingsociallyfromtheranksofthepeasants,othersdescending(oftenasyoungersonswithsmallprovision)fromtheranksoftheknights.38Intheearlythirteenthcentury,thenumberofthoseonsuchjuriespassingforknightswouldhavebeenlarger,giventhelaterdeclineinknightly

numbers.Butmanyofthejurors,eveninthe1200s,wouldhavebeenbelowtheknightlylevel,andhavejustbeenregardedasfreetenants.Itwasthroughthesejuries,indeed,thatthejaggedanduncertainlinebetweenknightsandnon-knightsran,asdidtoothedividebetweenthosewhocouldspeakbothFrenchandEnglishandthose

whowereonlyEnglishspeakers.TheabbotofCrowlandcomplained,aswehaveseen,thatoneoftheknightswhosworeagainsthimhadnoFrench,andthatmustincreasinglyhavebeenthesituationasonewentdownthesocialscale.Theroleinlocalaffairsof

thekindof‘hinge’menonthejuries,abovethegeneral

runofpeasantsbutbeneaththeknights,canbesensedinvariousprovisionsintheCharter.Thusifawardshipispillaged,itistobeentrustedto‘twolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee’(chapter4).Ifcommon-pleabusinesscannotbefinishedonthedayofthecountycourt,thensufficientfreetenantsaswellasknightsare

toremainsothatjudgementscanbemade(chapter19).Whenamercementsareimposedonfreemen,villeinsandmerchants,theiramountistobedeterminedby‘theoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood’(chapter20);andwhenthesheriffsorbailiffsmakelistsofthechattelsofdeceasedtenants-in-chief,theyaretodoso‘by

viewoflaw-worthymen’(chapter26).KingJohnhimselfwas

veryawareoftheimportanceofthekindofmenfoundonthehundredjuries,andtheywereprobablythemaintargetofresoundingceremoniesin1209.Ingreatmeetingsthroughoutthecountry,climaxingatonebeforeJohnhimselfatMarlborough,mass

actsofhomagetothekingwereperformedbyfreemen.Thesemenwerenotswearingloyaltytohiminreturnforlandthattheyheldfromhim,asinanormalactofhomage.Thegreatmajority,afterall,heldnolandfromthecrown.ButJohnknewwhathewasdoing,fortheonepersontowhomhomagecouldbedone,wherelandwasnotinvolved,

wastheking.Ofcourse,thesemencannotallhavekneltdownbeforethekingandplacedtheirhandsinhis.Probably,whiletakingtheiroaths,theyraisedtheirhandsratherlikethesalutesatsomefascistrally.TheceremonysymbolizedJohn’sprotectionofthemenandtheirsubjectionandobediencetohim.Itwasthereciprocityof

thebondthuscreated,absentinamereoathoffealty,thatexplainedhowtheceremonycouldberegardedasoneofhomage.Johnhadrecognizedthemilitarypowerofthisgroupinhisordinanceforthedefenceoftherealmin1205.Itenlistedknightsandalso‘serjeants’and‘othersholdingland’,‘serjeant’hereprobablydescribingfree

tenantsjustbeneaththerankofknight.39

FAMILY,FRIENDSHIPANDNEIGHBOURHOOD

ThevisionofEnglandinchapter14oftheCharterwasofakingdomdividedupinto,anddominatedby,thefeesoftheearls,greaterbaronsandecclesiasticaltenants-in-chief.Thesewerethemenwho

werepersonallysummonedtotheassemblygivingthekingdom’scommonconsenttotaxation.Theycananswerforthekingdom,theimplicationseemstobe,becausebycommandingtheloyaltyofthetenantsintheirfees,collectivelytheyanswerforeveryoneinthekingdom.Therewassometruthinthisvision,butnotthewhole

truth.MagnaCarta’sEnglandisEngland,butonlybecauseotherchaptershintatamorenuancedandcomplexpicturefromthatfoundinchapter14.Inthefirstplace,therewereothertiesbeyondthoseintheverticalrelationshiprunningdownbetweenking,baronsandtheirtenants.TheCharterisveryclear

abouttheimportanceofthe

family.Thechaptersprotectingwidows,wards,childrenandheirswereverymuchthereatthebehestofthefamilygroupstowhichtheybelonged.Thatwasmadeplaininchapter6,whichsaidthatbeforeheirscouldbemarried,theirclosestkinweretobeinformedoftheproposedunion.Chapter3oftheArticlesoftheBarons

hadgonefurtheranddemandedthatthemarriagesshouldtakeplacewiththeclosestkin’s‘counsel’.40

Likewise,underchapter27oftheCharter,ifafreemandiedintestate,hischattelsweretobedistributedbyhisnearestrelationsandfriends.Familiescouldbeunitedintheiractions,andthebrothersThomasandAlanBasset,and

PeterandMatthewfitzHerbert,stoodshouldertoshoulderatthestartoftheCharteramongJohn’scounsellors.Theycouldalsobedivided,althoughthedivisionswerenotalwayswhattheyseemed.ItwassurelytokeepafootinbothcampsthatWilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,remainedloyaltoKingJohn,being

namedfirstamongJohn’slaycounsellorsintheCharter,whilehiseldestsonwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Thetwenty-fiveincludedtwoBigodsandtwoClares(inbothcasesfatherandson),amongmanyothertiesofkinship.Thechapteronwillsalso

mentioned‘friends’aswellas

family.Tiesoffriendshipcouldbegivenvisualexpression.Onhisdashingseal,RobertfitzWalterdisplayedthecoatofarmsofSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester,thusproclaimingtheirmilitary,politicalandpersonalalliance.Saeronhissealrepaidthecompliment.Nordidthisjustapplytothemen,forSaer’swife,

Margaret,likewisefeaturedfitzWalter’scoatonherseal.41Friendshipsmightdevelopfrommeetingsatcourtoroncampaign.Theycouldalsogrowfromtiesofneighbourhood.Therewasacrucialneighbourhooddimensiontothe1215rebellionintheroleplayedbymenfromthenorth,‘thenortherners’ofHolt’sclassic

book.Particularlyintheearlystagesoftherevolt,thatwasthenameoftengivenbycontemporarywriterstotherebelsasawhole.Later,theuprisingbecamemuchwider,andthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclausewerebalancedinfavourofthosefromtheeasternandhomecounties.Butstilleightofitsnumberhadlargeinterestsin

thenorth.42ItwasdoubtlessthenorthernerswhosecuredatRunnymedetheinclusionoftheridingsofYorkshireandLincolnshireamongthelocalgovernmentunitsfromwhichthekingwasnottotakemorethanthefixedannualpaymentsoftheir‘ancient’farms.Workingforroyal

governmentonlocaljuries

andinquiriesitselfsolidifiedgroupsofneighbours.TheCharterdirected,inchapter20,thatamercementsweretobeassessed‘bytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood’.Groupsofkinsmen,friendsandneighbourswereequallysolidifiedbythepressuresofroyalgovernment.Onewayinwhichthathappenedis

showninchapter9oftheCharter.Thissoughttopreventthesuretiesofacrowndebtorfrombeingdistrainedtopayhisdebt,whenthedebtorcouldstillpayhimself.Ifthesuretieswereforcedtopay,theycouldhavethedebtor’slandsandrentsincompensation.ItwasroutineforKingJohntodemandsuretiesfroma

debtor.WhenhefinallyturnedonthegreatnorthernbaronWilliamdeMowbray,anddemandedthathepayanastronomicaldebtof1,740marks,hissuretiesincludedsevengreatbarons,sixofthemfromthenorth,allofwhomhadtogosuretyforspecifiedamounts.43Aschapter9inMagnaCartashows,thissystemcould

createtensionbetweenthedebtorandhissureties,butitmightalsogenerateacommunityofinterestandincipientaction.FourofMowbray’spledgesandthesonofanotherappearwithhimamongthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.

SOCIALCHANGE

Tiesoffamily,friendshipandneighbourhoodexistedalongsidetiesoftenureandcouldindeedsupportthem.Butthetenurialhierarchyitselfwasfarlessclear-cutthanthesimpledivisionintoearls,barons,knightsandfreetenantsmightseemtoimply,asindeedtheCharteragainhinted.Attheverytop,therewasuncertaintyaboutthe

positionofearl,forJohnandhispredecessorswereveryfarfromadmittingthatthehonourwasalwayshereditary.Indeed,eveninMagnaCartatheearlwastoowereliefforthe‘baronyofanearl’,sonotactuallyforanearldomatall.Aswewillsee,thismaywellhavebeenacontentiousissueatRunnymedeitself.44

Therewasalsoambivalenceoverthepositionofbaron.Chapter2oftheCharter,infixingthereliefoftenants-in-chief,madeadivisionbetweenbaronssucceedingtobaroniesandknightssucceedingtoknights’fees.Therewasnothingnovelinthat.ThedistinctionisfoundinboththeDialogusdeScaccario

andinalistofthetenants-in-chiefinShropshiremadebyitssheriffin1212.45YetJohncouldalsodescribesomeonewhoonlyheldoneknight’sfeeashis‘baron’,whichsuggeststhatthetermcouldstillbeusedforanytenant-in-chiefofthecrown.46Itwasequallyemployedbygreatlordstodescribetheirownknightlytenants.‘Inowwish

toconsultmybarons,’saidWilliamMarshal.47

Evenifonedidtrytodrawalinebetweentenants-in-chiefholdingbaroniesandtenants-in-chiefholdingknights’fees,howlogicalintermsofwealthwoulditalwaysbe?Thatsomebaronsmightbemenofnoverygreatimportanceisclearfromchapter14oftheCharter,in

whichonlygreaterbaronsweretoreceivepersonalsummonsestoitsnationalassembly.48Therewasequallyaproblemtheotherwayround,createdbythewealthandimportanceofthosewhoheldonlyoneortwofeesfromthecrownandsocouldscarcelyqualifyasbaronsatall,letalonegreaterbarons.Acaseinpointis

WilliamofHuntingfield.Hewasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’ofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause,yetheonlyheldonefee(atMendhaminSuffolknearHuntingfield)fromthecrown.Muchofhiswealthcamefromotherproperties,includingsevenfeesheldfromthehonourofEye.49MensuchasHuntingfieldwererisingin

societyfromknightlybackgrounds,oftenthroughroyalservice,andaugmentingtheirinheritancesthroughpurchases,andgiftsfromgreatlordsandfromtheking.AlanBasset,oneofthecounsellorsJohnnamedintheprologuetoMagnaCarta,wasaself-mademan,ayoungerson,whoputtogetheranestateofbaronial

proportions,includingthemanorsofHighWycombeandWoking,whichhereceivedfromtheking.50

ThomasBasset,Alan’selderbrother(althoughbothwereyoungersons),illustratesanotherpoint,namelyhowquicklyfamiliescouldriseandfall.Bythetimeofhisdeathin1220,hetoohadbuiltupagreatestate,

including,asagiftfromKingJohn,themanorofHeadingtonoutsideOxford,butleavingnoson,theestatewassplitbetweenhisthreedaughters.Thomas’sbranchoftheBassetshadcomeandgoneinageneration.ItwouldhavebeenamootpointwhetherHuntingfieldandtheBassetswereentitledtothepersonalsummonsestothe

nationalassemblyenvisagedinMagnaCarta’schapter14.51ThesamewouldhavebeentrueinthecaseofSimonofKyme.HewasaleadingfigureinLincolnshirefromthe1190s.Hehadhisownfollowing,includingtheLincolnshireknightPeterofBeckering,yetofhisthirtyorsofees,onlytwowereheldinchief.52AtleastHuntingfield,

KymeandtheBassetsdidholdinchief,andwouldhavebeensummonedunderthetermsofchapter14.Yetthereweremanyofequivalentornearequivalentstatuswhowouldhavebeenignoredaltogethersincetheyheldnothingfromtheking.53

Inthisfluidsituation,theCharterattemptedapieceofsocialcementing.Chapter2

fixedforthefirsttimethesizeofabaronialandknightlyrelief.Forthefirsttime,therefore,itbecamenecessarytodecidewhoheldbybaronyandwhoheldbyknight’sfee,forthetwogroupsweretoowereliefsofdifferentsizes.Fromonepointofview,thosewhofellonthebaronialsidelostout,fortheyhadtopayalarger

relief.Butthegainwasthattheywouldnowbepartofagroupveryclearlyseparated,intermsofstatus,fromthosebelowthem.Theyweretoformanewelite,asDavidCrouchputsit,the‘king’sbarons,thenoblesclosesttothecrown’.54TheCharteralsoconfirmedandimprovedtheprivilegesthatwentwithbaronialstatus.Chapter21of

theCharterthuslaiddownthatearlsandbaronsweretobeamercedbytheirpeers,whichmeanttheirsocialequals.Thisseparatedearlsandbaronsfromeveryoneelse,freemen,merchants,villeinsandclerks,whoweretobeamercedbymenoftheneighbourhood.ThisprivilegeintheCharterbuiltonexistingpractice,forprior

to1215,ifanearlorabaronwasconvictedofanoffencebeforetheking’sjudgesinthelocalities,theamercementwasassessednotbeforethejudgesbutatWestminsterbytheexchequer.55TheaimoftheCharter,therefore,wastopreventthishappeningandensurethatearlsandbaronswereamercedbythemselves,intheprocessmakingthem

allthemoreofanexclusivegroup.56

AnotherprivilegeaffirmedbytheCharterwasthatrelatingtonationalassemblies.Underchapter14,aswehaveseen,itwasonlyearlsandgreaterbaronswhoweretoreceivepersonalsummonsestothecouncilsempoweredtogivethekingdom’sconsentto

taxation.Theothertenants-in-chiefweretobesummonedgenerally,throughthesheriffs.Herethenthegreatmenoftherealmwerenotevencontentwithadivisionbetweenthebaronageandtherest.Theysetthebarforpersonalsummonseshigher,sothatonlygreaterbaronswouldgetthem.Thosewhowerenot

tenants-in-chief,ofcourse,wouldnotbesummonedatall.Probablychapter14reflectedwhathadlongbeenexistingpractice.Itrespondedtotheideathatthedutytogivecounselwasanobligationinvolvedintenure,andthusespeciallysomethingwhichfellontheking’sowntenants.57Yet,giventhechangingnatureofsociety,

mightnottheCharterhaveincluded‘magnates’withintheassembly,thusensuringthepresenceofgreatmenwhowerenottenants-in-chief?Theanswerwasaresoundingno!Instead,theCharterpulledupthedrawbridgeandsoughttowallinthestatusquo.Byenshriningtheexistingsystem,itsaimwastoensure

thatnationalassembliesremainedexclusiveandexclusionarybodies.Inthisarea,however,

MagnaCartawasbecomingoutofdateattheverytimethatitwaspromulgated.Thereweresimplytoomanymenaroundwhowerenottechnicallybarons,butwhosewealthandstatusjustifiedapersonalsummons.While,in

thecourseofthethirteenthcentury,itwasindeedapersonalsummonstoparliamentthatcreatedaparliamentarypeerage,itwasnotapeeragedefinedbythosewhoheldbaronies.Itwasdefinedbythosewhosewealthandstatusseemedtonecessitateasummons.58Theproblemwithchapter14’svisionoftherealmwas

revealedneartheendoftheCharter,intheveryprovisionwhereitseemedagaintoberecognized.Underchapter60,allthelibertiesthatJohnhadconcededtobeheldinthekingdom:

asmuchasitpertainstoustowardsourmen[nostros],allthemen[omnes]ofourkingdom…aretoobserve,asmuchasitpertainsto

them,totheirmen[suos].

AsisusualintranslationsoftheCharter,Ihaveinsertedhere‘men’after‘our’,‘all’and‘their’,sincethisishowthechapterwascertainlyunderstood.Theking’smenwerehistenants-in-chiefandpre-eminentlyhisearlsandbarons.Atfirstsight,then,wehaveherethetraditional

‘feudal’hierarchy,withthekingmakingconcessionstohistenants-in-chief,whichtheythenpassdowntotheirownmen.Butthisisnotwhatthechaptersays.InsteadofJohnstatingthat‘ourmen[nostros]’aretoobservetheconcessionsintheCharter,hesaysthat‘allthemen[omnes]’ofthekingdomaretodoso.Thetenurial

hierarchyhas,therefore,beeninvadedbyabodycompletelyun-tenurialinitsstructure.WhenHenryIIIreferredtothischapterin1234,hesaiditwashisarchbishops,bishops,earls,baronsand‘othermagnates’whoweretoobeytheCharter.59Thekingthusrecognizedthattherewere‘magnates’quiteonaparwithhiscomitalandbaronial

tenants-in-chief.Nosuchrecognitionwasmadewhenitcametodecidingwhoshouldbesummonedtothenationalassemblyin1215.InthatsenseMagnaCartawasadeeplyconservativedocument.

THREATSTOTHEBARONIALFEES

Earlsandbaronsfacedanotherproblem,namelythatofmaintainingauthoritywithinthelandedestateswhichmadeuptheir‘fees’or‘honours’.Hereweshouldthinkofthefeesnotasaneatsetof‘feudalpyramids’,butasarangeofhillssuchasthataroundWastwaterinCumberland,allofdifferentshapesandsizes,withone

mergingintoanother,andwithrocksandbouldersfrequentlyslippingoffthesidesintogulliesandthelake.Thevastlydifferentsizeofbaroniesisrevealedinthereturnstotheinquiryof1166,wheresomeowedtheserviceofsixtyormoreknights,andsomefewerthanten.60Thefeesofbarons,moreover,didnotexistinsomesteadystate,

fortheywereliabletocomeintotheking’shandseitherthroughforfeitureorthroughfailureofheirs.ThathadhappenedtothehonoursofWallingford,Nottingham,BoulogneandLancaster,aschapter43oftheChartershows.Feeswerealsoliabletodivision.Thestatementinchapter2aboutreliefbeingduefora‘wholebarony’

reflectedthefactthatbaroniesweresometimesnolonger‘whole’.Divisioncouldespeciallycomeaboutthroughthemarriageofheiresses,whichtheChartersoughttoregulateinchapter6.Iftherewasasinglefemaleheir,thehonourremainedwhole.BothWilliamMarshalandWilliamLongespeehadbeensetupbymarriagesto

suchcovetedwomen.Butiftherewasmorethanonefemaleheir,thenthebaronywouldbesplitbetweenthem,ashappenedtothehonourofLeicesterinJohn’sreign.Thiswaswhychapter2oftheCharterspokeoftheheir‘orheirs’ofbaronies,thelatterbeingheiressesorthedescendantsofheiresses.Aschapter6alsoindicated,

anotherdynamicwasthekingmarryinganheiresstosomeoneoflowersocialstatus,the‘disparagement’thatthechaptertriedtoprevent.61

Inmaintainingtheloyaltyoratleasttheobedienceoftheirknightlytenants,agreatdealthendependedonthehistoryofthefeeandwhetherithadremainedwholeor

beensplitapart.Muchdependedtooonitsgeographicalcontours.Manifestly,alordwouldhavemorecontroloverhistenantsiftheylivedclosetooneofhismainresidences.ThesuccessoftheFerrersearlsofDerbyinretainingtheserviceandloyaltyoftheirtenantsowedagreatdealtothecompactnessoftheirhonour

andtheproximityofthefeetoitscentreatTutburyinStaffordshire.62Theloyaltybetweenlordandtenantcouldbeveryreal,asisclearfromchapter4oftheCharter.Thereawardship,pillagedbytheagentsoftheking,wastobehandedoverto‘twolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee’.The‘menofthefee’hadtheirowninterestin

preventingthewardshipbeingexploited,buttheimplicationwasalsothattheycouldbetrustedtolookaftertheinterestsoftheirfuturelord.Themutualbondestablishedbyhomageandtenuresetstandardsofconduct.TheknightRicharddeVernonjustifiedhisrebellioninthe1260sbysayingthat‘inthewholetime

ofthewarhefollowedhislord,RobertdeFerrers,earlofDerby,fromwhomheheldhislandandtowhomhehaddonehomage’.Manyknightsinthe1215–17civilwarwouldhavejustifiedtheirconductinsimilarterms.63ItwaslikewisehowtheMarshalexpectedhistenantsinIrelandtobehave,whenhecalleduponthemtoshow

loyaltyinreturnforthefeesthattheyhadbeengiven.64

Therewere,however,forcesworkingtounravelthetenurialbond.One,ofcourse,wasthatknightsplayedamajorroleintherunningoflocalgovernmentfortheking.Alordmightwelcomeitwhenoneofhisknightswasthusemployed,buthehadalsotoreckonwiththe

independencetheyobtained.Thedevelopmentofthecommonlawalsomeantthatunder-tenantscouldeasilylitigateinthecourtsoftheking,ratherthaninthoseoftheirlords,athreatthatchapter34oftheChartertriedtodosomethingabout.65

Anotherdestabilizingfactorwasthewayknightsmightholdfrommorethanonelord.

