a critical dis course analysis of Pakistani religious - unipub
Grazer Linguistische Studien 82 (Herbst 2014); S. 47-62 Metaphors we think with: a critical dis- course analysis of Pakistani religious Snobra Rizwan Karl-Franzens-Universitat Graz Abstract. The metaphoric conceptualization of religious doctrines employed in Pakistani religious scholars’ speech discourse is examined through a data-driven lin- guistic analysis. The focus is put on the representation of Islamic concepts of God and characteristics of a good Muslim in five speeches delivered by five Pakistani religious scholars called Mawlana Tariq Jameel, Doctor Tahir-ul-Qadri, Doctor Israr Ahmad, Mawlana Yousuf and Mawlana Hashmi. The major metaphoric categories identified in the study include the description of religious doctrines as 'concrete objects', animals', 'diseases' and certain generalized 'personas'. By substantiating religious doctrines, such a representation serves to construct certain identities and ideologies in Pakistani Muslims. Keywords. Religious doctrines, metaphors, representation, ideology, Critical Dis- course Analysis, Muslim religious scholars, speeches This article seeks to identify metaphoric representation of religious doctrines employed in Pakistani Muslim religious speeches discourse. It further aims to unveil the ideological perspective embedded in such metaphoric conceptualization, with the focus on the examination of indoctrination of certain ideologies in masses and making them believe a particular interpretation of religious injunctions. The research examines religious speeches delivered by Sunni scholars in religious gatherings of big Pakistani cities: Lahore, Karachi and Faisalabad. The motivation for the choice of these cities lies in the larger audience which religious scholars manage to attract in these cities. Secondly, this study delimits itself to the analysis of Sunni speeches only, leaving aside the other major sect of Islam, Shi'ism. The reason for selecting the Sunni sect is that it is the largest Muslim sect in Pakistan followed by about 80% of Pakistani Muslims (Malik, 2006:34). The followers from various walks of life join these gatherings and construct their identities as devout Sunni Muslims. The audience range from the illiterate and low-income group of Pakistani society (below 10000/- PKR per month) to highly educated and high-income group of Pakistani society. The indoctrination in such religious gatherings has deep repercussions not only on the ideological development of Pakistan society as a whole but also on the psyche of the individuals. This could be observed in the frequent collective murders of 01. Introduction
a critical dis course analysis of Pakistani religious - unipub
Text of a critical dis course analysis of Pakistani religious - unipub
Grazer Linguistische Studien 82 (Herbst 2014); S. 47-62
Metaphors we think with: a critical discourse analysis of Pakistani religious
Snobra RizwanKarl-Franzens-Universitat Graz
Abstract. The metaphoric conceptualization of religious doctrines employed in Pakistani religious scholars’ speech discourse is examined through a data-driven linguistic analysis. The focus is put on the representation of Islamic concepts of God and characteristics of a good Muslim in five speeches delivered by five Pakistani religious scholars called Mawlana Tariq Jameel, Doctor Tahir-ul-Qadri, Doctor Israr Ahmad, Mawlana Yousuf and Mawlana Hashmi. The major metaphoric categories identified in the study include the description of religious doctrines as 'concrete objects', animals', 'diseases' and certain generalized 'personas'. By substantiating religious doctrines, such a representation serves to construct certain identities and ideologies in Pakistani Muslims.
Keywords. Religious doctrines, metaphors, representation, ideology, Critical Discourse Analysis, Muslim religious scholars, speeches
This article seeks to identify metaphoric representation of religious doctrines employed in Pakistani Muslim religious speeches discourse. It further aims to unveil the ideological perspective embedded in such metaphoric conceptualization, with the focus on the examination of indoctrination of certain ideologies in masses and making them believe a particular interpretation of religious injunctions. The research examines religious speeches delivered by Sunni scholars in religious gatherings of big Pakistani cities: Lahore, Karachi and Faisalabad. The motivation for the choice of these cities lies in the larger audience which religious scholars manage to attract in these cities. Secondly, this study delimits itself to the analysis of Sunni speeches only, leaving aside the other major sect of Islam, Shi'ism. The reason for selecting the Sunni sect is that it is the largest Muslim sect in Pakistan followed by about 80% of Pakistani Muslims (Malik, 2006:34). The followers from various walks of life join these gatherings and construct their identities as devout Sunni Muslims. The audience range from the illiterate and low-income group of Pakistani society (below 10000/- PKR per month) to highly educated and high-income group of Pakistani society.