Thatwaslesstrueofthemiddle-rankingknightswhoheldonlyonemanor,butitwasincreasinglycommonfurtheruptheknightlyscale.TheCharteritselfbearswitnesstothetensionsproducedwhenthisotherlordwastheking.Thuschapter37showsthatthekingwasusurpingwardshipswhichbelongedto‘thefeeof

another’byknightservice,onthegroundsthatthetenantsalsoheldfromhimbyrentorsomeotherformofservice.TheequivalentchapterintheArticlesoftheBarons(27)madeitevenclearerthatthiswasacaseofusurpingthewardshipsofknightlytenants,foritspokeofJohntaking‘thecustodyoftheknightsofthefeeofanother’.Chapter

53intheCharteralsoputontheagendathewholequestionofhowthekingtookthewardshipoflands‘whichareofthefeeofanother’,whenthetenantsalsoheldfromhimbyknightservice.Intheking’sviewthiswasaprerogativeright,butthatitwasraisedintheCharter,ifonlyasamattertobedealtwithattheendofJohn’s

prospectivecrusade,showshowirritatingitwasthoughttobe.66AtRunnymedeitselftwoofthegreatbaronialleaders,EustacedeVescyandGilbertdeGant,complainedaboutJohnusurpingwardshipsthat,theyclaimed,belongedtotheirfees.67

Equallydamagingweretheconflictswhenserviceandwardshipswereclaimedby

rivallords.In1211Vescyhimselfwasinvolvedinonesuchcase,anditwasthesubjectofmuchlaterlitigation.68

Inthesedifficultcircumstances,theattitudeofgreatlordswasitselfambivalent.Ontheonehand,theywantedtoemploywhomevertheylikedintheirservice.Thekinghadthe

righttodothat,astheDialogusdeScaccarioaffirmed.69Itwasvitalforlordstodothesame.Iftheybecamestuckinsomehonorialstraitjacket,theymightendupwithaveryinferiorentourage.ThusWilliamMarshal’sfollowingcontainedveryfewtenants,andwasrarelyrewardedwithgrantsofland.70Thesearch

forgoodservicewasadynamicanddisruptiveforceinsociety.Greatlordswerealsofarfromdependentontenantsandhonorialcourtsfortheirlocalpower.Aswewillseeinthenextchapter,manyhadcontrolofthelocalgovernmentdivisionofthehundredandclaimedtherighttohangthievesontheirowngallows.Yet,forallthis,

lordsremainedverymuchinthebusinessofpreservingtheintegrityoftheirfees,andtheserviceoftheirtenants.Quiteapartfromthemilitaryservicetheycouldexpect,theirrightswhenitcametoaids,scutages,reliefs,wardships,andthemarriagesofheirsandwidowswerevaluableassourcesofbothmoneyandpatronage.When

itcametocontrollingthefee,however,lordsfacedproblemsfromthetenantsthemselves.Noambitiousknightwishedtobestuckwithalordwhocoulddohimnogood,whateverthebondofhomage.KnightsinOxfordshirethereforedesertedtheirineffectualbaroniallord,Henryd’Oilly,andenteredtheserviceofthe

comingman,ThomasBassetofHeadington,sheriffofthecountyfrom1202to1214.Theyalsoenteredtheserviceofthekingandlitigatedinhiscourts,despited’Oilly’sattemptstopreservethejurisdictionofhisown.71Thecompetitionforgoodlordshipwasjustasdisruptiveaforceasthecompetitionforgoodservice.

Therewerealsotensionswithinthefeesarisingfromthedemandsthatlordsmadeoftheirtenants.Baronsandknightshadmuchincommon.Theycouldallagreeaboutkeepingtheunfreepeasantryinitsplace.TheycouldallagreeaboutthechaptersintheCharterlimitingtheking’sfinancialexactionsandinsistingthathe

actedjustly.When,in1219,thegreatbaronGilbertdeGantargued,intheLincolnshirecountycourt,thathehadsufferedunlawfuldisseisin,thewholecourtralliedbehindhimandMagnaCarta.They‘criedoutwithhimandforhim,andforthemselvesandforthecommonlibertyofallthekingdomconcededand

sworn’.72Thereremained,however,acleardifferenceofinterestbetweenthegreatmajorityofknights,holdinguptooneortwomanors,andwithfeworanytenantsholdingbyknightservice,andthegreaterbaronswhohadmanymanorsandmanyknightlytenants.TheChartershowshowruthlesslythekingexploitedhistenurial

rights,andthereweresurely‘badlords’whodidthesame.Thatsuchmendisparagedheirsinmarriageandlaidwastetowardshipsisclearfromlaterlegislation.73

Evidenceforthelord–tenantrelationshipinJohn’sreignislimited,buttherearetworemarkabledocumentsthatshedlightonthematter.Oneisacharter,issuedsometime

between1207and1209,bythegreatnorthernbaronPeterdeBrus,makingaseriesofconcessionstotheknightsandfreetenantsofhiswapentakeofLangbarghinthenorthYorkshiremoors.Knightsandfreetenantsare,ofcourse,preciselythegroupwefindinchapter19oftheCharter,stayingbehindtoattendjudgementsinthe

countycourt.UndertheBruscharter,noonewastobeputontrialatthewapentakecourtsavein‘reasonable’fashionand‘byconsiderationofthewapentake’,whichanticipatedchapter38oftheCharter.Brusalsoconcededthatanypenaltiesweretobeassessedaccordingtothemeansofthoseconvictedandthenatureoftheoffence;so

chapter20ofMagnaCarta.Indeed,bothchartersusedthesamewordfortheoffence:‘delictum’.Andfinally,Brusputhisconcessionsintoacharter,anddescribedthemas‘liberties’,whichweretobeheld‘inperpetuity’,alllikeMagnaCarta.BrushadjustboughtthewapentakeofLangbarghfromKingJohnfor400marks.Hestillowed

1,300marksofhisfinemadein1200toacquirethenearbylordshipofDanby.Theknightsandfreetenantshadeveryreasontoexpect,andprobablywerealreadyexperiencing,hisoppressiverule.74TheBruscharterdoesnotstandaloneastestimonytotensionsbetweenlordsandmen.AfterMagnaCarta,Ranulf,earlofChester,was

facedperhapsbyarevolt,certainlybyaseriesofdemandsfromhis‘baronsofCheshire’,baronheremeaninghismajortenantsinthecounty.Ranulfrefusedsomeofwhatwasasked,butconcededmuchinwhatbecameknownastheCheshireMagnaCarta.TheissuesbetweenRanulfandhisbaronsreplicatedinpartthose

betweenthebaronsofEnglandandtheking.SotheeighteenchaptersoftheCheshireCharterincludedprovisionsaboutamercements,widows,marriages(tobewithoutdisparagement),militaryserviceandtheinheritancetaxcalled‘relief’.75

SOCIALDIVISIONINTHECHARTER

DidanyofthesetensionsbetweenlordsandtenantssurfaceinMagnaCarta?TheywerecertainlynottheCharter’smajortheme.Itisusuallyviewed,prettywellexclusively,asadocumentaimedattheking.Indeed,whenitcametothetreatmentoftenants,thebaronseemed

tosetthestandardforthekingtofollow.Thuschapter43oftheCharterdirectedthatifanhonourcameintotheking’shands,thekingshouldholditasthebaronhadheldit.Heshoulddemandnootherservicesfromthetenantsthanthosegiventothebaronifthebarony‘wasinthehandofabaron’.Goodbaron,badking.

Thisisnot,however,thewholestory.InotherpartsoftheCharter,bothinwhatisputinandinwhatisleftout,thereareclearsignsofconflict.Earlsandbaronsweretakingshotsatknightsandunder-tenants,knightsandunder-tenantswereshootingbackatearlsandbarons.Earlsandbarons,therefore,madequitesure

thatchapters2–5onreliefandwardshipwereexclusivelyforthemselvesandothertenants-in-chief.Whilechapter8,forbiddingtheenforcedremarriageofwidows,didapplytounder-tenants,herelordsinsertedasafeguard,onthesamelinesasthesafeguardinsertedbytheking:widowsneededtheconsentoftheirlordifthey

wantedtoremarry,justaswidowsoftenants-in-chiefneededtheconsentoftheking.Thetensionsthus

suggestedreachedaheadinchapter15.Therethekingpromisedthathewouldnotgrant‘anyone’permissiontolevyanaidfromhisfreemensavefortheransomofhisbody,theknightingofhis

eldestsonandthemarryingononeoccasionofhiseldestdaughter.Theaidwasalsotobe‘reasonable’.Thechapterreferredto‘anyone’probablyoutofrecognitionthatsomemajorknightsmightseekaidsfromtheirtenants,butthemaintargetwasundoubtedlythebaron.Indeed,intheArticlesoftheBarons,theequivalentchapter(6)simply

statedthat‘thekingwillnotallowanybarontotakeanaidfromhisfreemen’saveonthethreespecifiedoccasions.ThechapterinMagnaCartapromisedmajorgainsforunder-tenants.76JohnhadfrequentlyorderedthemtogiveaidstotheirlordsonotherthantheCharter’sspecifiedoccasions,notablytohelppaytheirlord’sdebts

tothecrown.77Thereissomeevidenceoftheillfeelingthuscreated.WhenWilliamdeMowbraysoughttolevyanaidtopayhisdebts,thereligioushousesholdingfromhimprotested.78In1206or1207thetenantsofRobertdeMortimerrefusedtopayanaidtosustainhim‘intheking’sserviceinPoitou’.Aids,theysaid,hadonlybeen

customaryforthemselvesandtheirancestorsonthreeoccasions.79SincetheseweretheveryoccasionslaterpermittedintheCharter,under-tenantswereevidentlywellawareoftheirrights.Chapter15intheCharter

didnotmerelyrestricttheinstancesonwhichaidscouldbelevied.Italsoimpliedthat,withoutpermissionfromthe

king,lordscouldnotimposeaidsevenonthethreecustomaryoccasions.ThiswasverydifferentfromthesituationinGlanvill,wherelordswereallowedtolevyaidswithoutroyalsanction,evenformakingwar,providedtheyhadtheconsentoftheircourts.Lords,underJohn,oftensecuredwritsfromthekinginorderto

facilitatethelevyingofanaid.Now,withoutsuchwrits,theywerenottolevyaidsatall.80Atthebehestofunder-tenants,theCharterseemedtobeweakeningthelord’sauthorityoverhisfee.Chapter16wasalso

designedtobenefitunder-tenants.Itlaiddownthat‘noone’wastobedistrainedtodomorethantheservicedue

either‘forthefeeofaknight,orforanotherfreetenement’.Thepositionofthischapter,rightafterchapter15,anditsphraseology–‘feeofaknight’,‘freetenement’–suggestthatitsmainbeneficiarieswereintendedtobeknightsandfreetenantswhowerebeingforcedtoperformotherthancustomaryservicesbytheirlordsorthe

king.81Thescopeofthechapter,moreover,waswidenedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymede,since‘anotherfreetenement’doesnotappearintheArticlesoftheBarons.Itsinclusionmeantthatthelargenumbersoffreetenantswhoheldbyrentratherthanbyknightservicewerenowincludedamongthe

beneficiaries.TheCharterdoesnotspecifythekindsofextraservicesthatlordsmightdemand,buttheyprobablyincludedmilitaryserviceandscutage,aboutwhichthereisconsiderableevidenceofdisputeoverwhatwasdue.82

AnissuethatbecameimportantinthereignofHenryIIIwasthatofattendanceatprivatecourts.It

wasthesubjectofmajorlegislationin1259andmayalreadyhavebeenagrievancein1215.83Thatchapter38ofMagnaCartapreventedbailiffsingeneral(theywerenorspecifiedasthoseoftheking)fromputtingpeopleontrialontheirownunsupportedallegationssuggeststensionsovertherunningofprivatecourts.A

relatedgrievancewasthatoftheamercementsleviedinprivatecourts,oftenfornon-attendance.Herechapter20oftheCharterwasrelevant,foritdealtwithamercementsingeneralandthusprotectedfreemen(althoughnotvilleins)fromunjustamercementsleviedinthecourtsoflordsaswellasthoseoftheking.Whena

writwasintroducedinthe1260senablinglegalactionstobebroughtunderthetermsofthechapter,privatecourtswerethetarget.84

Betweenchapter16ontheserviceduefromfeesandotherfreetenements,andchapter20onamercements,camechapters17to19onthecommonpleas.Morethananyotherchaptersofthe

Charter,theyrevealasocietyfarfromdominatedbygreatlords.WeremodernhistorianstohaveagoatdraftingtheCharterwithoutknowledgeofitscontents,theymightwellconceiveaclausepreventingthecommon-lawactionsencroachingonthecourtsoflords.Thechapterwouldthushaveparalleledchapter34,

whichrestrictedtheissueofthewrit‘precipe’ifithadthateffect.ThatbaronswouldhavelikedsuchachapterissuggestedbyastrikingpassageintheAnonymousofBéthune.ThishasJohnagreeingin1215thatthebaronscouldhave‘allhighjurisdiction[hautesjustices]intheirlands’.Theking,infact,hadagreednosuch

thing.ThepointisthattheAnonymous,soclosetobaronialfeeling,thoughtthathehadorshould.Itisunlikelythatthebaronsin1215werehopingfor‘highjurisdiction’inthesenseofestablishingcontroloverallcriminaljustice.Thatwasneverontheagenda.Whattheyhopedtodowastoprotecttheircourtsand

jurisdictionsfromthechallengesofthecommonlaw.85

Thedetailofthecommon-lawprocedureswhichgeneratedthisambitionwillbeexplainedinthenextchapter.Hereitisenoughtosaythattheywerehugelypopularwithknightsandfreetenants,whoweretheirchiefusersandbeneficiaries,and

who,sittingonthejuries,actuallydecidedthecases.Muchofthelitigationwasbetweensocialequals,oftenoversmallproperties,buttheprocedureshadthepotentialtotakecasesfromthecourtofthelordintothecourtoftheking,aswellasweakeningthelord’spoweroverhistenantsmoregenerally.YettheCharter,

insteadoftryingtorestricttheiruse,madetheproceduresmoreavailable.Chapter17thusdidnotallowsuchpleasto‘follow’theking’scourt,andinsistedtheybeheardinafixedplace.Chapter18laiddownthattheking’sjudgesweretocometoeachcountyfourtimesayeartohearthemostpopularoftheassizes.Theprocedures

werealso,aswehaveseen,madesubjecttolocalcontrol,bystipulatingthatthejudgesweretositwithfourknightselectedinthecountycourt.AttheendoftheCharter,

itsbenefitsseemedfinallyspreadoverallsociety.Chapter60,aswehaveseen,statedthatallmenweretopassdowntotheirownmentheconcessionswhichthey

hadreceivedfromtheking.The‘allmen’,ofcourse,asthekingmadeclearin1234,wereessentiallythelayandecclesiasticalmagnatesofthekingdom.UnderthetermsoftheCharter,theyhadthustoobey,withintheirfees,thechaptersonrelief,wardships,themarriagesofheirsandtherightsofwidows.Itwaswithasurepoliticaleyethatthe

governmentofHenryIIIconstantlyremindedhismagnatesofthischapter.ItwastheonethatgavetheChartervaluetounder-tenants.86

Knightsandunder-tenants,therefore,wereabletomakegainsfromtheCharter,sometimestothedisadvantageoftheirlords.YettheCharterwasalsovery

muchshapedbylords,anxioustoaffirmtheirauthorityovertheirtenants.Chapter60itselfimpliedthatunder-tenantswerelesssubjecttoroyalauthoritythanthemenoftheking,andweredependentontheirlordsforthefullenjoymentoftheCharter.Chapter26alsotestifiedtothecontrolthatlordsexpectedtohaveover

theirfees.Here,ifatenant-in-chiefdied,leavingawidowandchildren,thesheriffwaspreventedfromseizinghischattelsonthepretextofdebtsowedthecrown.Nosimilarprotectionwasofferedonthedeathofanunder-tenant.Thiswasbecause,whenanunder-tenantdied,itwasthelord,notthesheriff,whohadentryintotheestate.

ChapterafterchapterintheCharterwasdesignedtoprotecttheinterestofwhatitcalled‘thelordofthefee’.Thuschapter8stipulatedthatawidowcouldnotmarrywithout‘theassentofherlordfromwhomsheholds’,ifsheheldfromotherthantheking.Chapter11laiddownthatduringminorities,debtsweretobepaidtoJews‘savingthe

serviceofthelords’.Chapter32ensuredthe‘lordsofthefees’shouldrecoverthelandsoftheirtenantsconvictedoffelonyafterthekinghadheldthem‘foroneyearandoneday’.Chapter34preventedtheking,attherequestoflitigants,fromremovingcasesfromthecourtsof‘magnates’(asalaterdescriptionoftheclauseput

it)throughtheissueofthewritof‘precipe’.Inchapter53Johnalsopromisedtogivejustice,whenhereturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade,where‘thelordofthefee’wasclaimingrightsoveranabbeyfoundedonhisfee.Thiswaslinkedtochapter46,whichensuredthatallbaronsshouldhavecustodyoftheabbeysof

theirfoundationwhentheywerevacant.87Chapters37and53triedtodealwiththeissueofencroachmentsbythekingontherightsofwardship,whilechapter10helpedlordsexploitmorefreelyestatessoheld.Underthischapter,debtsowedtheJewswerenolongertogatherinterestduringminorities,whethertheheirheldfrom

thekingoranyoneelse.Lordswantedtheprovisionbecause,iftheyhadanheirinwardship,theywereboundpayhisdebts.Thus,in1213,RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,oneofthetwenty-fivebarons,hadtopay£20towardstheJewishdebtsoftheheirsofWilliamdePirnhow.88Thechapteronlybenefitedtheheirhimselfifthelorddid

failtopay.Then,underitsterms,theheirwouldnolongerbehit,oncomingofage,byalltheinterest.Thechapterthusagainsuggeststensionbetweenlordandtenant.JustastheCharterwasaninstrumentoflordshiptodisciplinetheunfreepeasantry,soequallyitwasaninstrumentoflordshiptocontrolthefee.That

continuedtobethecaseinlaterversionsoftheCharter,aswewillsee.89

LordsthusprotectedthemselvesandtheirfeesbywhattheyputintotheCharter.Theyalsodidsobywhattheyleftout.Itisoftensaid,andrightly,thatMagnaCartaowedagreatdealtothe1100CoronationCharterofHenryI.Yetthecontrast

betweenthewaythetwochartersdealwiththeinterestsofunder-tenantsisstriking.Inhisregulationsonrelief,wardshipsandthemarriageofheirsandwidows,HenryIinsistedtwiceoverthathisbaronsshouldmakeequivalentconcessionstotheirmen.90

TherewasnothingofthatkindinMagnaCarta,the

tenantsofbaronshavingtorelyontheblanketprovisiononpassingdowntheconcessionsinchapter60.The£5reliefforaknight’sfeeinchapter2wassimplyfortenants-in-chief.Althoughthereissomeindicationthata£5reliefforaknight’sfeewastheacceptedfigureforunder-tenantsbefore1215,enshriningitinMagnaCarta

wouldhavemadethecustomallthestronger.Thefactthatthe£5reliefappearsintheCheshireMagnaCartashowsthatunder-tenantsfelttheneedforsuchprotection.91

TheywouldalsohavevaluedtheChartermakingclearthatitsprovisionsonwardshipsappliedtolordsaswellastheking.Itwaslefttothe1275

StatuteofWestminstertodothat.92

ThereisanequallyextraordinarycontrastbetweenMagnaCartaandHenryII’s1176AssizeofNorthampton.Thisgaveprotectiontothefreetenantbylayingdownthatonhisdeath,hisheirsshouldremaininpossessionofhisfee,andhavehischattelstocarryout

hiswill.Iftheheirwasunderage,hewastodohomagetothelord,thussafeguardinghiseventualentryintotheinheritance.93

NoneoftheseprovisionssurfacedinMagnaCarta.Indeed,chapter26,whichdidsomethingtopreservethechattelsofadeceasedlordfortheexecutionofhiswill,wasquitespecificallylimitedto

tenants-in-chief.WecanbeprettysurethatthereweredemandsfortheChartertogivemoretounder-tenantsintheseareas,fortheversionof1216didjustthat.94TherewereotheromissionsinMagnaCarta.Inchapter29,knightswereonlyprotectedwhentheking,notwhentheirlords,soughttoimposeadoubledoseofcastleguard

andarmyservice.Inchapter31,itwasonlythekingwhowaspreventedfromseizingwoodforacastleorforotherbusiness.Likewise,inchapter37itwasonlythosewhoheldbysocageandotherrentsfromthekingwhowereprotectedfromclaimstowardship,notthosewhoheldinthesamewayfromtenants-in-chief.In1221Henry,earl

ofWarwick,foundhimselfsuedfortryingtoassertrightsofwardshipoveranheirwhoheldfromhiminsocage.Helostthecase,butnothankstoMagnaCarta.95Therewasalsoatellingchangemadetotheendofchapter37asbetweentheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.Intheformertheequivalentchapter(27)hadprotected

freemenfromlosingtheprivilegesofknighthoodbecausetheyheldanylandfromthecrownbynon-knightlyservice.InMagnaCartathisclausewasscrappedinfavourofprotectingnotthetenantsbutthelords.Theywerenottolosetheirrightsofwardshipoversuchmen.

Theomissionsareequallystrikingwhenitcomestotheinquiryintolocalgovernmentbythetwelveknightsineachcounty,commissionedinchapter48.Therewereprecedentsforsuchinquiries.In1170HenryIIhadmountedone,calledbyhistoriansthe‘InquestofSheriffs’.Despiteitsname,itinquirednotmerelyintoillicit

exactionsofthesheriffsbutalsointothoseoftheearls,baronsandknights.DidMagnaCartafollowthisprecedent?No,itdidnot.Itsinquiryinchapter48wassimplyintothe‘evilcustoms’oftheministersoftheking.Thesecurityclausewassimilarlylimited.ItdealtwithbreachesoftheCharterbytheking.Noprocedurewaslaid

downfordealingwithbreachesbythebaronsthemselves,althoughtheytoo,ofcourse,underchapter60,weresupposedtoobeytheCharter.Inmuchthesameway,whenwegettotheCharterof1217,chapter42soughttopreventshrievalextortionatthehundredcourt.Nothingwassaidabouttheextortionsofthebailiffs

whensuchcourtswerecontrolledbylords,aswasoftenthecase.96

Againthisbackground,ithardlycomesasasurprisethat,underchapters12and14oftheCharter,theassemblycalledontogivethekingdom’sconsenttotaxation,intheformofscutagesandaids,wasonecomposedentirelyoftenants-

in-chief.Theearls,greaterbarons,bishopsandabbots,aswehaveseen,weretoreceiveindividualsummonses.Therestofthetenants-in-chiefweretobesummonedgenerallythroughthesheriffs.Itistruethatthecontroloverscutagemetaparticulargrievanceofunder-tenants,sinceitwasfromthemthatgreatlords

recouped,ortriedtorecoup,whattheyowedtheking.Knightsalsohadapotentialvoiceinthetaxgrantingassembliesthemselvessincetheywouldhavefeaturedamongthefewhundredlessertenants-in-chiefsummonedthroughthesheriffs.Althoughtherewasalongprecedentforthesummoningofsuchtenants,the

confirmationoftheirpresenceintheCharterconstitutedaknightlyvictory.97Itwasaprecursortotheformalsummonstoparliamentofknightsrepresentingthecounties.Yetprecursorwasallitwas.ThosesummonedunderMagnaCartaweresolelythelessertenants-in-chiefofthecrown.Theycameforthemselves.They

hadnorepresentativefunction.Thethousandsofotherknightsandfreetenantsinthecounties,justliketheburgessesinthetownsandthemagnateswhodidnotholdfromthecrown,werecompletelyunrepresentedintheassemblyenvisagedin1215.Itcouldhavebeendifferent.Indeed,knightsmaywellhavedemandedthatit

shouldbedifferent.Afterall,anearlythirteenth-centuryaccountofKingArthur,writtenbythepoetLawmaninEnglishforaknightlyaudience,hashimsummoningtohisassemblyatCaerleoninsouthWales‘theknightsandallthefreemenwhowereinthelandatall’aswell,ofcourse,asthebishops,earlsandbarons.98In

1213JohnhimselfsummonedfourknightsfromeverycountytocomebeforehimatOxford‘todiscusswithustheaffairsofourkingdom’.99HehadalreadysummonedtotheOxfordcouncilbothhisbaronsandgroupsofknightsfromeachcounty.Almostcertainlythelatterwerehisknightlytenants-in-chief.Hewasnowreachingouttoa

widerconstituencyandcreatingamorerepresentativeassembly.Itwasanexamplethebaronsin1215conspicuouslyfailedtofollow.IntheCharteritself,thecountiesweretoelectknightstositwiththeking’sjudgesandholdtheinquiryintolocalgovernment.Whynotalsohavethecountieselectknightsas

representativesatnationalassemblies?Butifthesewereblocksfromwhichknightlyattendanceatsuchmeetingsmighthavebeenconstructed,theywereleftinthebuilder’syard.ItwastobedifferentinthenextgreatcrisisthatshookEngland.In1258theknightsinquiredintothemalpracticesofbothkingandlords.In1259thelegislation

dealtfirstofallwiththewaylordshadforcedmentoattendtheircourts.In1265SimondeMontfortsummonedbothknightsfromthecountiesandburgessesfromthetownstohisparliament.

6

MagnaCartaandtheStructureof

RoyalGovernment

Onhisaccessionin1199,Johndeclaredthathehadcometo‘theruleofthekingdomofEngland’‘byhereditaryright,divinemercy,andtheunanimousconsentandfavouroftheclergyandpeople’.1AllthreesourcesofauthoritywerereflectedintheCharter.Chapters52,53and57mentionedbothofJohn’s

immediatepredecessors,hisfather,KingHenryII,andhisbrotherKingRichard,fromwhomhehadinheritedthethrone.TheCharteralsolookedtothefuture,foritwasgrantedbyJohnforhimselfandhisheirsinperpetuity.Heirs,moreover,directheirs,Johnhad–hencethewaythesecurityclauseexemptedhisqueenand

childrenfromanykindofpersonalattack.JohnhadnamedhissonsHenryandRichard,thuslinkingtogetherthedynasticpastwithitshoped-forfuture.Inhislastillness,in1216,Johnbeggedthepope’shelpinsecuringwhathecalled‘theperpetualhereditarysuccession’ofhisdynasty.2

Johnwasnotfantasizingwhenheclaimed‘theunanimousconsentandfavouroftheclergyandpeople’athisaccession.Hewasreferringtothemomentinthecoronationceremonywhen,askedwhethertheywantedhimtorule,theassembledthronghadshoutedtheirassent.ItwastheseacclamationsatWilliamthe

Conqueror’scoronationin1066thathadledhisNormansoldiers,outsideWestminsterabbey,tothinkacoupwastakingplace.3Johnwashappytoproclaimthispopularassentin1199.InMagnaCartaitwasturnedagainsthim,notontheissueofsuccessiontothethrone,althoughthatwastocome,butovertaxationthatwas

onlytobeleviedby‘thecommoncounselofthekingdom’.The‘divinemercy’that

madeJohnkingwasproclaimedintheCharter,bothinhistitlesatthestartandonhisseal:hewasking‘bythegraceofGod’.Itwasthatstatuswhichhadatleastsomethingtodowiththeimmunityfrompersonal

attackallowedhiminthesecurityclause.JohnhadbecomekingbyGod’sgraceatthecoronationwhen,shornofhisroyalrobesanddressedonlyinasilktunicandopenshirt,hewasconsecratedwithholyoilbythearchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter.4

This,morethantheactualcrowning,wasthespiritualclimaxoftheceremony,

hencetheservicewascalledtheking’sconsecrationasmuchashiscoronation.Theanointingwasbiblicalinorigin,astheserviceshowedinitsreferencestoSamuel’sanointingofKingDavid.Itdidnotgivethekinganypriestlyqualities.Thatwasmadeveryclearinalongdiscussiononthesubjectwrittenlaterinthecenturyby

RobertGrosseteste,acontemporaryofJohn,andthegreatestscholarofhisage.Butwhattheanointingdiddo,asGrossetestewentontosay,wastopourintothekingalltheblessingsoftheHolySpirit.5Truly,theanointingmadeJohnkingbythegraceofGod.Thetraditionalcoronation

oathindicatedwhatwas

expectedoftheking.Beforetheanointingandcrowning,inwhatwasverymuchapactwithhispeople,Johnhadsworn‘thatallthedaysofhislifehewouldgivepeaceandhonourandreverencetoGodandholychurchanditsordinances;thathewouldexerciseright,justiceandequitytothepeoplecommittedtohim;andthathe

wouldabolishevillawsandperversecustoms;andhewouldmakegoodlawsandkeepthemwithoutfraudandevilintent’.6Johnwouldnothavequibbledwiththisviewofhistask,althoughhemighthavequestionedwhatweregoodandbadlawsandcustoms.The‘exaltationofholychurch’(astheCharterputit),themaintenanceof

peace,thedispensationofjustice,theprotectionofeveryone’srights–thesehadalwaysbeenintegraltokingship.Johnwouldalsohaveaddedanothercentralthrusttohisduties,indeedhemayhavetakenanoathtothateffectathiscoronation.Thiswastopreserveandrecovertherightsofthecrown.7Thatimperative,

giventhathewouldlosesomuchofhisrightwiththefallofNormandyandAnjou,overshadowedthereign.John,then,wasking‘by

thegraceofGod’.Ingeneralterms,hisdutieswereclear.Yettherewasnowayhecouldcarrythemoutwithoutaneffectiveadministrativestructure.Suchastructurehecertainlypossessed.Indeed,it

wasarguablythemostimpressiveatthattimeinEurope.

THECOURT

Attheheartofgovernmentwasthekinghimselfandhissurroundingcourt.WhenJohn,inchapter17oftheCharter,concededthat‘commonpleas’werenotto‘follow’his‘court’butwere

tobeheardinafixedplace,hemeant‘court’asformedbythewholebodyofcounsellors,ministers,knights,clerksanddomesticservantswhowerewithhim.Thecourtwas,asthechapterimplied,itinerant.Indeed,John’sbreakneckitinerary(examinedinthenextchapter)wasavitalfeatureofhisrule.Thecourtwasalso

large,probablyneverlessthanseveralhundredstrong.WalterMap,oneofHenryII’sclerks,spokeindeedofmanythousandsbeingthere.Mapnotedthatthepersonnelofthecourtwasconstantlychanging,sothatifhereturnedafteraperiodofabsencehecouldfeelastranger.Yetinstructureitremainedthesame.‘Itisa

hundred-handedgiant,whoifhebeallmaimed,isyetallthesame,andstillhundred-handed;ahydraofmanyheads.’8Thecourtembracedanotherbody,knownastheking’s‘household’(inLatin‘domus’or‘familia’),towhichknights,clerksanddomesticservantsbelonged.Italsohadwithinitaseriesofdefinedoffices,eachintegral

toJohn’srule.Thesewerethechancery,thechamberwiththewardrobe,andthedepartmentsthatsuppliedthehousehold’sfoodanddrink.9

THECHANCERY

Englishroyalgovernmentwasdrivenbydocuments.ItwasthroughthemthatJohnconferredpatronage,madeproclamations,spentmoney,

dispensedjustice,andgenerallyissuedtheordersonwhichhisruledepended.Fromthecourt,therewerealwaysmessengerssettingoutfornearandfar,withdocumentsofdifferenttypesandpurposesdirectedtobishops,abbots,earls,barons,knights,sheriffs,justices,exchequerofficialsandsoon.Thecourtwaslikeabeacon

shootingoutitsraysinalldirections,sparkingthetargetsintolife.Themenatcourtwhowrotetheking’sdocumentswereclerks.Theirheadwasthechancellor,apositionthatdatedbacktobeforetheNormanConquest.Thegreatseal,authenticatingthedocumentsthechanceryissued,andworkedbyitsownkeeper,waslikewise

underthechancellor’sauthority.Notallchancellorsperformedtheirdutiesinperson.In1215,however,thechancellor,RichardMarsh,wasverymuchhandson.Hewassoontocombinethepost(ausualcareermove)withabishopric,inhiscaseDurham.Mostofthechartersduringhisperiodofofficeendedwiththestatementthat

theyhadbeen‘givenbythehandofRichardMarshourchancellor’.MagnaCarta,however,wasgiveninsteadbythehandofKingJohn,testimonytoitsimportanceandthebarons’desiretopinhimtoit.10Thebodytowhichthe

writingclerksbelongedwascalled‘thechancery’,althoughthetermonlycame

intousegraduallyinthetwelfthcentury.11Howmanyclerkstherewerebothoverthereignasawholeandatanyonetimeisimpossibletosay.TheMagnaCartaProject,inbringingtogetheranddistinguishingthehandsoftheoriginalchartersandlettersofKingJohn,willestablishsomeminimumfigures,butonlyminimums,

forveryfewofthenumerouslessformallettershavesurvived.Threedifferenthands,typicalofthechancery,wereresponsibleforthreeofthefouroriginalsoftheCharter,andthereseematleastanotherfourhandsatworkin1215,sothatprovidesaminimumestablishmentofaroundhalfadozen.Butalmostcertainly

thenumberofclerkswasmuchlargerthanthat.12TherewereoccasionswhenJohn’sspeedofmovementmeanthewasseparatedfromthechancerystaff,oratleastfromthestaffwiththeseal,andusedhis‘smallseal’or‘privyseal’–‘parvumsigillum’,‘privatumsigillum’–toauthenticatedocumentsinstead.Thiswasthecase

duringhisdramaticdashtoBuryStEdmundsin1214,andinthedaysbeforehisarrivalatRunnymedeinthefollowingyear.13Thechancery,however,seemsingeneraltohavefollowedtheking’sitinerary.IthadnotgoneoutofcourtandbecomeestablishedatWestminster,aswastohappeninthefollowingcentury.

ByJohn’sreignthetypesofdocumentsissuedbythechanceryhadachievedasetform.Allhadonecardinalfeatureincommon,namelyafinalclausethatindicatedwhenandwherethekingoraministerhadauthorizedtheirissue.Intermsofhierarchy,atthetopofthescalewerethechartersinwhichJohnmadesolemnandsignificant

grantsoflandorrights,usuallyinperpetuity.MagnaCartaisthegrandestofthese,althoughitdiffersfrommostchartersbothinbeinggivenbythehandofthekingratherthanthechancellororachanceryofficial,andbylistingthemenonwhosecounselthekinghadactedatthestart,ratherthanhavingthemaswitnessesattheend.