The indoctrination in such religious gatherings has deep repercussions not only on the ideological development of Pakistan society as a whole but also on the psyche of the individuals. This could be observed in the frequent collective murders of
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members of country’s minority groups in the name of blasphemy laws at the hands of deranged mobs on the one hand , and eulogization of murderers like Mumtaz Qadri who assassinated Salman Taseer—the Governor of Punjab Province of Pakistan—in the name of Islam on the other1 2.
Five speeches considered to be representative of Pakistani Sunni scholars’ speeches have been chosen for analysis. The speeches have been chosen randomly, but the speaker’s choice has been made as the result of a survey. In Pakistan, there are many religious scholars, and it is not easy to choose a sample that is truly representative of them all. Thus a form (Appendix 1) was distributed among 100 participants randomly which asked them to write down the name of their favorite religious scholar.
Table 1: Pakistan’s Most Popular Religious Scholars and percentage of research participants liking them
Scholar’s Name % Scholar’s Name %Tariq Jamil 27 Hashmi 11Tahir-ul-Qadri 15 Alyas Athar 10Israr Ahmad 12 Saeed Yousuf 10Saeed Ahmad 07 None 03Qari Hanif 05 Total 100
The result of the survey (see Table 1) helped determining the sample. The top five most popular speakers were taken as a representative sample who include:
a) Tariq Jamilb) Dr Israr Ahmadc) Dr Tahir ul Qadrid) Mawlana Hashmie) Mawlana Yousuf
Furthermore, it is pertinent to add here that all these religious speeches have a common structure. Each religious speech can be divided into three basic parts:
1. Recitation2. Preaching3. Prayer
The first part consists of the recitation of Quranic verses as it is the part of Islamic teachings. Deming (2005:46) writes: To start every work, “especially a good one”, with the name of God in order to “be blessed by God” is a common religious practice. After that, the second part of the speech starts which comprises the preaching. It is
1 Mail Online March 16 2011, http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1366805/Pakistani- Christian-jailed-blasphemy-dies-prison-lawyers-claim-murdered.html; The Express Tribune July 4, 2012 http://tribune.com.pk/story/403534/ blasphemy-mob-bums-man-alive-for-buming- holy-quran2 Washington Times January 5, 2011 http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/ 2011/jan/5/ islams-blasphemy-murders/; IPT News January 7, 2011 http://www.invesiigativeproject.org/ 2482/disappointing-silence-on-pakistani-blasphemy
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the main part of the speech and entails 90% of the whole speech. The very first sentence of this part conveys the main idea of the speech:
(1) Mery mohtarm bhaio aur dosto, Allah Tala ne insan ko is tarha bnaya hai ke jab tak ye Allah tak nahi pohanch jata is ko dunya ki koi cheez, sukh , chaien, skoon nahi de sakti. (Moulana Tariq)(My respected brothers and friends, God has made human beings in such a way, unless and until they connect with God, they can’t get satisfaction.)
This idea is further explained through Quranic references, references from Hadiths and examples from daily life in the rest of the speech. The last part consists of the prayer in which the religious scholar begs forgiveness and mercy from Allah for himself and the whole gathering.
(2) Meherban Allah hamari dunya bhi bhali kar dei, hamari oqba bhi bhali kar de aur is sary majmay ko intahai khair e kaseer ata kar, jo itni dur se teri mohabbat me chal kar aey hain. Amen (Moulana Saeed)(O Merciful God, bless our worldly life and bless our life hereafter. Shower countless blessings upon this gathering which came for your love from distant places. Amen).
Concerning the content of the speeches, the speeches revolve around various themes targeted at inculcating love for God and Islam in the hearts of the audience. The topics of the speeches along with the name of the speaker who delivered them are mentioned in Table 2. As table 2 indicates, the corpus consists of 5982 clauses which is the total of all the clauses of analyzed speeches.
Table 2: The data
Scholar’s name Speech topic No. of ranking clauses1 Tariq Jamil “In the Search of Allah” 14752 Dr. Israr Ahmed “The Reality of Hypocrisy” 13123 Mawlana Yousuf “The Preparation for the Afterlife” 8794 Mawlana Hashmi “The Reformation” 9215 Dr. Tahir-ul-Qadri “The Difference between a Muslim and 1377
a Momin”Total 5964
As the title indicates, this study revolves around the study of metaphors in religious speeches. The reason for delimiting this research to the study of metaphors is that this particular rhetorical device is used veiy extensively by Pakistani religious scholars. Following the cognitive theory of metaphors (Lakoff & Johnson, 2003), it could be claimed that metaphor could be studied “not just as a matter of language, but as a matter of thought as well [...] In other words, metaphor constitutes an important tool by means of which we conceptualize reality, which has an impact on the way we behave” (Trckova, 2012: 138).