Nextdowninimportancewereletterspatent.These,likecharters,hadthesealhangingdownfromthebottomofthedocument,attachedbyatagor(morerarelythanincharters)asilkenthread,andwerethusopenor‘patent’ratherthanbeingclosedupbythesealing.Theymightbeaddressed,likecharters,to

everyoneintherealm,althoughasbefittedalesssolemndocument,thelitanyofarchbishops,bishops,earlsandbaronsmightbeomitted.Theycouldalsobeaddressedtoindividuals,ortogroupssuchasthemenofacounty.Letterspatentdifferedfromchartersinotherways.Theylackedboththe‘givenbythehand’clauseandalistof

witnesses,beingnormallywitnessedsimplybythekingoranindividualminister.Letterspatentwereusedtoissueproclamations,makeappointments,andalsogiveimportantordersofapublicnature.Itmayhavebeenbyletterspatentthatthegreaterbaronsweretobesummonedtotheassemblymentionedinchapter14oftheCharter,

althoughitcouldequallyhavebeenbylettersclose.Lettersclosewerethefinal

typeofdocumentissuedbythechancery.Likeletterspatenttheyendedbysimplybeingwitnessedbythekingoraminister,buttheydifferedinbeing‘closed’.Thismeantthattheywerefoldedandtiedupwithastripofparchmentcutfromthe

bottom,andtheseal,orwhatwasusuallyjustadabfromit,wasplacedacrossthetie.Theselettersweretheadministrativemaidsofallworkandwereaddressedingreatnumberstotheking’sagents,tellingthemtodothisandthat.Alsointheformoflettersclosewerethe‘writs’(inLatin‘breves’),whichinitiatedlegalactions.These

hadtobeobtainedbylitigantsfromthechancery.TwoofthemfeaturedintheCharter,thewritof‘precipe’inchapter34,andthewritforaninquiryintomatters‘concerninglifeorlimbs’inchapter36.Itwaslikewisewritsinthesameform,issuedingreatnumbers,thatinitiatedthecommon-law

assizesmentionedinchapter18oftheCharter.Theproductionofthese

documentsdidnotendthelaboursofthechanceryclerks.SurvivingfromJohn’sreignareaseriesofrollsonwhichtheyrecordedthecharters,letterspatentandlettersclosethattheywereissuing,withnewsetsofrollsbeingbegunatthestartof

eachnewregnalyear.14

John’sreignbeganwithhiscoronationonAscensionDay1199,andsinceAscensionDayvariesindateaccordingtothedateofEaster,hewasactuallytheonlykinginEnglishhistorywhohadregnalyearsofunequallengths.Someoftherollshavewonderfulheadingsinlargecapitalletters

proclaimingtheiridentity.Giventhesmallproportionoforiginalchartersandlettersthatsurvive,itisfromthecopiesontherollsthatwecanappreciatethescaleofchanceryoutput,andthroughthedatingclausestraceJohn’sitineraryoftenonadailybasis.InthecloserollsalonefortheperiodMay1204toMay1205(which

JohnspententirelyinEngland),around940writsandotheritemsofbusinessarerecorded.This,moreover,wasonlyafractionofthelettersclosethatwereissued,forthestandardizedwritsinitiatingthecommon-lawassizeswereneverenrolled.InJune1215itself,MagnaCartawasnotenrolled.Johnhadnodesiretorecorda

documentextractedfromhimbyforce.Butthechanceryrollsdorecordfiveothercharters,135letterscloseandover150letterspatent.Inthepreviousmonthaspecialkeeperoftherollshadbeenappointed,oneWilliamCucuel,anicknamethatmayrefertohiscuckoo-likespeechorbehaviour.WasitonJohn’sinstructionsthata

fewweekslatertheclerkwritingthepatentrollincludedthelittlegreeting‘IsaluteyouWilliamKukkeWel’?15

THECHAMBERANDWARDROBE

Alongsidethechancery,themostimportantofficewiththekingwashischamber.Thechancerysentoutthe

king’sletters,thechamberreceivedandsentouthismoney.Bothwerevitalfortheoperationofroyalgovernment.Thechanceryletterscommunicatedtheking’sorders.Thechambermoneysuppliedtheforcebehindthem.Inoriginthechamberwas

simplytheroomwherethekingslept.Oneofitsmen

was‘theporteroftheking’sbed’.16Itshead,thechamberlain,couldbealayman.HubertdeBurgh,namedatthestartofMagnaCartaas‘seneschalofPoitou’,hadheldthepostearlierinthereign.Later,themostseniorchamberclerk,beforehewentontobechancellor,wasRichardMarsh.Whatheandhis

fellowsdidwastoreceive,storeandspendthemoneythatthekingcarriedwithhim.Thismoneycouldcomefromtheexchequer(ofwhichmoresoon),fromlocalofficials,fromindividualdebtorsandfromthegreatstoresofcashthatJohnassembledincastletreasuries.AtEaster1213,8,000markswerereceivedfromthe

treasuryatSalisbury.17Itseemsprobablethatthechamberofficialsoftenstoredtheirmoneynotinthechamberitselfbutintheking’s‘wardrobe’,whichalsocontainedhisjewels,clothes,andgeneralbagandbaggage.Atmajorroyalcastlesandhouses,chamberandwardrobemayhavehadsetrooms;elsewheretheyused

whateverspacewasoffered.Withoverlappingpersonnel,therewasoftennotmuchdistinctionbetweenthem.18

Nowrittenauthorizationseemstohavebeenneededforexpenditureoutofthechamber-wardrobe.Itmusthavebeenagreedtoorallybytheking,whichshowshisclosenesstotheofficialsconcerned.However,the

clerksdidkeepadetailedrecordofthedailyexpenditure,andthisgivesaremarkableinsightintotherangeandextentoftheiractivities.19IntheregnalyearMay1209toMay1210,themoneygoingout(sometimesjusttransfersintocastletreasuries)wasallcarefullyaddedupandamountedtoaround£8,000,whichwould

havebeenathirdoftheking’stotalincomeatthestartofthereign.20This,moreover,doesnotincludetheamountsspentonfoodanddrink,whichwasprobablythesameagain.Laterin1210,thechamber-wardrobefinancedJohn’sarmyinIreland,andtotalleditsexpenditureatover£11,400.21IntheyearMay

1212toMay1213,itsupplied10,000markstoJohn’sally,Otto,theRomanemperor,andgavemoneytoFlemishknights,sailorsofthefleetatPortsmouth,andserjeantsandfootsoldiersgoingtothewarinWales.Moneyalsowentforworkoncastles,notablyatCorfe,DoverandNottingham,andonaplethoraofgiftsand

paymentstoenvoysandmessengers,oneofthelatterbringingsixamputatedheadsofWelshmentothekingatRochester.Therewasalsoagreatdealofexpenditureonthingspersonaltotheking:onhisgloves,furs,boots,robes(includingadressinggownandanightgown),jewels,swords,bleeding,

baths,urinalsandgamblingdebts.

THEFOODANDDRINKDEPARTMENTS

Johnwasfamousforhislavishhospitality,andtheofficesthatobtainedandpreparedthefoodanddrinkmustoftenhavebeenhardatwork.Ofthese,themostimportantwerethekitchen,

whichcookedthemeat;thedispensary,whichbakedthebread;andthebuttery,whichsuppliedthedrink,aleforthegeneralrunofservants,wineforthekingandhiscourtiersandguests.Later,whenrecordssurviveunderJohn’sson,HenryIII,theyshowthatthecosttothedepartmentsofacquiring,byeithercashorcredit,thefoodanddrink

servedcouldaverageoutatbetween£15and£20aday,theminimumannualincomerequiredtobeaknight.Onagreatfeastday,thecostcouldbeover£200,theannualincomeofawealthybaron.Attheveryleast,Johnmusthaveequalledthesesums.22Theyunderstate,moreover,thetotalvalueofthedailyservings,sincemuchofthe

winewasacquiredbyspecialbuyersatSouthamptonandBristol,whilesuppliesalsocamefromtheking’sownmanorsandhuntsmen,andfromthepurchasesmadebylocalofficials.ForJohn’sChristmasatWindsorin1213,thesheriffofKent,ReginaldofCornhill,wastoprovidetwentytunsofgoodandnewordinarywine,both

FrenchandGascon(atunheld252gallons),fourtunsofbestwine,redandwhite,fortheking’sowntable;200pigs’heads,withallthepickledpork,1,000hens,50poundsofpepper,2poundsofsaffron,100poundsofgoodfreshalmondsand15,000herrings;aswellasspicesformakingsauces,twodozentowelsand1,000ells

oflinenfortablecloths.Otherofficialsweretoprovide200morepigs’heads,15,000morehens,10,000saltedeels,andallthepitchers,cupsanddishesneededforthefeasts.23Allofthiswasoverandabovewhatwaspaidforbythefoodanddrinkdepartmentsthemselves.Themoneytopayforthe

departmentalpurchasescame

fromthechamber-wardrobe,butitdidnotnecessarilycomeatonce.Instead,thedepartmentscouldexploittheking’srightof‘prise’,or‘purveyance’,namelyhisrightofcompulsorypurchaseonapromiseofpayinglater.Inthecaseofwine,indeed,thekingwasallowedtotakeacertainamountfromeachshipatspeciallowrates.

UnderHenryIII,thedepartments,andthepurchasersofwine,ranupgreatdebts.24Johnmayherehavehadacleanerrecord.TheissueofpurveyancedoesoccurinMagnaCarta.Underchapter28theking’sconstablesandbailiffswerenottotakeanyone’scornorotherchattelsunlesstheypaidforthemimmediatelyorwere

abletogetadelaywiththeconsentofthevendor.Thischapter,however,seemstorelatetotheactivitiesofconstablesofcastlesandlocalofficials,ratherthantotheofficialsofthehousehold.GiventhatJohnwascashrich,hemayhavemoreorlesspaidhisway.Thatwasjustaswell.Hisnearpermanentpresencein

Englandafter1204,comparedwithhisbrotherRichard’salmosttotalabsence,hadthepotentialtomakepurveyancefortheroyalhouseholdaverymajorissue.AtleastthiswasonebadboxJohndidnottick.

CHAPELANDALMONRY

Theclerksoftheking’schapelperformedtheking’s

dailyMass,althoughthereisnoevidenceJohntookmuchdelight,unlikeRichard,intheirsinging.Ongreatecclesiasticalfestivals,theclerksalsosang,astheyhadunderJohn’spredecessors,theceremonialhymns,beginning‘Christusvincit’,whichcriedoutforChristandthesaintstobringthekingvictoryandsalvation.They

hadtoworklesshardthanunderJohn’sson,HenryIII,whomultipliedtheoccasionsonwhichthehymnsweresungmanytimesover.25Thereisequallylittlesignintherecordsofthelavishexpenditureonvestments,chalicesandotherliturgicalartefactssocharacteristicofHenry.Johndid,however,haveareliccollection,

housedincoffers,aroundwhichhewouldsometimesorderthatcandlesburnthroughthenight.26John’salmoner(in1209–10theabbotofBindoninDorset)wasabusyman,forhedistributedJohn’sdailyalmsof36pence(enoughtofeedthatnumberofpaupers),andalsofedthehundredsofpaupersasatonementwhen

John,amongotherthings,ateheartilyonfastdays.27

TRANSPORT

Carts,carts,carts.Thecostofhiringthem,repairingthemandfeedingthehorsestopullthemrunsthroughtherecordsofthechamber-wardrobe.Cartswere,ofcourse,essentialfortransportingthewholebagandbaggageofa

householdwhichhardlyremainedanywhereformorethanafewdays.28In1212ittooktenormorecartersandtwenty-fivehorsestopullthelongcartsholdingJohn’sbedandallthemoney,clothesandjewelsofhiswardrobe.Anothertencarterswitheighteencarthorseswereneededforthekitchen,pantryandbuttery.Thestable

establishmentthatlookedafterthecarthorsesandtheelegantpalfreys,onwhichthekingandhisentouragerode,wasthusamajorelementofthehousehold.Thenumberof‘stableboys’,astheyarecalled,couldrisetooverseventy,andthenumberofhorsesbeingfedtonearlyahundred.29Thesenumbers,moreover,excludethehorses

andcartsofthechancerystaff,whichseemtohavebeenfundedfromthechancellor’sownrevenues.IfJohn’shouseholdlargelypaiditswaywhenitcametohiringcarts,thatwashardlytrueofhislocalofficials.Chapter30ofMagnaCartaforbadsheriffsandbailiffsfromtakingthehorsesandcartsofanyfreemanwithout

hisconsent.ThenewversionoftheCharterof1216wentfurtherandsaidthatpaymentshouldbeaccordingtothe‘ancient’rates:10penceadayforacartwithtwohorsesand14penceforacartwiththree.

THESTEWARDOFTHEHOUSEHOLDANDTHEHOUSEHOLDKNIGHTS

Theheadoftheking’shouseholdwasthesteward,andtherewasusuallymorethanoneinofficeatanyonetime.Theyweremenofknightlystatuswho,likeJohn’sstewardWilliamdeCantilupe,builtupestatesofbaronialproportions.Theyplayedamajor,althoughvarying,roleinsecuringtheking’sfoodanddrink.30They

werealsoattheheadoftheking’shouseholdknights.Theknights‘defamilia

regis’,astheywerecalled,seemtohavenumberedatanyonetimearoundahundred,althoughtheywerefarfrombeingallatcourtatanyonetime.31Theygavekingshipitspunch,formingtheposseswhenJohnwished,inthewordsoftheCharter,to

‘goagainst’someoneandventhis‘illwill,indignationandrancour’.WhenJohnheardthatthegreatbaronRobertfitzWalterwaslayingsiegetoBinhamprioryinNorfolk,hedespatchedatonceagroupofhouseholdknightsandarmedserjeantstoarresthim.Theywereverydisappointedtodiscoverthathehadfled.32Someknights

remainedmeremilitaryheavies,butothers,suchasJohnofBassingbourn,withmoreambitionandability,becamecounsellors,diplomats,sheriffsandcastellans.Havingtakenaspecialoathofloyaltytotheking,whichincludedtheobligationtoreportanythingsaidagainsthim,theyactedashiseyesandears.Atcourt,

theywerethemenJohnlikedmosttobewithandwhomhecouldrelyonforsupport.33

SeveralofthecounsellorsnamedatthestartofMagnaCartawereorhadbeenhouseholdknights–theBassetbrothers,forexample,andRobertofRopsley.ThomasBassetcombinedhispositionatcourtwithalongspellassheriffof

Oxfordshire.WithhisbrotherAlan,hewastoleadadecisivechargeatthebattleofLincolnin1217.

THECHIEFJUSTICIAR

Onlyoneministerwassuperiortothechancellor.Thiswasthechiefjusticiar.34

ThepostappearsinfourchaptersoftheCharterandismentionedonnofewerthan

sevenoccasions.Inchapter18itistheking,orifheisoutofthekingdom,‘ourchiefjusticiar’whoistosendjudgesroundthecountrytoheartheassizes.Inchapter41kingorchiefjusticiararetolearnhowEnglishmerchantsaretreatedabroad.Inchapter48the‘justiciar’(the‘chief’wasoftenomitted)intheking’sabsenceistobe

informedbeforetheknightsabolishtheevilcustomsinthecounties.Andthen,inthesecurityclause,itisthejusticiar,ifthekingisabroad,whoistoredressbreachesoftheCharter.Thesechaptersgiveaclearideaofthejusticiar’srole.Itwastoactasgovernorofthekingdomduringtheking’sabsences.Onsuchoccasions,itwas

normalforthekingtoaddresshisorderstothejusticiaraloneratherthandirecttoofficialsinEngland.Thejusticiarthenissuedhisownletters,sealedwithhisownseal,passingtheorderson.Hecouldalsoissueletters,dealingwithawidevarietyofissues,onhisowninitiative.Thejusticiarwentonhisownjourneysaroundthecountry

andalsopresidedattheexchequer,ofwhichhewasthehead.Whenthekingwasinthecountry,asJohnwasforthemostpartafter1204,thejusticiar’srolewasmorecircumscribed,buthecontinuedtoactastheking’schiefminister,sometimesatcourt,sometimesattheexchequer.

COUNSELANDCOMMONCOUNSEL

ThereisnoevidencethatJohneverhadaformalcouncilofministers,withadefinedmembership,boundtogetherwithaspecialoath.Thatwouldhavebeencontrarytohiswholestyleofgovernment,inwhichhetookadvice,asitsuitedhim,fromshiftingandshiftedgroupsof

ministersandmagnates.Thepersonnelofthoseatcourt,asWalterMaprecognized,wasconstantlychanging.Ministersretiredorfellfromfavour,leftcourtonembassiesor,intimesoftension,tookpersonalcommandofcastlesandsheriffdoms.Atthesametime,peoplewerecomingtocourtinsearchofconcessions

andfavours.Thosesimplywantingthewritsthatinitiatedandfurtheredcommon-lawlitigationcouldgetthesefromthechancerywithoutinvolvingthekingatall.Thosewantingsomethingmore,tobuyawardship,forexample,orrecovertheking’sbenevolence,wouldneedtogetthroughtothekinginperson.Thiswas

wherethecourtiersprovedtheirworthandmadetheirprofit.VeryfewcomingtocourtindisfavourhadthecourageandconfidenceofBishopHughofLincoln,whobrushedasideWilliamMarshal’swarningsandoffersofmediation,andinsistedongoingstraightintoKingRichard’spresence,whereheseizedhiscloakand

shookhimintoagoodhumour.In1215theprospectiveabbotofBuryStEdmundshadthejusticiar,PeterdesRoches,makehiscase.DesRochesfailed(perhapsnottryingveryhard),butstillpocketedhisbribe.35

Atitsfullest,thekingcouldbringtogetheratcourtthegreatandgoodoftheland

inaformalassembly.Herethecourtexpandedlikeagreatbellowsbeforecontractingwhenthecouncilwasover.MagnaCartareferredtoanationalassemblyinchapters12and14,whenitsaidthattaxeswerenottobeleviedsavebythe‘communeconsilium’ofthekingdom.TheCharterherewasslightlyambiguous

astowhetheritwasreferringtoanassemblyitself,‘thecommoncouncilofthekingdom’,ortowhatsuchanassemblycoulddo,namelygivethekingdom’s‘commoncounsel’,theLatin‘consilium’beingcapableofeithermeaning.Probablyitmeantthelatter,hencemytranslation,likemostothers,hashere‘counsel’ratherthan

‘council’.Butitwasreallyadistinctionwithoutadifference.Thosesummonedtogivethe‘commoncounsel’ofthekingdominchapter14becameonceassembledthekingdom’s‘commoncouncil’.Greatassembliesofthekingdomhadlongbeendescribedas‘councils’,‘generalcouncils’and‘greatcouncils’.Inthesecondhalf

ofthetwelfthcenturytheywereoccasionallycalled‘parliaments’,thenamethatwastobecomeestablishedinthereignofHenryIII.TheAnonymousofBéthune,writinginFrench(fromwhichthewordcame)hadtheopponentsofKingJohnin1214–15comingtogetherin‘aparlement’andagreeingtoa‘parlement’withJohnat

Staines.In1244achanceryclerk,lookingbackto1215,wroteof‘theparliamentofRunnymede’.Ithadlongbeentraditionaltosummontheking’stenants-in-chieftosuchassemblies,withthegreaterbaronsreceivingapersonalsummons.Chapter14oftheCharterwasthustryingtosolidifywhatwascustomary,althoughthe

custom,aswehaveseen,wasfastmovingoutoflinewithsocialreality.36

THEEXCHEQUERANDTHEKING’SREVENUES

Sofarwehavebeentalkingaboutinstitutionsofgovernmentthatforthemostparttravelledwiththeking.Thegreatestofficeofall,however,wasmostlyresident

atWestminster,meetingprobably(asitdidlater)inchamberseithersideoftheentrancetoWilliamRufus’sgreathall.Thisofficewastheexchequer.TheexchequerisMagnaCarta’selephantintheroom.ItisnotmentionedintheArticlesoftheBarons,the1215Charteroritssuccessors.YetitspresencehangsoveralltheCharter’s

financialclauses.Althoughtheitinerantchamber-wardrobespentagoodproportionoftheking’srevenues,itdidnotraisetherevenueitself.Thatwasthejoboftheexchequer.Sowastheannualauditingandhearingtheaccountsofallthemoneyowedtheking.Theexchequersentalargeproportionofthemoneythat

itraisedtothechamber-wardrobe,butitcouldalsospenditinotherwaysontheking’sorders,aswellasstoreitinitscentraltreasury,orsendittooneofthetreasuriesJohnestablishedincastlesaroundthecountry.Withitspreciseprocedures,voluminousrecordsandutterdeterminationtoraisethemoneyduetheking,the

exchequerwasfarandawaythemightiestinstrumentofgovernmentthatJohnpossessed.Thefirstcertainreference

totheexchequerisin1110.Thenamederivedfromthechequeredclothonwhichtheannualauditofthedebtsowedthekingtookplace.Theresultsoftheannualaudit,countybycounty,were

recordedonagreatdocumentlatercalledthepiperoll,becauserolledupitlookedlikeapipe.Thefirstsurvivingrollbelongstothefinancialyear1129–1130.37

Theheadoftheexchequerwasthechiefjusticiar,whilebeneathhim,ofteninday-to-daycharge,wasthetreasureroftheexchequer.ItwasthetreasurerRichardfitzNigel

whowrotetheDialogusdeScaccariointhereignofHenryII.38

WhileMagnaCartasaysnothingabouttheexchequer,itgivesaveryfullimpressionoftherevenuesthatithadtocollect.Themosttraditionalandstapleofthesecamefromthecounty‘farms’,whichtheChartersoughttoregulateinchapter25.Thecountyfarm

wasafixedsumofmoney(usuallyseveralhundredpounds)forwhichthesheriffofthecountyansweredattheexchequereveryyear.Tomakeupthefarmhecoulddrawontherevenuesfromtheking’sownlandsinthecounty,the‘demesnemanors’,thatis,whicharealsoreferredtointhechapter.Thefarm,too,camefroma

rangeoftraditionalpayments,suchas‘sheriff’said’,andfromtheproceedsofpleasandexactionsinthecountyandhundredcourts.Theexactionsinthehundredcourtswereregulatedinchapter42ofthe1217Charter.Thecountyfarmcouldalsobederived,fromtheindividualfarmsofitscomponentlocalgovernment

divisions,namely‘thehundreds,ridingsandwapentakes’mentionedinchapter25if,thatis,theywereleasedout.Theaimofchapter25was

topreventthekingincreasingthecountyfarmsandthesubsidiaryfarmsofhundred,ridingandwapentake.Itexcepted,however,fromtherestrictiontheking’sdemesne

manors.Someofthesecontributeddirectlytothecountyfarm,andsothatelementofitcouldstillbeincreased.By1199,manyotherdemesnemanors,afterappropriatedeductions,hadbeenremovedfromthefarmandwereaccountedforseparatelybythesherifforanotherkeeper.Alsoaccountedforseparately,

oftenbytheirmen,andforminganotherstaplepartoftheking’sincome,werethefarmsduefromtheking’scitiesandboroughs.Thatneitherthesenorthefarmsduefromtheking’sdemesnemanorswererestrictedinMagnaCartawaspartlyatleastduetoanacceptancethattheking’sownpersonalpropertieswereamatterfor

him,inawayotherrevenueswerenot.TheCharterlikewisesaidnothingabouttallage,whichwasataxleviedattheking’spleasureonhiscities,boroughsanddemesnemanors.TheArticlesoftheBaronsinchapter32hadmentionedtallages,buttheirattempttohavethoseleviedonLondonandotherprivilegedcities

madedependentonthecommonconsentofthekingdomnevermadeitintotheCharteritself.39

Anotherpartoftheking’sprivatedemesnewastheroyalforest.Inthelargeareasofthecountrywithintheroyalforest,andthussubjecttoforestlaw,thismeantthatamercementscouldbeimposedforpoachingor

huntingdeerandboar.Theycouldalsobeimposedfordamagingtheactualgrowthoftheforestthroughthe‘purpresture,wasteandassart’mentionedinchapter4oftheForestCharterof1217.Purpresturewasputtingupbuildingsandenclosures;wastewascuttingdowntrees;andassartwasclearanceforthecreationofnewarable

land.Thekingassertedthattheseamercements,becauseofthespecialstatusoftheforest,wereentirelyamatterforhim,andwerenotsubjecttotheusualcustomaryconstraints.HencetheDialogusdeScaccariostressedthatthelawoftheforest,incontrast‘tothecommonlaw[communiiure]ofthekingdom’,dependedon

thearbitrarywillofthekingalone:‘soliusregisarbitrio’.40

TheCharterdidnotdealexplicitlywithforestamercements,buttheywerepresumablycoveredbytheamercementsregulatedinchapters20–22.Equallypartoftheking’s

‘own’weretheJews,whomhecouldtallageashewished.Therewasnotevena

suggestionin1215thatthesetallages,unliketheonesimposedonLondonandothertowns,shouldbemadesubjecttothecommonconsentofthekingdom,althoughinfactsuchtallagespresseddownindirectlyonallwhoowedtheJewsmoney.Afterall,theonlywaytheJewscouldpaythetaxeswastogetmoneyinfromtheir

debtors.ThekingcouldalsofindmanyreasonsfortakingtheassetsofJews,whichwereessentiallythedebtsthatwereowedthem,intohisownhands.Asaresult,thedebtorsendedupowingtheirmoneytothecrown.Chapter10oftheChartersought,inthatcase,toreducetheking’spotentialprofit.Hewasonlyallowedtoexacttheoriginal

debt,ratherthanthedebtplusinterest.TheChartergivesafull

pictureoftherevenuesderivedfromthetenurialrelationshipbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chief,the‘feudal’revenues,ifonelikes,derivedfromrelief,wardships,thesaleofmarriagesandimpositionsonwidows,allofwhichwerethe

concernofchapters2to8.Thissamerelationshipbroughtthekingprofitfromthechurch,since,afterthedeathofbishopsandabbots,hehadcustodyofthelandsthattheyheldfromthecrownuntilanewappointmentwasmade.MagnaCartasaidnothingaboutthisdirectly.However,thedurationofsuchvacancieswouldhave

beenlimitedbyJohn’searliercharterpromisingfreeandspeedyelectionsofbishopsandabbots,whichMagnaCartaconfirmedinchapter1.The1216Charter,however,extendedtoecclesiasticalvacanciesthesameprotectionsfromexploitationthatMagnaCartagavetosecularwardships.

Chapters12and14oftheCharterrevealedtheking’sincomefromscutagesandaids,althoughthesecouldbeverydifferentthings.Scutage,aswehaveseen,waspaidbytenants-in-chiefinplaceofprovidingthekingwithmilitaryservice.Anaidcouldlikewisebeapaymentowedbythetenant-in-chieftothekingaspartofhistenurial

obligations.TheChartertriedtolimittheoccasionsitwasduetotheransomingoftheking’sperson,theknightingofhiseldestsonandthemarryingonceofhiseldestdaughter.Aids,however,couldalsobegeneraltaxespaidbyeveryoneintherealm,andthese,leviedasapercentageofeveryone’srentsandmovableproperty

(chieflycornandfarmanimals),couldbringinsumsincomparablygreaterthananythingintheformofscutage.Before1215,therewasalreadyafeelingthatsuchaidsrequiredtheconsentofthekingdom.Indeed,whenlevyinghisgreataidof1207,Johnclaimed,howeverspuriously,thatconsenthadbeengiven.41

TheprofitsofjusticehadlongmadeamajorcontributiontoroyalrevenueandonthesetheCharterwaseloquent.Chapters20to22dealtwithamercements,thefinancialpenaltiesforfallingintotheking’s‘mercy’,astheresultofbeingconvictedofsomeoffence,eitherbeforetheking’sjudgesorthekinghimself.Chapter32showed

thatthekingwasentitledtoholdforayearandadaythelandsofthoseconvictedoffelonies(seriouscrimes).AlthoughthiswasnotmentionedintheCharter,hewasalsoentitledtothechattelsofoutlawedandexecutedcriminals.Chapter36showedthepaymentsthatmighthavetobemadeforwrits.Chapter40issuedits

famousblanketbanonthesaleofjustice.Oneofthemostlucrative

sourcesofroyalrevenuewere‘fines’,whichtheCharterdealtwithinchapter55.Thesewereoffersofmoneyacceptedbythekingforconcessionsandfavours,andcouldbemadeinmanyoftheareasmentionedabove.Ontheonehand,theycouldbe

entirelyvoluntary,soforawardship,orforawrittostartalegalaction.Ontheotherhand,theycouldbeprettymuchcompulsory,aswhentheyweremadetoobtaintheking’sforgivenessandbenevolence.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadsoughttoredressunjustfinesmadefordowers,inheritancesandmarriages.TheCharterwent

furtheranddemandedredressofallunjustfineswithoutanyqualification.Theserevenueswerenot,

ofcourse,ofequalincidenceorvalue.Thecounty‘farms’cameineveryyear,andwereanabsolutestaple.Otherrevenuesweremoreoccasional;thosefromecclesiasticalvacanciesandwardshipsdependedondeath;

thosefromjudicialandforestamercementsdependedverylargelyontheperiodicvisitationsoftheking’sjudges.Greattaxes,onthekingdomitself,orontheJews,couldtransformtheking’sfinancesbuttheycouldnotbeleviedveryoften.InthefinancialyearcoveringJohn’saccession(sothatfromMichaelmas1198to

Michaelmas1199),theking’scashrevenue,ascalculatedbyNickBarrattfromthepiperoll,wassome£22,183.Thisbreaksdownasfollows:countyfarms14.6percent;royaldemesnemanorsoutsidethefarm,andfarmsofcitiesandboroughs,11.6percent;judicialrevenues29.5percent;feudalrevenues(paymentsforreliefs,

marriagesandwardships)10.9percent;scutage10.7percent;tallage10.9percent;forest5.4percent;Jews2.3percent.Thesearenotuntypicalfiguresforearlyinthereign,althoughtherewasnorevenuefromecclesiasticalvacancies.In1200–1201thatwasworth£1,165andinthenextyear£1,582.Laterinthereign,

largesumswereraisedfromgeneraltaxationandtaxationontheJews,whiletherewerealsoincreasingrevenuesfromtheroyalforest.42

Theexchequer’sworkofraisingtheking’smoneybeganeveryyearwiththepreparationofwhatwerecalledthe‘summonses’.Thesewerelistsofthedebtsthatthesheriffofeachcounty

hadtocollect.Thelistswouldbeginwiththecountyandotherfarms,andthengoontoallthedebtsowedbyindividuals.WhenMagnaCartainchapter26spokeofthesheriffshowing‘ourletterspatentofsummons’foradebtowedthekingbyadeceasedtenant-in-chief,itwasreferringtothisannuallist.43Theseletterspatentfor

oursummons,likeawholerangeofletterscloseaboutgettingintherevenue,wereissued,intheking’sname,bytheexchequeritselfandsealedwithitsownseal.Thesealwaskeptbythechancelloroftheexchequer,hencethenameofthatoffice.Theexchequer,therefore,hadthepowertotakeindependentaction.Itusedthatpowerto

devastatingeffectwhenorderingdebtstobegatheredinbydistraint.Theexchequerknewwhat

debtstoputonthelistofsummonsesinvariousways.44

Itincludedrecurringfarmsandolddebtsfromtherecordofthelastauditonthepiperollsorfromotherrelatedmaterial.Asfornewdebtsarisingfromamercements,

theexchequerwassentregularlistsofthoseimposedbeforetheking,beforethecourtatWestminsterandbeforetheking’sjudgesinthecounties.Italsoreceivedonaroll(calledtheoriginaliaroll)thelistoffinesacceptedbythekingashetravelledthecountry.Thesehadbeenrecordedbythechanceryonfinerollsofwhichthe

originaliarollswereacopy.Although,therefore,thekingwaspersonallyinvolvedinacceptingfines,hehandedthemovertotheexchequerforcollectionandaudit,whichjustshowsthecentralpartitplayedintheworkingsofroyalfinance.Ofcourse,thekingcouldalwaysfastenonaparticulardebtandorderthatitbepaidintothe

chamber-wardroberatherthantheexchequer.However,whenhedidso,heinformedtheexchequer,sothatitcouldmakedueallowanceforthepaymentwhenthedebtwasaudited.Theonlyoccasionswhentheexchequerwasbypassedaltogetherwaswhenthekingtookoverthetotalmanagementofadebt,orwhenafinewaspaidcash

down,immediatelyandinfullintothechamber-wardrobe.Asfarascanbeseen,thisdidnothappenveryoften.Thesheriff,whenhe

receivedthesummonses,hadthentosetaboutcollectingthemoney.Ifadebtordidnotpay,thenthesheriffcouldenforcepaymentbythedistraintmentionedinchapters8,9,16,23and29

oftheCharter.Thisinvolvedseizingandsellingthedebtor’schattels,whichwouldchieflybehiscornandanimals.Ifthesedidnotsuffice,theCharteracknowledgedthatlandandrentsmightbepossessed;andafterthatthesheriffcouldturntotheresourcesofthedebtor’ssureties.Chapter26oftheCharterimpliedthat

sheriffs,onthedeathoftenants-in-chief,hadsimplygoneinandseizedwhatevertheylikedontheexcuseofsomedebt,withoutbotheringoveritssize.Thesheriffcollectedmost

ofthemoneypersonally,butitwaspermissibleforabarontomakehisownpayments,withthesheriffjustnotifyinghimoftheamountowed.45

Thepaymentsweredueintwoinstalmentseachyear,atEasterandMichaelmas,andweremadeintoabranchoftheexchequercalledtheexchequerofreceiptorlowerexchequer.Thiswaspresidedoverbytwochamberlainsoftheexchequer,anhereditaryposition.Oneofthechamberlains,WarinfitzGerold,althoughhedoes

nothavehistitlethere,appearsamongJohn’scounsellorsinthepreambletotheCharter.Asareceiptforeachindividualpayment,thesheriffandotherpayeesreceivedatally.Thiswasawoodenstickonwhichtheamountofthepaymentwasrecordedinnotches.Thestickwasthensplitdownthemiddle,withhalfbeingkept

bytheexchequerandhalfbythepayee.Foridentificationpurposes,thenatureofthedebtandtheamountofthepaymentwasalsowrittenonboththehalves.Theexchequerofreceipt

keptitsmoneyinits‘treasury’,andonlydispenseditasorderedbyspeciallettersclosesentbythekingtothetreasurerandchamberlains.

Theseletters(called‘writsofliberate’)mightordertheexchequertosendmoneytotheking,whereitwouldbepaidintothechamber-wardrobe,orspenditinawholevarietyofotherways.Itwasreallyjustamatterofconveniencewhetherthekingpaidforsomethingwithmoneyfromthechamber-wardrobe,theexchequer

treasury,thecastletreasuriesorthefundsinthehandsofthesheriffsandotherlocalofficials.Theactualworkofhearing

theaccounts,asofpreparingthesummonses,wasdonebytheupperexchequerorexchequerofaudit.AfterMichaelmaseachyear,inalongprocessionthatlastedsometimesuntilthefollowing

Easterorbeyond,eachsheriffcamebeforetheupperexchequertoaccountforthedebtswhichhehadbeensummonedtopayinthepreviousyear,soatthepreviousEasterandMichaelmas.Theexchequerwentthroughthelistofsummonsesandthesheriffshandedovertheirtalliesasproofofpayment,the

exchequermatchinguptheprofferedhalfwiththehalfithadkept.Atthesametimethesheriffsprofferedanywritsthathadorderedthemtospendrevenuelocally,sothatdueallowancecouldbemadeforthattoo.Ifbaronialstewardshadpaidinmoneyfortheirmasters,thentheywouldalsoattendtheauditandgothroughthesame

procedure.Theaudititselfwasdoneontheexchequerclothwherecountersintheformofsilverpenniesweresetoutrepresentingeachindividualdebt.Beneaththemwereplacedcountersrepresentingtheamountpaidorallowedagainstit.Thelatterwerethensubtractedfromtheformer,revealingwhatwasstillowed.Thestate

ofplayonthedebtswasthenrecordedonthepiperolls,withthedebtorsbeingquitorleftstillowing.Ifthesheriffhadfailedtoraisemoneyandcouldshowitwasnothisfault,hemightbeorderedtodistrainmorevigorouslyforthesumsoutstanding.Ifitwashisfault,hecouldbesubjecttoimprisonment,as

mightthestewardsofbaronsiftheytoohaddefaulted.InJohn’sreignweseethe

piperollsintheirfullpomp.AsprintedbythePipeRollSociety,allofthemdownto1211havemorethan200pages,manyover250.Onaroughcount,atypicalrollcontainsmorethan4,500namesofpeople,placesandinstitutions,mostofthem

owingmoneytotheking.TherollsrevealJohn’ssuccessinincreasinghisrevenues,asalsothepressurehewasplacingonindividuals.Theyshowjusthowthegripoftheexchequerrangedfromtoptobottomofsociety:fromlayandecclesiasticalbaronsowinggiganticsums,throughknightsandtownsmen,downtopeasantsandpeasant

communitiesamercedinnumerouswaysbytheking’sjudges.Notalltheking’srevenues

arerevealedinthepiperolls.TheyshownothingabouttheflowoftreasurefromIreland,whichmaywellhaveaveragedoutatover£1,000eachyear.IntermsofEnglishrevenues,theyhavenothingaboutthegreattaxof1207,

althoughweknowitsyieldfromanotherrecordsource.NordothepiperollscontainrecordsofthetaxationimposedontheJews.Thisisbecausesuchtaxationwastheresponsibilityofasub-branchoftheexchequer,withitsownrecords,calledtheexchequeroftheJews.Thelatterwasalsoresponsibleforcollectingthedebtsowedthe

Jewsthathadcomeintotheking’shands.Whenthesewerelargeandowedbygreatmen,theyweresometimesplacedunderthemainexchequerandappearonthepiperolls,butthegreatmajorityofsuchdebtsstayedundertheexchequeroftheJews.Sinceitsrecordshardlysurviveforthisperiod,thepreciseyieldsofJewish

taxation,andofJewishdebtsinroyalhands,willneverbeknown,abiggapinourknowledge.TheemergenceoftheexchequeroftheJewswaslinkedtoareformof1194thatsoughttoregulatethewholeprocessofJewishmoneylending.Henceforth,thecontractingofloanswastobelimitedtomajortownsundertheoversightoftwo

Christians,twoJewsandtwoclerksoftheJewishexchequer.Eachtownhadachest(an‘archa’)inwhichacopyofthecharterrecordingeachloanwasdeposited,theothercopybeingkeptbytheJew.Thisisthe‘charter’referredtoinMagnaCarta,chapter10,whereitsaysthatifadebtowedtoaJewcameintotheking’shands,he

wouldonlyextractthecapitalsum,‘catallum’,foundinthecharter,inotherwordshewouldnotextractinterest.AllthisbureaucracymadeiteasierforthekingtoprotecttheJewsandalsotoextracttheirmoneyboththroughtaxation(forthekingcouldfindoutexactlywhatresourcesthereweretotax)

andthroughdebtstakenintohisownhands.