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02. Background of the present studyThe religion of Islam has various versions of shariah (Muslim religious law) known as fiqah (Islamic jurisprudence). Malik (2006) distinguishes several sects or masalik (Muslim schools of thought) in Pakistan such as sunni, shiah, ahl-e- hadith, etc. He believes that although these masalik seem to differ in some respects, their fundamentals are almost the same. Malik (2006) further declares these sects different interpretations of the religion of Islam given by different religious scholars at different junctures of time. Since the birth of Pakistan in 1947, there erupted serious sectarian and religious disputes in Pakistani society. The perspective of different Pakistani Muslim scholars always seems to be contradictory regarding religious, national and international issues. Sometimes the ulema (religious scholars) hailing from conflicting masalik (religious schools of thought) do not hesitate issuing a fatwa (religious decree) of kufr (infidelity) against the believers of a different version of Islam (Akhtar, 2000). Pakistani society is facing problems due to religious extremism and sectarianism. A large number of ulema and people have lost their lives in sectarian and religious killings. The murder of the governor of Punjab, Mr. Salman Taseer, at the hands of Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri on January 4, 2011 is an example that shows how ideology-invested religious discourses shape the mindset of the people. In the cited event, the assassin Malik Mumtaz Qadri openly confessed (Express Tribune, January 10, 2011) that he was “persuaded to carry out the murder after listening to the rousing sermons delivered by Maulvi Hanif Qureshi and Ishtiaq Shah at a religious gathering”. According to Binder (1963) the roots of Pakistani society “lie in the fundamentals of religion i.e. Islam. Islamic government, Islamic state and Islamic constitution were the slogans of Pakistan’s creation”.
Demming (2003) argues that the ulema are highly honored by the Muslim masses as they not only impart religious teaching, but also offer solutions to social problems. According to Encyclopedia Britannica (1986: 256), “they (ulema) are the one who possess the quality of ilm or learning about religion”. There are various schools of thought among the Pakistani ulema and different associations have been made to propagate certain versions of Islamic maslak such as Tablighi Jamaat by Mawlana Tariq Jamil, Tehreek-e-Minhaj-ul-Quran by Dr.Tahir-ul-Qadri ,Tanzeem-e- Islami, Tehreek-e-Khilafat and Anjuman Khuddam-ul-Quran by Dr. Israr Ahmed etc. It is in this connection that the present study tries to explore ideologies employed in religious discourse by the Pakistani ulema.
03. Theoretical FrameworkFor in-depth investigation and data analysis, this study draws upon Critical Discourse Analysis (van Dijk 1993; Fairclough 1995; Wodak 2006). It seeks to examine the link between metaphor, ideology and power, where ideology is understood to stand for socio-cognitive schemata which function to reproduce, challenge or resist asymmetric power relations (Trckova, 2012: 138).
In other words, the present paper attempts to find out the ideologies disseminated through metaphoric representation of religious doctrines in Pakistani religious
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scholars’ speeches. It also focuses on the way the metaphors serve to highlight the unequal power relationship between the scholars and the masses.
04. AnalysisThe analysis of religious scholars’ speeches discourse reveals that all five selected scholars employ metaphorical expressions in their speeches quite heavily in order to preach a particular version and interpretation of religious doctrines or shariah. The use of metaphors makes abstract religious injunctions materialized in order to lead listeners toward the development of certain ideologies and worldviews. Thus, the use of metaphoric expressions help to construct the listeners’ mental models, and subsequently influence the way listeners think about and make sense of religious doctrines. If analyzed closely, all the metaphoric representations in the selected speeches could be classified into a few categories which include:
Out of these four categories, the first two and the fourth category could be termed ontological metaphors (Lackoff & Johnson, 1980), figures that provide “ways of viewing events, activities, emotions, ideas, etc., as entities and substances” (p.25) and the third category as structural metaphors in which one concept is understood and expressed in terms of another structured, sharply defined concept.
04.01. Concretive metaphorsThe concretive metaphor, as it has been stated earlier, could be declared one of the subcategories of ontological metaphors. In most of the metaphors given below—as contended by Lackoff and Jonson (1980)—ontological and structural categories of metaphors overlap. In selected speeches, certain lexical and syntactic choices on the part of the speakers have been employed in order to inculcate love for religion in the minds and hearts of the listeners. Let us consider the instances from Cl to C6, where C stands for concretice metaphor:
(Cl) Allah ne insan ke dil me apni mohabbat ka aik taar rakha aur nabion ki mehnat se is ko chemy ke asbab peda key(God put a string of love in the human heart. And the efforts of the prophets produced the causes of playing i t . ..) (Extracted from the speech delivered by Mawlana Tariq Jamil)
(C2) Unho ne apni qasmon ko dhal baña lia hai(They have made their oaths their shields.) (Extracted from the speech delivered by Dr. Israr Ahmad)
(C3) Jaan o maal bachao nahi kharch karo, aaina toota hua kisay pasand ata hai. Allah ko tumhari tooti hui laash ziada pasand hai...aaina saaz Allah hai (Do not save your life and wealth, spend them. Is there anyone who likes a
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b ro k e n m ir r o r ? A l la h l ik e s y o u r b ro k e n c o rp se th e m o s t. G o d is th e m ir r o r
m a k e r .) (Extracted from the speech delivered by Dr Israr Ahmad)(C4) Hasad, riya, burai ki badbo hai, gandgi hai.
(J e a lo u sy , h y p o c r is y a n d e v i l h a v e a b a d s m e ll . T h e y a r e t r a s h .) (Extracted from the speech delivered by Mawlana Hashmi)
(C5) Badamli ka zaher hai jis ka mot k wakt asar ho ga.(B a d d e e d s a r e a p o is o n w h ic h w il l s h o w i ts e f fe c t a t th e t im e o f d e a th .)
(Extracted from the speech delivered by Mawlana Hashmi)(C6) chadar kechar se bhari hui hai, kia karen meil ziada hai aur sabun thora.
(L in en is s ta in e d w ith m u d . S ta in s a rc m o r e a n d s o a p is le ss) . (Extracted from the speech delivered by Mawlana Hashmi)
The concretive metaphors are underlined in the above examples. Repetitive nature of certain lexical and syntactic patterns is quite obvious in the examples given above. The metaphors come from the noun class and could be categorized into three types on the basis of their sources of origin:
l.a. From scripture: the holy book of Islam, i.e. Quranl.b. From Urdu poetry: religious and inspiring poetry, i.e. mostly of Iqbal, the
national poet of Pakistanl.c. From everyday life of Pakistani society: the life which is experienced by
common people of Pakistan every day
The religious scholars go for a range of metaphors from s im p le to l i t e r a r y or c o m p le x
s y m b o lis m , because their listeners hail from various walks of life. Concretive metaphors do the job quite appropriately in such a backdrop and make the listeners internalize religious preaching. The metaphor in (Cl) is a bit complicated as compared to the rest. The targeted audience of the speaker in such metaphors is the educated class. In (Cl), the speaker, through the use of overlapping ontological and structural metaphor, preaches the audiences that they must develop God’s love in their heart. According to the speaker, developing God’s love is not a tough task, because God has modeled the human heart as a stringed musical instrument. The strings of this musical instrument which are actually strings of God’s love (see Cl) vibrate to produce music only when they are touched by the preachings of the messengers of God.
The metaphors in (C2) and (C3) are sort of cliched in the Pakistani context. The metaphor of ‘shield’ comes from Islamic scripture (Quran), and ‘broken mirror’ comes from religious poetry of the Pakistani national poet, Iqbal. Here, s h ie ld stands for secretive activities of the enemies of Islam which they do under the cover of apparent faithfulness to the nation of Islam, and 'broken mirror' stands for utter and extreme devotion which would eventually render a Muslim selfless, indifferent to worldly pleasures, pious, god-fearing, etc.