LOCALGOVERNMENT

‘Allcountiesandhundreds,ridingsandwapentakes,aretobeattheancientfarmswithoutanyincrement’,ranchapter25oftheCharter,therebylayingbarethebasicstructureofroyalgovernmentinthelocalities.For

administrativepurposes,Englandwasdividedupintocounties.Therewerethirty-eightoftheseofverydifferentsizes,rangingfromthetinyRutlandtothegiganticYorkshire.Countiesweresubdividedintosmalleradministrativedivisionscalledhundredsorwapentakes.Ofthesetherewerearound630.Yorkshire

andLincolnshire,giventheirsize,werealsodividedintogroupsofwapentakes,theridingsofchapter25.Itwasatributetothe

powerofroyalgovernmentinthetwelfthcenturythatnearlyallthecountieswereunderthecontrolofsheriffsappointedanddismissedbytheking.Inotherwordstheyhadnotfallenunderthe

controlofearlsorhereditarysheriffs.46ThesheriffsmakenineappearancesintheCharter,beingsaddledwithaseriesofdosanddon’ts.Itwasthemalpracticesofthesheriffsandforestofficialsthatweretobeinvestigatedinchapter48.ThreeofJohn’ssheriffswerenamedamongthosewhoweretoberemovedfromtheirofficesin

chapter50.Apartfromtheirroleasdebtcollectors,thesheriffsalsohadmajorresponsibilitiesinthefieldofjusticeandlawandorder.TheCrowlandchroniclerdescribedthemasprovidingpeaceforlocalpeopleaswellascarryingoutthebusinessofthe‘fisc’.47Thesheriffsthuspresidedoverthecountyandhundredcourts,arrested

andhangedcriminals,empanelledcommon-lawjuriesandimplementedjudgements.Astheking’schiefofficers

intheshires,thesheriffsreceivedastreamofordersonamultiplicityofsubjects.Underchapter14oftheCharter,forexample,theyweretosummonthelessertenants-in-chieftoanational

assembly.Theywerecontinuallybeingtoldtospendthemoneytheywerecollectingonarangeofpurchasesandpayments,insteadofpayingitintotheexchequer.Theresultingallowancesonthepiperollsarearemarkabletestimonytotherangeoftheiractivities.Somesheriffsweregreatregionalcommissars,

controllingwardships(aschapter4oftheCharterindicated),escheats,royalmanorsandcastles,aswellasseveralcounties.Mostsheriffshadastheirmainbasetheroyalcastleinthecountytown.Theking’scastles,‘the

bonesofthekingdom’astheywerecalled,wereavitalsourceofroyalpower.48In

1214therewereninety-threeofthem,whichwasroughlyhalfthenumberofbaronialcastles.49Acastle’sstrategicpurpose,asJohnindicatedwhenheorderedonetobebuiltinDublinin1204,wastoprojectpoweroutwards,therebycontrollingatownorstrategicarea.50Johnalsousedhiscastlestoholdhisprisonersandhouselarge

amountsoftreasure.Somecastleswereundersheriffs,othersunderseparateconstables.TheChartertoldofthemeasurestomaintainthecastles.Chapter28forbadconstablesandbailiffsfromtakinganyone’scornorotherchattelswithoutimmediatepayment,unlessthevendorconsentedtothedelay.TheCharterof1216,however,

allowedadelayinpaymentwherethecornandchattelshadbeentakenfromthevillwherethecastlewassituated.51Chapter31ofthe1215Charterstipulatedthatbailiffswerenottotakewoodforcastles,savewiththepermissionoftheowner.Chapter29dealtwiththegarrisoningofcastlesandallowedknights,ifthey

wished,toservepersonallyorprovidean‘uprightman’asadeputy,asopposedtobeingforcedtogivemoneyinplaceofservice.

THEADMINISTRATIONOFTHEROYALFOREST

WhenMagnaCartacommissioneditsinquiriesintothemalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials,in

chapter48,thelistofthoseofficialswasheadednotbythesheriffsbutbytheking’sforesters.52Withoutanextensiveadministrativeapparatus,therewasnowaythatthekingcouldmakemoneyforoffencesagainsttheforestlaw.TheForestCharterof1217wasnotbotheredatallwithwhatitcalledtheking’s‘demesne

woods’,theforestthatisonhisownmanorsandproperties.Thetroublewasthattheroyalforestandforestlawextendedmuchfurtherthanthatandenvelopedwoodsandlandsheldbybishops,abbots,earls,barons,knightsandfreetenants.ThiswaswhytheUnknownCharter,initschapter10,demandedprivilegesfor

knightswhohadtheirwoodsintheking’sforests.InJohn’sreigntherewasroyalforestintwentycounties.ItembracedlargepartsofCumberland,Yorkshire,Lancashire,Nottinghamshire,Derbyshire,Berkshire,HampshireandWiltshire,andallofEssex.Intotalitcoveredaboutathirdofthekingdom.53Itsmainpurpose

wasnottoprovidekingswithareasforhunting,althoughtheycertainlyweregreathuntsmen.Itwastoprovidethemwithmoney.Theindividualforestswere

administeredbychiefforesters,someofthemhereditary,whowereliabletodismissalandferociouspunishment,usuallyfinancial,foranyfailuresintheirduty.

Theyinturnemployednumeroussubordinateofficialswhopreyedonthelocalpopulation.Oneaiminchapter7ofthe1217ForestCharterwastolimitthenumberofsuchpests.Therewerealsogroupsofofficials(oftenlocalknights)called‘regarderers’,whomonitoredtheboundsoftheforest,and‘verderers’,whomade

recordsoftheoffencescommitted.Theactivitiesoftheseofficialswerecoordinatedatforestcourts,andtheywereallsubjecttothechiefjusticeoftheforest.FormuchofJohn’sreignthiswasHughdeNeville,namedinthepreambleofthe1215Charter,althoughwithouthistitle,perhapsbydesign,foritwashardlyonethatbrought

himhonour.TheCharter,inchapter44,didrefertotheforest‘justices’,orjudges,anditwasfromtheirperiodicvisitationsoftheforestcounties,oftenledbythechiefforester,thatthegreatbulkoftherevenuecame.Thejudgestriedthoseaccusedofoffencesandimposedtheamercements.Wheretheoffenderswere

important,theymightbeamerceddirectlybytheking.Thejudgesalsomademoneybysummoningmentoattendtheirsessionseventhoughtheylivedoutsidetheboundsoftheforest.Ifsuchmendidnotturnup,theywereamerced.Inreaction,chapter44oftheCharterlaiddownthatnoonelivingoutsidetheforesthadtoattendunless

theywereinvolveddirectlyorindirectlyinaplea.Thepenaltieswerenotonlyfinancial,however.Thoseforoffencesagainsttheprotectedbeastsoftheforest,thedeerandboar,couldbecorporal,probablybecausemanypoacherswerepeasantswithfewresourcesworthamercing.TheUnknownCharterhadJohnconceding

thatnomanwastoloselifeorlimbforanoffenceagainstthebeastsoftheforest.TheAnonymousofBéthunelikedtothinkthatthiswasintheCharteritself,butinfactithadtowaituntiltheCharterof1217.

THEKING’SJUDICIALCOURTS

Theroyalforestwasanunmitigateddisasterfortheking’ssubjects.Ithadnobenefitsforthem.Theking’sdispensationofjustice,inpartatleast,couldbelookedatinadifferentlight.Atthelocallevel,thereweretwopubliccourtspresidedoverbyroyalofficials,thoseofthecountyandthehundredorwapentake.TheCharterof

1217,inchapter42,regulatedboth.Theformerweretomeetonceamonth,unlessalongerintervalhadbeencustomary.Asforthelatter,thesheriffwasonlytoholdtheespeciallywell-attendedsessions,calledthe‘tourn’,twiceayear,atEasterandMichaelmas.Howoftenthehundredcourtsshouldmeetbeyondthetournbecamea

matterfordispute.Thegovernmentin1234,tryingtosettletheissue,saidthesessionshadbeenfortnightlyunderHenryII,butnowmightbeonceeverythreeweeks.54Theoverlappingjurisdictionofboththehundredandthecountycourtsembracedminordisputesoverland,debtsanddistraint,aswellascriminal

casesofatypethatdidnotinvolvebreachesoftheking’speace.Abovethelocalcourtsof

countyandhundred,therewereothersuperiortypesofroyalcourt.Onewasheld,nominallyatleast,intheking’spresence,‘coramrege’,whereverhewasonhisjourneys.Anotherwaspresidedoverbytheking’s

judgesatWestminster.Therewerealsocourtsofvaryingjurisdictionsheldbytheking’sjudgeswhentheyvisitedthelocalities.Inchapter59oftheCharter,Johnagreedthattheclaimsof‘Alexander,kingofScots’shouldbesettled‘byjudgementofhispeersinourcourt’.Giventhattheseclaimswereofgreatmoment,

thiswasclearlyacourtthatwouldbepresidedoverbythekinghimselfandwheregreatbarons(Alexander’speers,forheheldanEnglishbarony)wouldbepresenttogivejudgement.TheArticlesoftheBaronswerethinkingofthesamecourtwhentheylaiddowninchapter25thatthosedisseisedunjustlybyHenryIIandRichardshould

have‘rightwithoutdelaybyjudgementoftheirpeersinthecourtoftheking’.Thiswasalsothecourtinwhichdisputesbetweenthebaronsthemselveswouldbeheard.Chapter17oftheCharterindicatedsomethingelse,whenitdirectedthat‘commonpleas’shouldnotfollowtheking’scourtbutbeheardinafixedplace.55In

otherwords,John’scourtatcourt,ifonemaycallitthat,hadheardnotmerelycasesinvolvinggreatmen,butalsoquiteroutinecivillitigationofthecommon-pleasvariety.Inthosecases,itwouldhavebeenpresidedoverbytheking’sprofessionaljudgesratherthanbythekingpersonally,unlesshewas

especiallyinterestedinacase,assometimeshewas.TheCharterof1215did

notspecifywherethefixedplaceforcommonpleastobeheardmightbe.Its1217successorwasmoreinformativesinceitreferred,inchapters14and15,tocasesbeingheardby‘thejusticesofthebench’.Thebench,untilsuspendedby

KingJohn,usuallysatatWestminster,and,presidedoverbyprofessionaljudges,heardawholeraftofdisputesaboutproperty.Theking’sjudgesalsowentonvisitations(or‘eyres’)ofvarioustypesaroundthecounties.Onetypeisshowninthejudgeswhoweretovisitthecountiestohearthecommon-lawassizesunder

chapter18oftheCharter.Thesewereeyresentirelyforcivilpleas.Theking’sjudgesalsocametohearcriminalpleas,whentheytriedthecasesofthoseimprisonedincountygaols.Mostimpressiveofall,asamanifestationofroyaljusticeandpowerinthelocalities,werethegreat‘allpleas’eyres.Herethejudgesheard

bothcriminalandcivilpleasandalsocarriedoutinvestigationsintotheking’srights.Thesevisitationsareoftencalledbyhistorians‘generaleyres’,bothbecauseofthescopeoftheirjurisdictionandbecausetheywereusuallyarrangedaspartofcircuitsthatcoveredthewholecountry.Inalargecounty,sucheyrescould

meanthousandsofpeoplebeingconcentratedtogetherbeforetheking’sjudges.56

PEACEANDCRIMINALJUSTICE

TheChartertwicereferredtothepeacethatwouldendthecivilwar.Italso,inchapter49,referredtothe‘peaceorfaithfulservice’thatJohnhadsoughttoobtainbytaking

hostages.Here,then,itwasinterpretingpeaceastheoppositeofrebellionandcivilstrife.Chapter42ofthe1217Charter,ontheotherhand,wasthinkingofpeaceinthelaw-and-ordersensewhenitmadearrangementssothat‘ourpeaceshallbekept’.Themaintenanceofthepeaceinboththesesenseswasafundamentaldutyofkingship.

Atthelocallaw-and-orderlevel,itwasintimatelylinkedtothe‘pleasofourcrown’mentionedinchapter24oftheCharter,sincethesegavethekinganearmonopolyoverthetrialandpunishmentofseriouscrime,overthatis,thehomicide,affray,premeditatedassault,burglary,rape,(serious)theftandarsonthatJohnhadlisted

in1201as‘thosethingswhichbelongtoourcrownandjustice’.57Chapter42ofthe1217

Charterlinkedtogetherthreebasicelementsoflocallawenforcementwhenitsaid,ratherincomprehensiblyformodernreaders,that‘theviewoffrankpledgeshallbeheldsothatthepeaceiskeptandthetithingisfull’.The

tithingwasagroupoftenortwelveadultmales,usuallyunfree,whoweresworntokeepthepeaceandguaranteethegoodbehaviouroftheirfellows.SupposedlyalltheunfreepopulationsouthoftheHumberweregroupedintithingsanditwasthesethatthesheriffscheckedatMichaelmaseachyear,inthehundredorwapentakecourts

attheir‘viewoffrankpledge’–‘frankpledge’herebeingsimplyanotherwordforthetithing.Thesheriffs,insodoing,hadmanyopportunitiesforimposingpenaltiesonthetithinggroups–forexample,whenmenfailedtoarrestcriminals,orwhentheyhadgivenfalseevidenceorevidencenotintheproperform.58Itwas

unjustexactionsonsuchoccasionsthatchapter42soughttorestrain,asitalsosoughttolimitthetourntotwoayear.TheArticlesoftheBarons

in1215haddemandedthatsheriffsshouldnotinterfereinthepleasofthecrownwithoutthecoroners.Itwasthecoroners,introducedin1194,andusuallycounty

knights,whosedutyitwastomakearecordofthepleasofthecrown,andinsodoingtoholdinquestsintoallcasesofdeathotherthanbyobviouslynaturalcauses.TheArticlesimpliedthatthesheriffswereusurpingthefunctionofthecoronersinthisareawhenitsaidthat,withoutthem,theywerenottointerferewiththepleasofthecrown.The

Charteritself,inchapter24,wasconcernedwithawiderusurpation,andlaiddownthatsheriffs,constables,coronersandbailiffswerenottohearthepleasofthecrown.Therehadbeenatimewhensheriffsheardpleasofthecrownroutinelyinthecountyandhundredcourts,butincreasinglyinthetwelfthcenturythishadbecomethe

prerogativeoftheking’sjudgessenttothecounties.Stoppingthesheriffshearingsuchpleaswasprobablyanissueonwhich,innormalcircumstances,thekingcouldseeeyetoeyewithhiscritics.Whenthejudgesarrivedin

acounty,amancouldaccuseor‘appeal’anindividualofanyoftheoffencescomingundertheheadingof‘pleasof

thecrown’.Therightsofwomeninthisareaweremorerestricted,aswehaveseen.59

Thegreatmajorityofcrimes,however,camebeforethejusticesnotthroughprivateappealsbutthroughasystemofpublicaccusation.Twelvejurorsfromeachhundredorwapentake(chosenbyknightlyelectors)werechargedwithrevealingthe

casesofseriouscrimesincethelastvisitation.Theyalsogaveevidenceaboutusurpationsoftherightsofthecrown.Chapter38oftheCharter,whichsaidthatnobailiffwas‘toputanyonetolaw’,meaningessentiallytoputanyoneontrial,byhisown,unsupportedaccusation‘withouttrustworthywitnesses’,wasdesignedin

parttoensuretheuseofsuchjuries.Guiltorinnocencecouldbedeterminedbytheordealofhotironorwater,bytheswearingofoathsbysupportersoftheaccused,andalso,incasesofappeal,bytrialbybattle.However,therewaspressureformorerationalprocedures,andchapter36oftheCharterlaiddownthatthe‘writof

inquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbs’shouldbeconcededfreely.Thismeantthatsomeoneaccusedofaseriousoffence,essentiallyapleaofthecrown,forwhichthepenaltywasdeathormutilation,couldobtainawritthatorderedhiscasetobeheardbyajury.From1218onwards,aftertheFourthLateranCouncilin

1215hadbannedattendanceoftheclergyatordeals,theuseofjuriesbecamegeneralpractice.60

Theusualpunishmentinthethirteenthcenturywasdeathbyhanging,althoughithadearlierbeenmutilation.Thegreatmajorityofcriminals,however,werenotbroughttojustice.Insteadtheyfledandwereoutlawed.

Chapter42oftheCharterexceptedthose‘outlawedaccordingtothelawofthekingdom’fromthoseallowedfreeexitandentryintoEngland.Someofthoseenvisagedhereweredoubtlessmagnatesoutlawedforpoliticalcrimes,butthegreatmajoritywouldhavebeenabscondingcriminals.Nearlyallofthese,judging

fromthevalueoftheirchattels,wereofpeasantstatus.Criminaljusticebrought

greatfinancialprofittothecrown,aswehaveseen–profitfromthechattelsofcriminals,and,astheCharterindicated,fromtherighttoholdtheirlandsforayearandaday.Therewerealsonumerousamercements

imposedontithings,juriesandlocalcommunities,foroffencesrealorconcocted.WhentheCharter,inchapter20,laiddownthatvilleinsweretobeamerced,savingtheirwainage,byupstandingmenoftheneighbourhood,ithadinmindabovealltheamercementsimposedattheeyre.61Forlocalsociety,anybenefitsbroughtbytheeyre’s

maintenanceofthepeaceseemedfaroutweighedbythefinancialburdens.Thegreatincreaseinthenumbersofthosesufferingsuchburdens,asrevealedinthefinancialaccountsoftheeyresonthepiperolls,isastrikingindicationofhowfarroyalpowerhadadvancedafter1154andhowitdugdowndeepintosociety.