The metaphoric expressions in (C4), (C5), (C6) and (C7) come from everyday life of Pakistani society. It is so because the majority of people attending such religious gatherings is with ordinary intellect and hail from humble educational background. They are prone to get influenced by ideology investment through these speeches
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more easily and speedily. And the analogies which would influence them have to be according to their particular mental model and past experiences and observations. Hence, in (C4) and (C5), bad deeds and social and personal evils have been described in terms of ‘bad smell’, ‘trash’ and ‘poison’. In this way people have been preached to stay away from evil practices. Similarly in (C6) the ‘linen’ stands for human life which is stained with sins, and only the ‘soap’ of repentance, forgiveness and prayers could clean it. According to the speaker, the life span of human beings is so short that it is very difficult for them to clean up all their sins in that short life period.
As far as the syntactic pattern of these metaphors is concerned, it could be described employing Halliday’s (1985) system of t r a n s i t i v i t y . The transitivity system can be classified into material, relational, mental, verbal, behavioral, and existential processes according to whether they represent processes of doing, being, sensing, saying, behaving, or existing, respectively. Additionally, the transitivity analysis is semantically oriented and brings about the differences between both processes and the roles of associated participants (Halliday, 1985). For Eggins (2004):
'Transitivity patterns represent the encoding of experiential meanings: meanings about the world, about experience, about how we perceive and experience what is going on”, (p.249)
In the data analyzed above, most of the metaphors occupy the position of either goal or attribute/token in the transitivity structure of the sentence. The goal and attribute/token are participants of material clauses and relational clauses, respectively, two of the process type discussed above.
Table 3: Transitivity analysis of metaphors
ActorG o d
CarrierT h e y (h y p o c r is y , e v i l )
TokenG o d
Pro: material put
Pro: relational/attributive are
Goala s t r in g o f H is love.
Attribute th e trash .
Valueth e m ir ro r m a k er .
Through such metaphoric representations (as goal and attribute/value of material and relational processes, respectively) the speakers give substance, shape and texture to otherwise abstract concepts. The goal is something which one wants to achieve, so the metaphors operating at the position of goal make listeners understand that attaining the true spirit of religion is attainable. True and pure religious spirit is not something intangible and out of reach. Similarly the metaphors occupying the position of attribute/value also depict ideal religious values and attributes in terms of sensory objects.
04.02. Animalistic metaphorsAnother important metaphor category which has been systematically employed by all five scholars is representation of humans in general and Muslims in particular as
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animals. The scholars with an intention to reform non-practicing Muslims portray them as animals. This metaphoric theme is materialized by the use of animalistic metaphors of dog, snake and woodworm.
As stated earlier, non-practicing Muslims and those who seem to be negligent towards their religious duties have been equated with dogs in religious scholar’s speeches. The use of the word k u t ta (meaning do g ) is one of the most commonly used verbal abuses in Indo-Pakistan. So, in (A.l) below, the explicit metaphoric expression of ‘dog’ has been employed by the speaker to convey the degradation and worst state of a human being.
(Al) Aik kutta ... kabhi is ki wafa dekhi hai? Agr palto kutty ko koi roti daalny wa- la na ho to whi para mer jay ga magar ghar na chory ga..wafa is ka naam hai. mery nabi ne ansoo bhaey aur turn kehty ho k Allah bakhshey ga. Kia me kutty se bhi nechy chala jaon?(A dog ... H a v e y o u e v e r se e n th e f a i th f u ln e s s o f a d o g ? I f n o b o d y is th e re to
f e e d h im , h e w ill d ie , b u t w o n ’t q u i t h o m e [ .. .] th is is f a i th f u ln e s s . E v e n m y
P r o p h e t s h e d th e te a r s ( in th e f e a r o f A l la h ) , a n d y o u d o n ’t f e a r A l la h a n d th in k A lla h w o u ld f o r g i v e y o u . A m I in fe r io r e v e n to a d o g ? ) (E x tr a c te d f r o m a
sp e e ch d e liv e r e d b y M a w la n a T a r iq J a m c c l)(A2) Ghar me kutta ho kisi ka to jab malik bahir se ata hai to kutte ko bhi chutki
baja deta hai aur mera beta mujhy itni bhi hesiat nahi deta,(W h en a p e r s o n c o m e s h o m e , s /h e w h is t le s to c a ll h e r /h is d o g (a n d e n jo y s its
c o m p a n y ) . B u t m y so n d o e s n o t e v e n g iv e m e su ch im p o r ta n c e .) (E x tra c te d f r o m sp e e ch d e liv e r e d b y M a w la n a Y o u su f)
Here (A stands for animalistic metaphor) the extended animalistic metaphor ‘dog’ continues through many clauses. The main function of such a metaphoric representation is to make Muslims realize that they don’t follow the commandments of God as it should have been, and don’t make themselves faithful to Him. In (Al) the people who do not dread God have been declared inferior to dogs, and in (A2) the old parents who are not treated well by their children have been equated with dogs. The speaker believes that such cruel treatment of parents at the hands of their children is the outcome of negligence towards the fulfillment of the commandments of God.
The use of commonplace metaphor dog has a religio-sociocultural significance here and serves to create the common ground between the listeners and the speaker by appeal to a shared cultural frame (Woolard, 1989; Voss et al., 1992). As stated earlier, k u t ta meaning dog is a common verbal abuse in Indo-Pakistani culture and unlike Western cultural tradition; people in Pakistan do not like keeping dogs as pets. Because “traditionally, dogs have been seen as impure, and the Islamic legal tradition has developed several injunctions that warn Muslims against most contact with dogs” (Dogs in Islam: para l). It is believed that Prophet Muhammad once said: ‘The angels do not enter a house in which there is a dog” (cited in Al Munajjid, 2012).
The next important animalistic metaphor used favourably by the speakers is that of a sn a k e . The reason for repetitive and favourable use of s n a k e is that a snake is one of the animal mentioned explicitly in Quran and repeatedly in Hadiths. A snake is referred to in verse (31) of chapter (28) surat 1-qasas (The Stories):
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And [he was told], “Throw down your staff.” But when he saw it writhing as if it was a snake, he turned in flight and did not return. [Allah said], “O Moses, approach and fear not. Indeed, you are of the secure” (cited in Kais, 2011).
The popularity of metaphoric use of snakes in ontology of Islamic concepts is evident from the fact that “the word ‘snake’ appears 43 times in 24 Hadiths in Bukhari translation” (Khan, 2009). Like the Quranic verse quoted above, snake is mostly mentioned as something dreadful and fearsome creature in Hadiths. It could be observed in one of the Hadith cited below:
Narrated Abu Huraira: Allah’s Apostle said, “Whoever is made 15 wealthy by Allah and does not pay the Zakat of his wealth, then on the Day of Resurrection his wealth will be made like a bald-headed poisonous male snake with two black spots over the eyes. The snake will encircle his neck and bite his cheeks and say, ‘I am your wealth, I am your treasure” (cited in Khan, 2009).
The same negative connotation of the word snake could be sensed in the following extract (see 3 below) from Dr. Israr Ahmad’s speech. Like the Hadith quoted above, here in (A3), the snake’s biting represents torture and pain which humans are scared of. Through such representation, the speakers intend to produce the desired effect in the audience. In (A3) below, the snake is representing the enemies of Islam which are bound to bring harm to the Umma (the nation of Islam) through their biting secretively.
(A3) Asal dushman yahi hain , ye aasteen ka chuppa hua saanp hai jo andar se dasy ga..(These (hypocrites) are real enemies. These are snakes in sleeve who are going to bite from inside.) (Extracted from the speech delivered by Dr Israr Ahmad)
Another category of animalistic metaphors which has been identified in the selected data is the category of insects. Like other metaphoric categories; the sources of insect metaphors are also the Quran and the Hadiths. In (A4), as shown below, the fly has been used as an ontological metaphor to represent sin.
(A4) Kuch log asy hoty hain k gunha kar bethty hain to mehsoos karty hain jasy pahaar taly aa gae hain, aur kuch logo ko bary se bara gunha kar ke itna ahsas hota hai jasy naak pe makhi bethi hai jissy yoon kar ke ura dia.(There are certain people, when they commit sin, they feel as i f they have come under a heavy burden. And there are some others who commit huge crimes, but feel as if only a fly is sitting on their noses which they can fly away easily.) (Extracted from the speech delivered by Dr Israr Ahmad)
Here in (A4), the fly is being considered an insignificant and powerless creature which could bring no harm to anybody. According to the speaker, the habitual sinners who are devoid of the true spirit of Islam are not scared of God and of committing huge sins. They do not understand the gravity of their sins and take them lightly. Their act of taking their sins lightly has been compared with moving away a fly. The following verses from Quran echo the same theme;
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O men! Here is a parable set forth! listen to it! Those on whom, besides Allah, ye call, cannot create (even) a fly, if they all met together for the purpose! and if the fly should snatch away anything from them, they would have no power to release it from the fly. Feeble are those who petition and those whom they petition! (Chapter 22: verse, 73)
It confirms that the sources of most of the metaphoric expressions employed by religious scholars are the Quran and the Hadith. The speakers, in order to make their audience imbibe certain ideologies, use favourable rhetoric. This sort of rhetoric which has been imported directly from religious scripture and Hadiths is sure to make the desired effect.