CIVILJUSTICE

ThriceintheCharter,inchapters52,53and57,Johnpromisedtogive‘fulljustice’tothosecomplainingofabusescommittedbyhimselforhispredecessors.Thekingequallyhadadutytogivejusticetoeveryone(oreveryonewhowasfree)intheirdisputeswitheachother.Asheputitin1210,‘we

desirejusticeaccordingtothecustomofourkingdomofEnglandtobeshowntoallwhocomplainofwrongdoing’.62Ifthewrongdoinginvolvedbreachesofthepeace,thenthatcameunderthecriminalsideoftheking’sjurisdiction.If,ontheotherhand,itinvolveddisputesoverlands,rightsandotherproperties,

thentherewasawholesetofotherlegalactions,developedunderHenryII,whichcouldbringsuchcasesbeforetheking’sjustices.63Themostfamousofthese,asinchapter18oftheCharter,werecalled‘assizes’.Resorttothenewassizeswasentirelyvoluntary.Althoughtherewasanestablishedrule,setoutinGlanvill,thatanyone

claimingafreetenementheldbyanotherhadtobegintheactionwithawritobtainedfromtheking,thecasecouldthenproceedbyavarietyofproceduresinavarietyofcourts.64Thatsomanypeopledidresorttotheassizesis,therefore,asureindicationoftheirvalue.Themostimportantofthe

newprocedureswerethose

mentionedinchapter18ofMagnaCarta.Thislaiddownthatthekingwastosendtwojusticestoeachcountyfourtimesayeartohear‘recognitionsofnoveldisseisin,ofmortd’ancestorandofdarreinpresentment’.Arecognition,usedinterchangeablyinthechapterwith‘assize’,meantalegalactionculminatinginthe

verdictofajury.Therecognitionsinquestionwereopentothefreebutnottotheunfree.Theycouldbeusedbywomen,althoughmarriedonesneededtolitigatewiththeirhusbands.Noveldisseisindealtwithcaseswhereaplaintiffclaimedthathehadbeendisseised,thatisdispossessed,unlawfullyofafreetenement,freetenement

heremeaninglandandorotherpropertyheldforfreeasopposedtovilleinservices.Theassizecouldalsobebroughtifafreetenementhadbeenencroachedonbytheerectionofabankormakingofaroad.Theoffencehadtohavebeenrelativelyrecent,hence‘noveldisseisin’.‘Mortd’ancestor’wasaremedyforthosewhoclaimedthatthey

hadbeendeniedsuccessiontoaninheritanceinland.Darreinpresentment,muchlessfrequentlyused,dealtwithdisputesovertherighttoappointaclerktoachurchliving,usuallyaparishchurch.Allthreeassizeswere

commencedbysecuringawritfromthechanceryor,ifthekingwasoutofthe

country,fromthechiefjusticiar.Thiswritwasone‘ofcourse’–‘decursu’–whichmeantthatitwasstandardform,cheapandissuedautomatically.WhenMagnaCartainchapter36askedthatthewritofinquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbsbegivenwithoutpaymentandnotdenied,itwasaskingforsuchwritsto

belikewiseones‘ofcourse’.Itwasnotliterallytruethatsuchwritswerefree,sincetheyprobablycost6d,sotheequivalentoffourdays’wagesforalabourer.65Therewereothercosts,includingthoseofactuallygoingtocourttogetthewrits,butstilltheywereprobablywithinreachofallbuttheverypoorestoffreetenants.

Thewritorderedthesherifftosummonajuryoftwelvefreeandlawfulmenfromtheneighbourhoodofthelandindisputetocomebeforetheking’sjudgesontheirnextappearanceinthecountytogivetheverdictinthecase.Innoveldisseisin,thejuryhadtodeterminewhethertheplaintiffhadbeendisseisedofthelandunjustlyandwithout

judgement,thecriteriaforunjustdisseisinbeingusuallyadisseisinmadewithoutthejudgementofacourt.Inmortd’ancestor,thejuryhadtoanswertwoquestions.Wastheplaintiffthenearestheirofthedeceasedpersonfromwhomhewasclaimingtoinherit?Didthedeceasedactuallydieinpossessionofthelandbeingsought‘asof

fee’?The‘asoffee’heremeantthatthelandhadbeenheldwithsomevestigeofhereditaryrightandnotsimplyforatermofyears,noratthelord’spleasure.Ifthejuryfoundfortheplaintiff,thenthejusticeswouldgivejudgementinhisfavour,andissueawritintheking’sname(butwitnessedandsealedbythesenior

judge)orderingthesherifftoputhiminpossession.Thedefendantwouldthenbeamerced,aswouldanunsuccessfulplaintiff.Theamercements,however,atleastinroutinecases,werenotsolargeastodeterlitigation.Noveldisseisinandmort

d’ancestorwerefarandawaythemostpopularofthenew

legalactions,butothersweredevelopedoncomparablelinesdealingwitharangeoffurtherissues,oneofthemostusedbeingthatopentowidowstryingtorecovertheirdowers.Therewasalsoamoreelaborateprocedure,muchusedinJohn’stime,calledthegrandassize,inwhichjuriesmadeupoftwelveknightsdeterminedthe

questionofultimaterighttoland,asopposedtojustansweringthenarrowquestionsputtothemintheotherassizes.Alltheseactionswerethesame,or‘common’,throughoutthecountry,fromCornwalltoCumberland.Theywerethusattheheartofthe‘commonpleas’towhichMagnaCartareferredinchapter17,andby

extensionattheheartofwhatcontemporariescalled‘thecommonlaw’.Theseactionscouldbeusedbygreatmenintheirlitigation,butthebulkofthelitigants(asonecanseefromtheplearollsthatsurvivefromthe1190s)werelessermen,knightsandfreetenants.Theymightbelitigatingupwardsagainstlordsordownwardsagainst

tenants,butequallyagooddealofthelitigation,oftenoververysmallamountsofland,wasbetweenneighboursonmuchthesamesociallevel.Theappealoftheactionsto

widesectionsofsocietyisunderstandable.Thewritsettingthemoffwasroutinelyavailableatasmallcost.Thedecisionwasinthehandsofa

localjuryasopposedtobeingdeterminedbyoathswearingortrialbybattle.Indeed,therationalityofthenewprocedureswasoneoftheirmeritscanvassedinGlanvill.66Thecasewasheardinacourtpresidedoverbytheking’sjudgesasopposedtothecourtofalordorthecourtofthehundredorwapentakepresidedoverby

thesheriff.Andthewholeprocedurecouldbespeedy.Indeed,speedwasspecificallyaimedatinnoveldisseisin,wherethejurywastogiveitsverdictevenifthedefendantdidnotturnup,whereasotherlitigationcouldbedraggedoutadinfinitumbyawholeseriesofnon-appearances.

Thenewproceduresappearedverydifferentlyfromtheperspectiveofgreatbarons,fortheyhadthepotentialtoharmtheirjurisdictionalcontrolovertheirtenants.Iftwotenantsbyknightservicewereindisputeoverwhoshouldrightfullyholdlandfromaparticularlord,thenthelordwasboundtothinkthatthe

propervenueforthecasewashisownhonorialcourt.67

Equally,thelordwouldthinkthathiscourtwastheproperforumforanydisputebetweenhimselfandatenantoverfailuretoperformservicesoroverthesuccessiontoafee.Withthenewprocedures,however,itwaseasyforlitigantstoremovecasesfromthecourt

ofthelord.Inanactionoverright,thedefendantcoulddosobyputtinghimselfonthegrandassize.Atleastsuchacasewouldhavestartedinthelord’scourt,butiftheissuewassimplyoneofdisseisin,thenawritofnoveldisseisinwouldtakethecaseatoncebeforetheking’sjudges,bypassingthelord’scourtaltogether.68Ifthedisseisor

hadthelord’sfavour,orindeedwasthelordhimself,theplaintiffhadeveryreasontodojustthat,therebyescapingacourtthatmustalwayshavebeendominatedbythelord’sinterests.69Thefearofcomebackfromanoveldisseisinactionmustalsohavedeterredlordsfromdiscipliningtenantsbysimplyseizingtheirlandwithout

legalprocess.70Asfortheassizeofmortd’ancestor,thistoostartedthecasefromscratchbeforetheking’sjudges.Somuchthebetterfortheplaintiffifitwasthelordhimselfwhowasdenyinghimentryintohisinheritance.Lordsinevitablynowfounditmoredifficulttopreventthesuccessionofanunwelcometenant.Onecommentona

particulardecreeofHenryIIprobablyreflectswellenoughthelordlyviewofdevelopmentsasawhole:‘thekinghadmadeanordinanceinhiskingdom,whichcausedthebaronsofthecountrymuchharm,wherebyeachlosthiscourtbyafalseoath’.71

OTHERCOURTSANDSTRUCTURESOFGOVERNMENT

Courtsheldbygreatlordsfortheirtenantsbyknightservicewerenottheonlyprivatecourts.Alllordsofmanorsheldmanorialcourtsfortheirpeasanttenants,courtsthatdealtwithsuchmattersassuccessiontothetenementsanddisputesoverservices,as

wellasminorcasesofdisorder.Suchmanorialcourts,unmentionedinMagnaCarta,wereentirelyunderthejurisdictionofthelord.Lordscouldalsoenjoysomeshareoftheking’sjurisdiction,eitherthroughaspecificgrantfromthekingorthroughlongusage.These‘liberties’,astheywerecalled,included

‘infangenthief’,whichgavethelordtherighttotry,andexecuteonhisgallows,apettythieftakenredhandedonhisproperty.Thelibertycouldbeattachedtoamanorialcourt.Itcouldalsobeattachedtoahundred.72In1215perhapssome250oftheroughly630hundredsandwapentakeswereinprivateratherthanroyalhands.The

balanceacrossthecountrywasuneven.NearlyallthehundredswereprivateinDevon,OxfordshireandSussex.NearlyallwereroyalinWarwickshireandLincolnshire.Manyhundredshadlongbeeninthehandsofbishopsandabbots.Otherswereheldbygreatsecularlords.IndeedMagnaCartacomesinthemiddleofthe

periodinwhichlordswerebusilysecuringgrantsofhundredsfromtheking.Heretheygainedsomecompensationfortheinroadsofthecommonlaw.Johnmadefifty-fivesuchgrants,mostlytolaylords,HenryIIImade108.WilliamdeFerrers,earlofDerby,startedJohn’sreignwithnoprivatehundreds.Bytheendofithe

hadsix,threethroughaninheritance,threebygrantoftheking.ThomasBasset,likewise,gainedfromJohnthehundredsofBullingdonandNorthGateoutsideOxford.Healsohadthehundred,‘myhundred’,ofColytoninDevon.73Therightsoflordsinprivatehundredsvaried.Insomethesheriffstillenteredand

sharedtheprofits.Inthemostprivileged,hedidnotenteratallandhandedtheking’swrits(sothosesummoningjuries,executingverdictsandcollectingdebts)tothebailiffofthelord.74Inmostprivatehundredsitwouldbethelord’sbailiffwhopresidedoverthehundredcourtandheardtheviewoffrankpledgeeveryMichaelmas,although

onewouldneverhavethoughtsofromchapter42ofthe1217Charter,whichdealtsimplywiththeexactionsofthesheriff.Equallyexemptfromthejurisdictionofthesheriffsweremanyoftheprivilegedcitiesandboroughsmentionedinchapter13oftheCharter.Theyhadtherighttochoosetheirownofficials,whopresidedover

thetowncourtandanswereddirectlytotheexchequerforthefarm.75TheLondonershadtherightbothtochoosetheirownsheriffsand,byJohn’sconcessionin1215,theirmayor.Lordscertainlyderived

power,moneyandstatusfromtheirmanorial,libertyandhonorialcourts.Sometimesthesamemeetings

carriedoutallthreetypesofbusinessandthecourtstendedtomergetogether,whichmadethemallthemoreimpressive.Therelationshipbetweenthelibertiesandroyalgovernmenthasbeenmuchdebatedbyhistorians.Fromonepointofview,theycanbeseenasfittingnaturallyandharmoniouslyintoahierarchy

ofcourts,withtheking’satthetop.76Certainlythekinghadnoobjectiontolibertiesassuchandwasoftenpreparedtograntthemawaytomakemoneyorrewardservice,asdidJohnandHenryIII.Thosewithprivatehundreds,suchastheabbotofBuryStEdmunds,wereveryawarethattheycouldbeconfiscatedbytheking,and

rantheminthatlight.77Theproceduresinprivatecourts,moreover,oftenimitatedthosefoundinthecourtsoftheking.Yet,ontheotherhand,forjudges,sheriffsandofficialsoftheexchequer,thelibertieswereapainintheneck.Againandagainsheriffsexplainedtheirfailuretoraisedebtsandproducelitigantsandjurorsonthe

groundsthattheyhadhandedtheordertoaprivatehundredalbailiffwhohadthendonenothingaboutit.Inthe1270sand1280sEdwardImadeadeterminedefforttocheck‘bywhatwarrant’allthelibertieswereheld.78

THEKING’SMILITARYFORCES

TheunpopularityofJohn’srule,andtheexigenciesofhissituation,placedapremiumononeultimatesourceofpower,apowerthatstoodbehindeverythinghewishedtodo.Thiswashisabilitytouseforce.Initshighestdegree,forcemeantarmies,armieswithwhichthekingmightputdownrevoltsinEngland,dominateBritain

andIreland,andmaintainandrecoverthecontinentalpossessions.Johninonewaywaspermanentlyarmed.Hehadatanyonetimearoundahundredhouseholdknights,whocouldformthecoreofroyalarmies.Healsohadmilitaryforcesinthelocalities,forallthesheriffsandcastellanshadundertheircommandcrossbowmenand

serjeants,whomtheypaidfromlocalrevenues,varyingthenumbersupanddownaccordingtothesituation.Whenhewasforminganarmy,Johnsupplementedhishouseholdknightsintwomainways.Forallhiscampaigns,hesummonedhistenants-in-chieftoprovidehimwithknights,astheywereobligedtodobythe

termsoftheirtenure.Johnalsosummonedtheknightsholdingfrombaroniesthathadcomeintohishands.79Whereasmanytenants-in-chiefwereallowedtopayscutageinplaceofservice,manyothersdidindeedcomepersonallywiththeirduecontingents.Suchcontingents,however,werefarsmallerthanthoseon

whichscutagewasowed.ThegreatnorthernbaronGilbertdeGantowedscutageonoversixtyfees,yetwasexpectedtobringtoroyalarmiesonlysixortenknights.80Howthisdiscrepancybetweennominalobligationandactualperformancehadcomeaboutisobscure,butitcertainlyprecededJohn’sreign.81Itmayinparthavebeenaquid

proquofortheservicelastinglongerthanthecustomaryfortydays.Eveninproducingthesereducedcontingents,however,John’stenants-in-chiefoftendidnotpaytheirway.Instead,fortheirmaintenanceduringacampaign,forexampleinIrelandin1210andPoitouin1214,theyreceivedmoneyintheformofloansfromthe

king.Loansleftopenwhethertheservicewasbeingperformedaspartofatenurialobligation,butsinceJohnrarelyaskedforthemoneyback,hewasinpracticepayingwages.Itwaswithwages,straightout,thatthekingrecruitedthesecondtypeofforcethatstrengthenedhisarmies,namelypaidknightsrecruited

fromabroad,notablyfromFlandersandBrabant,bothgreatsourcesformercenarysoldiers.Essentiallythen,ifJohn

wantedtomusterandmaintainarmiesofanysize,hehadtopayforthem.Formuchofthereign,givenhisbuoyantfinances,hewasabletodoso.Indeed,hemaywellhaveinventedtheloansystem

thatheusedtosupporthisforces.82Incontemporaryterms,hewascertainlyabletoraisearmiesofsomesize.TheonethathetooktoIrelandin1210consistedofaround800namedknightsand1,500serjeantsandcrossbowmen.EveninDecember1215justoneofJohn’sfieldarmiesincludedforty-sevenhousehold

knights,andanother403knightsmostlyrecruitedfromthecontinent.Theknightsweredividedupinto‘constabularies’,eachabouttwenty-fivestrong,whichgivesagoodindicationofhowtheforcewasorganized.OneoftheseconstabularieswascommandedbytheAnonymousofBéthune’spatron,RobertdeBéthune.83

InanidealworldJohnshouldnever,ofcourse,haveneededanarmytoputdowninternalrevolt.Hiskeepingofthepeaceanddispensationofjusticeshouldhavejustifiedhisexactionofrevenueandinsistenceonhisrights.Hissubjectswouldseetheneedforthesecond,theextractionofrevenue,inordertoenjoythefirst,thekeepingofthe

peace.Unfortunately,by1215itwasveryhardtoseeanysuchbalanceintheruleofKingJohn.HencetheneedforMagnaCarta.

7

TheRuleoftheKing:JohnandHisPredecessors

Thestructureofroyalgovernmentplacedformidablepowerintheking’shands,bothtodogoodandtodoill.Howtheill,intheviewoftheking’ssubjects,cametopredominateisthesubjectofthischapter.ItsfocusisprimarilyontheruleofKingJohn,yethispredecessorstoomustshouldersomeofthe

blame.Thatwastheviewatthetime.AccordingtoRalphofCoggeshall,thebaronsdemandedthatJohn‘abolishtheevilcustoms…whichbothhisfatherandbrotheronceintroduced,togetherwiththeabuseswhichhehadadded’.1

HENRYI(R.1100–1135)ANDHIS1100CORONATION

CHARTER

CoggeshallthuspointedthefingeratHenryIIandRichardIaswellasJohn.Yethecouldeasilyhavegonefurtherback.Immediatelyafterhiscoronationin1100,HenryIhadissuedaCharterabolishingtheevilcustomsthathadoppressedthekingdom.2These,astheCharterwentontomake

clear,werethecustomsofHenry’sbrother,WilliamRufus,andevenhisfather,WilliamtheConqueror.Whentheoppositionin1214–15demandedthatJohnconfirmHenry’sCharter,itwasnotformerelysymbolicreasons.ItwasbecausetheCharter,initsdetails,coveredmattersthatstillseemedveryrelevant.Manyofthe

grievancesagainstJohn,therefore,hadmuchearlierroots.The1100Charter,likeMagnaCarta,dealtwithsuchissuesasrelief,wardships,marriagesandtherightsofwidows.Italsodealtwithdebts,wills,amercementsandtheroyalforest,whichagainwereallsubjectsofconcerninMagnaCarta.

HenryIcertainlydidnotkeephispromisesinthe1100Charter.Indeed,hisfinancialexactions,asrevealedinthepiperollof1130,werenot,inrealterms,farshortofJohn’s.3YetHenry’ssuccessor,hisnephewStephen,wasnotmadetorepeatHenry’sCharteronhisaccessionin1135.Thereasonwasthat,givenStephen’s

character,hisbaronialbackgroundandthepoliticalsituation,acharterrestrictinghimseemedhardlynecessary.Withthecollapseofroyalpowerintheensuingcivilwar,asStephenwaschallengedforthethronebyHenry’sdaughter,Matilda,andthenbyherson,thefutureHenryII,individualbaronsconcentratedon

extractingcharters,makingconcessionstothemselves.Achartermakingconcessionstothekingdomasawholewasnotontheagenda.