04.03. Metaphors of disease/sicknessThe metaphoric theme of disease and sickness has been employed by all five speakers mostly through lexical means. The lexical expressions like p r e s h a n (restlessness), z a k h a m (wound), r o g (disease), TB (tuberculosis), b im a r i (sickness) and b a c te r ia in the following extracts (see DSl, DS2, DS3, DS4, DS5 and DS6 below: Here DS ( m e ta p h o r s o f d is e a s e a n d s ic k n e s s) stand for weakness of faith and lack of devoutness towards religion. These lexical expressions convey spiritual sickness of Muslim believers which according to speakers could not be cured until patients (nonpracticing Muslims or Muslims who follow religious obligations casually) resort to the medicine of remembrance of God and carrying out religious commandments seriously.
(DSl) Jab tak insan ki Allah tak rasaai na ho wo preshan rahey ga Is ki misaal asi hai k dard is k, zakhem is ke seedhy ghutny per hai aur wo dawa laga raha hai ulti taraf k ghutny per [...] to araam is ley nahi ata k jahan dard hai , zakhem hai wha wo dawa nahi laga raha [...] insan ki beqrari ki asl roh hai jism nahi.(U n ti l a p e r s o n f i n d s G od , h e re m a in s r e s t le s s (m e a n in g sick ). H is c o n d itio n
c o u ld b e c o m p a r e d to a p e r so n w h o se r ig h t k n e e is in ju red , a n d h e a p p l ie s
m e d ic in e on le f t k n e e . So h e c a n n o t g e t c o m fo r t, b e c a u se h e d o e s n o t a p p ly th e m e d ic in e on th e in ju r y . The re a l c a u se o f h u m a n re s t le s s n e s s is th e sou l, n o t th e b o d y .) (E x tr a c te d f r o m th e sp e e c h d e liv e r e d b y M a w la n a T a riq J a m c c l)
(DS2) In ke dilon me rog hai Allah ne is rog ko barha dia hai They are sick at hearts.(G o d h a s in c re a se d th is s ic k n e ss .) (E x tra c te d f r o m th e sp e e ch d e l iv e r e d b y
D r I s ra r A h m a d )(DS3) Apny andar dekhen kitni bemarian nazar ati hain
(L o o k in to y o u rs e lf . Y ou w il l see m a n y d is e a s e s .) (E x tra c te d f r o m th e sp e e ch
d e liv e r e d b y M a w la n a H a sh m i)(DS4) Parwerdigar ne is marz ko samny rakhty huy farmaya...mery bando
tumhay aik bimari lag gai hai wo ye k turn dunya ka ban kar dunya ka sochty ho(A b o u t th is d is e a s e G o d sa id , “M y p e o p le , y o u h a v e g o t a d ise a se . Y ou th in k
m a te r ia l is t ic a l ly a b o u t th e w o r ld ”.) (E x tra c te d f r o m th e sp e e ch d e liv e r e d b y
Metaphors with think with 57
Mawlana Yousuf)(DS5) Nifaaq ki pehli stage jhoot, dosri stage qasmen khana, tesri aur final stage jo
bhi islaami tehreek ka qaid hai us se dosmani ho jana. Ye jhoot jab sharoo hua to TB ki pehli stage aa gae. TB ka marz dosri stage me dakil ho gia, unho ne qasmon ka Sahara lia. 3rd stage pe any ke baad marz lailaj ho jata hai(The first stage of hypocrisy is telling lies, second stage taking oaths, third and final stage is feeling enmity to the leader o f the Islamic movement. When people start telling lies, they develop first stage of TB meaning their spiritual sickness. Then the disease o f TB reaches its second stage. In this stage, hypocrites take support o f (false) oaths. On reaching the third stage, the disease becomes incurable.) (Extracted from the speech delivered by Dr Israr Ahmad)
(DS6) Zikr nifaaq ko qareeb nahi any deta..jism ka defai nizam kamzor ho jata hai tab bacteria hamla awar ho sakty hain.. zikr preventive hai (Remembrance of God does not let hypocrisy come near. When the defensive system o f the body weakens, bacteria attack. The remembrance of God is preventive.) (Extracted from the speech delivered by Dr Israr Ahmad)
The function of such representation is to declare weakness of faith as a sickness. When the immune system of the body becomes weak, the need for some cure is inevitable. Similarly, when the religious spirit of a human turns weak, this needs to be cured through following and understanding religious injunctions.