HENRYII(R.1154–1189)

HenryIIwasabullywithbrainsandbrawn.HisoverridingaiminEnglandwastorebuildroyalpowerafteritsdisintegrationunder

hispredecessor.Thathecertainlyachieved.Uptoapoint,thewayCoggeshalllinkedHenry,whenitcametoevilcustoms,withRichardandJohnwasunfair.Afterall,indevelopingthelegalactionsofthecommonlaw,Henrydidmorethananykinginthemedievalperiodtocreateasolidbaseformonarchy–abasethat

reachedoutbeyondthebaronagetotheknightsandfreetenantswhowerethemainusersandbeneficiariesoftheprocedures.MagnaCartaattackedmanyaspectsofroyalrule.Theonethingitdidnotattackwerethecommon-lawassizesthatHenryhadintroduced.Indeed,betweenchapters17and19,itmadethemmore

available.Thekingwasnot,therefore,tobereducedtoamerefeudaloverlord.Hisjusticewasindemand.Therewasalso,aroundthe

timeofMagnaCarta,afeelingthatthingshadbeenbetterunderHenry.Thusthe1217Charter,inthreeplaces,triedtoputbacktheclocktowhathadbeen‘customary’inhistime,customarythatis

whenitcametotheenclosureofriverbanks(chapter20),thelevyingofscutage(chapter44)andthesheriffs’exactionsinthehundredcourts(chapter42).ClearlyHenry’sgovernmenthadacquiredagoldenglow.Thatwasunderstandable.TheworkofThomasK.Keefehasshownthat,withsomeexceptions,Henryplaced

limitedfinancialpressureonhisearlsandgreaterbarons.Keefe’sconclusionwasthatthecontestbetweenmonarchyandbaronageoveradministrativeabusesandfinancialexactionswhichledtoMagnaCartahadhardlybeguninHenry’sreign.4

Thisisnot,however,thewholestory.In1173–4HenryIIfacedamassiverevolt

againsthisrule.5Insomeways,thiswasverydifferentfromtherevoltthatproducedMagnaCarta.AtitsheartwasaconflictbetweenHenry,ontheoneside,andhissonsandtheirmother,EleanorofAquitaine,ontheother.TheEnglishbaronswhojoinedtherevolt,themselvesinaminority,puttogethernogeneralmanifestoandhoped

theirwrongswouldberightedsimplybythebenevolentruleofHenry’seldestson,alsocalledHenry.Hewasknownas‘theYoungKing’,followinghiscoronationin1170withaviewtohisactingashisfather’sdeputyinEngland.YetthegrievancesoftheearlsofChester,Ferrers,NorfolkandLeicesteroverclaimsto

castles,landsandrights,andoverheavyfinesandamercements,wereverycomparabletothoseoftherebelsof1215.Although,moreover,HenryIIhadearlsasleadingministers,hewasreluctanttocreatenewearldomsandrefusedtoacceptthatoldoneswere‘intheiressencehereditary’.6

Duringthe‘anarchy’of

Stephen’sreign,therehadbeenaproliferationofearldomsandtheexpansionoftheirlocalpower.Henrywasdeterminedtoputastoptoit.Thereweretwenty-threeearlsatthestartofhisreign.Byitsendthereweretwelve,andonlytheearlofChesterhadcontrolofthelocalgovernmentinhisshire.Grievancesoverthiswere

stillthereunderJohn.GilbertdeGant’sclaimtobeearlofLincoln,recognizedbyPrinceLouisin1216,wentbacktoagrantofKingStephenthatHenryIIhadrefusedtorecognize.7Royalpolicywithregardtoearldomswascloselyrelatedtopolicyovercastles.HereHenry’sactions,bothatthestartofthereignandafterthe1173–4revolt,

wereamajorfactorinshiftingtheratiobetweenroyalandbaronialcastlesfrom1to5in1154downto1to2in1214.8Againstthisbackground,itisnotsurprisingthatMagnaCarta,inchapter52,putontheagendathedisseisinsofHenryIIasthingstobedealtwithafterJohnreturnedfromordecidednottogoonhis

prospectivecrusade.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadgonefurtheranddemandedthatthosedisseisedbyHenryshouldhave‘right’withoutdelay,byjudgementoftheirpeers,intheking’scourt.9

Thedemandsof1215revealedanotheraspectofHenry’srule,namelyhisadministrationoftheroyalforest.WhenJohn,in1215,

offeredtoremedythe‘evilcustoms’ofhisfather‘bythecounselofhisfaithfulmen’,theforestwouldhavebeentopoftheagenda.10Everyoneagreedthattheextensiveboundaries,whichmadeitsuchaburdentowidesectionsofsociety,hadbeentheworkofHenry’snotoriouschiefforester,AlandeNeville.Hisforesteyrein

1175,partlydesignedaspunishmentfortherebellion,produceddebtsworthanexorbitant£12,305,farmorethanthetotalofanylatereyre.11DeNevillewoulddoubtlesshaveclaimedthathewasmerelyrestoringtheboundsoftheforesttotheirextentin1135,beforethelossesofStephen’sreign.Whetherornotthatwastrue,

whentheUnknownCharterin1215calledforthedeforestationofHenryII’safforestations,itmadenodistinctionbetweenhisrestorationsandcreationsdenovo.Alltheareashehadbroughtwithintheboundsoftheforestweretoberemovedfromit,andthusnolongertobesubjecttoforestlaw.Intheliberatedareaspeoplecould

nowhuntfreely,cutdowntrees,erectbuildingsandcreatenewarablelandwithoutfearofpunishment.Ifimplemented,thedemandwouldhavereducedtheroyalforesttolittlemorethantheking’sdemesnewoods.Johnevidentlyputupastiffresistancetothisdemand,and,inMagnaCarta,onlyconcededtheimmediate

deforestationofhisownafforestations,whichwereinsignificantcomparedtohisfather’s.12ItwaslefttotheForestCharterof1217toreturntothecharge,andabolishtheafforestationsofHenryIIoncetheyhadbeenestablishedbyknightlyjurors.Therewas,ofcourse,one

finalstigmatoHenry’srule,

themurderofthearchbishopofCanterbury,ThomasBecket,inhisowncathedral.ThisterribleeventappalledChristianEuropeandwithinthreeyearsBeckethadbeencanonizedbythepope.Henryclaimedthathehadnomurderingintent.Hiswords,spokeninanger,hadbeentakenalltooliterallybytheknightswhocarriedoutthe

deed.Butthemurder,nonetheless,seemedtoencapsulatehisdynasty’scapacityforrancourandmalevolence,theverythingsJohnpromisedtoforgoattheendoftheCharter.If,moreover,Becketcastashadowoverthedynasty,hewasashininglightforconscientiouschurchmen,demonstratingallthe

courage,enduranceandultimatesacrificethatmightbenecessarytoprotectthelibertyofthechurch.FornoonewasthismoretruethanJohn’sownarchbishop,StephenLangton.HeenhancedtheimageofBecket’smurderonthesealofthearchbishop,likeBeckethespenthisexileattheBurgundianmonasteryof

Pontigny,andin1220,inagreatinternationalceremony,hetranslatedBecket’sbodyfromitsoldshrinetoitssplendidnewoneinCanterburycathedral.13

RICHARDI(R.1189–1199)

Ifanyonecouldrescuethereputationofthedynasty,itwasHenry’ssuccessor,hissonRichard.(TheYoung

Kinghaddiedin1183.)Henryhadfailedtogooncrusade,hencethemisfortunesofhislastyears,thoughtRogerofHowden.Richard,ontheotherhand,bothwenttotheHolyLandandwoneternalfametherethroughfeatsofarms.ForRalphofCoggeshall,Richardhadanothersavinggrace–hisostentatiouspiety.He

delightedinthedivineoffice,anddidnothurrythroughitsothathecouldattendtobusinessorhaveameal.Headornedhischapelwithpreciousvestmentsandrewardeditschoralclerkswithmanygifts,sometimesconductingtheirsingingandindeedjoininginwithit.InCoggeshall’sview,Richard’sgeneraltreatmentofthe

churchwasalsocommendable.Heappointedsuitablechurchmenasbishopsandabbotsanddidsoquickly,notprolongingvacanciessohecouldtaketherevenues.14Initially,moreover,Richard’srulehadnotbeenfinanciallyoppressive.Hehadcertainlyraisedlargesumsatthestartofhisreign,butthathadbeen

partlyachievedbysellingofflandsandrights.Here,however,the

chroniclerWilliamofNewburghwascritical.Ingrantingawaysomuch,wasRichardnotshowinga‘lackofcare’forhiskingdom?Indeed,hadhenotsaid,‘IwouldsellLondonifIcouldfindasuitablebuyer.’15

NowherewasRichard’sself-

confidentirresponsibilityclearerthaninhistreatmentofJohn.JohnwasalreadylordofIreland,andcountofMortaininNormandy.RichardnowmarriedhimtoIsabella,countessofGloucester,whoseinheritanceincludedthelordshipofGlamorgan.Richardalsogavehimsixroyalcastlesandtotalcontrolofseven

counties,sothattheirrevenuescompletelydisappearedfromthepiperolls.HavingthusempoweredJohn,hethenprovokedhim.ItisherethatArthurfirstentersthepicture.Bornin1187,ArthurwasRichardandJohn’scousin,thesonoftheirdeceasedbrother,Geoffrey,byhismarriagetoConstance,theheiresstoBrittany.Onhis

waytotheHolyLand,RichardsuddenlyrecognizedArthurashisheir.TheaimwastosealanalliancewithTancred,therulerofSicily,underwhichArthurwastomarryTancred’sdaughter.Notsurprisingly,Johnwasfurious.Inaseriesofconfrontations,heoverthrewWilliamLongchamp,whomRichardhadleftbehindas

governorofEngland,andgainedrecognitionasRichard’ssuccessor.Then,whenRichard,inDecember1192,wascapturedonhiswaybackfromhiscrusade,eventuallybecomingaprisoneroftheEmperorHenryVI,Johnannouncedthathisbrotherwasdead,anddidhomagetothekingofFrance,PhilipAugustus,for

thecontinentaldominions.PhilipproceededtooverrunalargepartofNormandy.Richardfinallyarrived

backinEnglandinMarch1194.HequicklyextinguishedtheembersofJohn’srevolt,andthenspenttherestofhisreignonthecontinent.There,inwarfareagainstKingPhilip,herecoveredmuchofNormandy

andreassertedauthoritymorewidelyovertheAngevindominions.Duringthisperiod,Richardcertainly‘cared’forEnglandbuthecaredchieflyforitsmoney,moneyhedesperatelyneededtosupporthiscontinentalwars.Theyearsbetween1194and1199markedasignificantratchetingupin

thefinancialdemandsthatledultimatelytoMagnaCarta.Richard’srevenuefrom

Englandbetween1194and1198,ascalculatedbyNickBarrattfromthepiperolls,averagedsome£25,000ayear,thisagainstalittleover£23,000averagedbyHenryIIinthelasteightyearsofhisreign.16Richard’spiperollrevenue,however,wasontop

ofallthemoneyheraisedfromEnglandtopayhisransomtotheemperor.Justhowmuchofthe£90,000eventuallyhandedovercamefromEngland,asopposedtoNormandyandJohn’sotherdominionsisunknown,butitmusthavebeenasignificantproportionofit.AtaxwasleviedinEnglandin1193–4ataquartervalueof

everyone’srentsandmovableproperty.Therewasaprecedentforthisinthe‘Saladintithe’,leviedin1188tosupportthecrusadeproclaimedbythepopefollowingthefallofJerusalemthepreviousyear,butthentheratehadbeenatenth.Thequarterof1193–4wasthehighestrateoftaxationinmedievalEngland.

Thelevyshouldobviouslyhaveraisedmorethanthe£57,000ofJohn’sgreattaxof1207whentheratewasonlyathirteenth,althoughthecollectionin1207mayhavebeenmoreefficient.OnecanatleastbesurethatiftheyieldfromRichard’staxcouldbeaddedintohistotalrevenuesbetween1194and1198,thenitwouldboost

theirannualaveragetowayoverthe£25,000revealedbythepiperolls.17

Richard’sordinaryrevenues,leavingasidethetax,werealsoachieveddespiteasignificantdeclineineasymoneyfromcrownland.Overthecourseofthetwelfthcentury,thegreatstockoflandintheking’shandsatthetimeof

DomesdayBookhaddwindled,beinggivenawaytorewardserviceandbuysupport.Theresultsaregraphicallylaidoutinthepiperollswherethecountyaccountshavelonglistsofdeductionsfromthefarmbecauseof‘landgivenaway’.ThelosseshadbeenparticularlysevereduringtheturmoilofStephen’sreign.

HenryIIhadtenaciouslyretainedthelandthatwasleftandindeedreversedsomeofthelosses.Richard,ontheotherhand,inthegreatsell-offatthestartofhisreign,undidhisfather’swork‘virtuallyovernight’.18TheresultwasthatJohninheritedaroyaldemesneworthover£2,000ayearlessthanin1189.Hadthislandstillbeen

there,itwouldhavehelpedmitigatesomeofthegrievancesthatledtoMagnaCarta.Revenuefromcrownlandwaspoliticallyuncontentious,comingfromsellingthecropsandtakingtherentsofthepeasants,hencethewaychapter25oftheCharterexemptedtheking’sdemensemanorsfromtherestrictionsplacedon

moneyraisedabovethecountyfarms.Oncethedemesnewaslost,thedifferencehadtobemadeupbyexploitingmoreunpopularsourcesofrevenue.Richard’sgovernmenthad

donethatinwaysverymuchreflectedinthedemandsof1215.Indeed,evenbeforethemeetingatRunnymede,Johnhadvolunteeredtoextirpate

Richard’s‘evilcustoms’asopposedtoofferingmerelytotakecounselaboutthoseofHenryII.19In1194Richard’sgovernmentimposedincrementsabovethefarmofmanycounties.Thismeantthatthesheriffshadtoaccountfirstforthefarmandthenanadditionalfixedsum,‘theincrement’,demandedaboveit.Suchadditional

exactionswerespecificallybannedinchapter25oftheCharter.In1198therewasanoppressiveforesteyre,andadriveagainstwidows:fortywereforcedtoofferatotalof1,689marksforpermissiontostaysingleormarrywhomtheywished.Theforcingofwidowsintoremarriagewouldbebannedunderchapter8ofMagnaCarta.20

RichardalsoextractedinheritancepaymentswayabovetheCharter’s£100‘relief’laiddownforabarony:the‘finetoinherit’oftheGloucestershirebaronRobertofBerkeleywas£1,000;thatofthegreatbaronialleaderin1215,EustacedeVescy,was1,300marks.21

Richard’smagnatesalsofeltthreatenedbyarbitrarydisseisins,unjustfinesanddenialofjustice,allthingsthattheCharterstoodagainst.RobertdeRoswasdisseisedofhislandsforallowingaFrenchprisonertoescapeandhadtooffer1,200markstogetthemback;WalterdeLacyoffered3,100markstorecovertheking’s

benevolenceandseisinofhislands;theLincolnshirelordSimonofKymewaspenalizedtothetuneof1,000marksforallowingforeignshipsandmerchantstodepartfromBostonfairinLincolnshire.22WhenRogerBigodofferedKingRichard1,000markstosucceedtotheearldomofNorfolk,includedinthefinewastheconcession

thatRoger’sbrother,Hugh,shouldnotbeplacedinanyofthelandsoftheirfathersave‘byjudgementoftheking’scourtmadebyhispeers’.Theimplicationwasthatiffortune’swheelswungRogerdownandHughup,thenRichardmightsimplytransferthelandsfromonetotheotherwithoutlegalprocess.Thematterdidnotendthere.

Afewyearslater,Rogeroffered100marksnottobedisseisedoflandsclaimedbyHughsavebyjudgementoftheking’scourt.TheofferwasacceptedbyHubertWalteraschiefjusticiar,inchargeofthehomegovernment,onlyforRichardtointervenefromoverseasandbumpthefineupto700marks.23Richard’sdisseisins

remainedofconcernin1215andtheyweretreatedinthesamewayasthoseofHenryII.Thus,undertheArticlesoftheBarons,thevictims,withcertainqualifications,weretosecureredresswithoutdelaybyjudgementoftheirpeersintheking’scourt,althoughunderchapter52oftheChartertheissuewaspostponeduntilthe

terminationofJohn’sprospectivecrusade.Coggeshallgivesavivid

pictureofRichardinthelastyearsofhisreign.Whenpetitionerscametocourt,theycouldglimpsehimwithhisprivateentourage,affableandrelaxed,enjoyinggamesandjokes.Butwhentheyapproachedhispresence,theyfoundakingwhosemenacing

glares,violentgesturesandferociouswordsmadehimseemeverybitaraginglion.24

Coggeshall’sverdictofthereignwasdespairing:

Noagecanremember,nohistorycanrecordanyprecedingking,eventhosewhoreignedforalongtime,whoexactedandreceivedsomuchmoneyfromhiskingdom,asthatking

exactedandamassedinthefiveyearsafterhereturnedfromcaptivity.25

ItwasinthelightofRichard’smalpractices,aswellasHenry’s,thatJohn’ssupportersinEngland,beforehisaccession,promisedtheassembledearlsandbaronsthathewouldrestore

everyonetotheirrights,iftheyacceptedhimasking.26

JOHNANDTHECHURCH

Johnonhisaccessionin1199wasveryawareofhisbrother’sunpopularity.Indeed,eager,ashesaid,toabolish‘evilcustoms’,heimmediatelyreducedtheexcessivechargesRichardhadimposed‘bywillrather

thanreason’forissuingchartersandletters.27WhenJohnmadepeacewiththekingofFranceandsettledanearlyquarrelwiththeCistercians,agreeingtofoundwhatbecameBeaulieuabbeyinHampshire,Coggeshallthoughtanewagewasdawning.28Itwasnottobe.John’s

tumultuousandtempestuous

quarrelwiththechurchwasacentrepieceofhisreign,andhadamajorinfluenceonthecontentofMagnaCarta.Chapter1oftheChartersetthechurchfree.Indoingso,itfollowedtheCoronationCharterofHenryI,butitalsowentfurther.John,astestimonytohisgoodfaith,referredtoanothercharter.This,ashesaid,wasacharter

conceding‘thelibertyofelections,whichisdeemedtobeofthegreatestimportanceandmostnecessaryfortheEnglishchurch’.JohnwasherereferringtohischarterofNovember1214,whichhehadreissuedinJanuary1215.IthadthenbeenconfirmedbyPopeInnocentIII,asMagnaCartasaidinchapter1.29Thelibertyofelectionsmeantthat

bishopsshouldhenceforthbechosen,withoutroyalinterference,bythecathedralmonksorclergy,whileabbotswouldbeelectedbytheirmonks.Asaresult,conscientiouschurchmenhopedthatprelateswouldnolongerbesecular-mindedroyalservants,butmencommittedtotheirspiritualmission.Theywouldalso,

underthetermsoftheNovember1214charter,beelectedquickly,thusdealingwithasecondgreatevil,namelythewaythatthekingkeptbishopricsandabbeysvacantsothathecouldtaketheirrevenues.AdmittedlyJohn,amasteratqualifyinghisconcessions,wasstillallowed,underthetermsofthecharter,torefuseconsent

toelections,ifhecouldshow‘areasonableandlegitimatecause’.Nonetheless,thecharterwasagreattriumphforthechurch,whichwaswhyitwasconfirmedinMagnaCarta.Johngrantedhisfreedom

ofelectioncharterinNovember1214becauseofimmediatepoliticalpressures,aswewillsee.Butthe

concessionwasalsoinpartialsettlementofhismoregeneralquarrelwiththechurch.ThatquarrelhadbegunwiththedeathofhisarchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter,in1205.Walterhadbeenjustthekindofarchbishopthatkingsliked.Anefficientandresourcefuladministrator,hehadgrownupingovernment

service.Hebelievedinreformofthechurch,andwasthefirstarchbishoptoplaceBecket’smartyrdomonhisseal.ButhewasalsohappytocombinethearchbishopricwiththejusticiarshipunderRichardandwiththechancellorshipunderJohn,thetotalreverseofBecket.Johnwantedanotherarchbishoplikehim,and