The metaphoric clusters in (DS5) and (DS6) portray the spiritual diseases as active agents through a series of metaphors. According to the speaker, the spiritual disease like hypocrisy could bring about serious harm to a Muslim’s spiritual growth. In (DS5) above, ‘stages’ imply the gradual decadence of the Muslims’ spirit, TB stands for moral degradation, marz meaning disease implies weakness of religious faith and ilaj meaning cure stands for resorting to religious practices. Similarly, metaphors cluster in (DS6) relies on a similar set of metaphors to convey the same idea of the harmful effect of the evil of hypocrisy on the Muslims' spiritual and moral growth. In (DS6), the cure to such spiritual ailment has been discussed which lies in Zikr or remembrance of God. The instances quoted above also establish that the spiritual diseases mentioned by the speakers are quite active. Their activity has been portrayed through the use of material clauses like TB ka marz dosri stage me dakil ho gia (see DS 5) and bacteria hamla awar ho sakty hain (see DS 6). As their activity is potent, the cure required for their treatment should also be potent which, as stated earlier (see DS 6), lies in Zikr according to Dr. Israr Ahmad.
04.04. Humanized Metaphoric ExpressionsAnother domain of metaphors identified in this study is that of humanized metaphoric expressions. Like other categories of conceptual metaphors identified in this study, humanized metaphoric expressions also are central to thought and language. Here, humanized metaphoric expressions are being taken as a reservoir of linguistic strategies which metaphorically employ humans’ social experiences, professions, attributes and states of being, etc., to shape the way people think and act. The metaphors underlined in the following extracts fall under this category:
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(Hi) Allah ne farmaya ye hamara qedi hai .qedi to saza hoti hai, farmaya ye ha- mari rahmat ki qed me hai.(G o d s a id th a t o ld p e o p le a r e m y p r is o n e r s . A p r i s o n is a p u n is h m e n t . B u t
G o d s a id th a t th e y a r e in p r is o n o f m y m e r c y .) ( E x tr a c te d f r o m th e sp e e c h
d e l iv e r e d b y M a w la n a Y o u s u f )(H2) Is ley dil ko saary aaza ka badshah bana dia, saary aaza is ka lashkar
hain,agar badshah samvar jaey to foj sanwar jati hai...imaan sanwar jaey to sab sanwar jata hai(T h a t is w h y h e a r t h a s b e en m a d e th e k i n s o f a ll b o d y p a r t s . T h e r e s t o f th e
b o d y o rg a n s a re i t s a r m y . I f th e k in g is r ig h te o u s , th e w h o le a r m y g e t s r ig h t. I f b e l i e f is r ig h t, e v e r y th in g b e c o m e s r ig h t. (E x tr a c te d f r o m th e sp e e c h d e l i v e r e d b y D r . I s ra r A m a d )
(H3) Log is ley yahan aty hain k kuch tareef ho jay aur is taraf dhian nahi dety k kaha kia ja raha hai. Ye is tarha hai k koi ban hi khobsorat awaz k sath keh raha ho k aag lagi ha, aag lagi ha, sunny waly kahen k awaz to both piyari hai, kobsorat hai.(P eo p le c o m e h e re in o r d e r to b e p r a is e d . T h e y d o n o t p a y a t te n t io n to w h a t
is b e in g sa id . I t is a s i f so m e o n e w e re w a r n in g p e o p le f r o m f i r e in a b e a u t i fu l v o ic e a n d th e l is te n e r s j u s t o b s e r v e th e b e a u ty o f th e v o ic e a n d a p p r e c ia te
i t a n d n e g le c t th e w a r n in g i ts e l f .) (E x tra c te d f r o m th e sp e e c h d e l i v e r e d b y M a w la n a H a sm i)
(H4) Allah ne dil ko behtareen judge banya hai k saaf pta chal jata hai(A lla h h a s m a d e th e h e a r t th e b e s t ju d g e . E v e r y th in g b e c o m e s c le a r , w h e th e r r ig h t o r w ro n g .) (E x tr a c te d f r o m th e sp e e ch d e liv e r e d b y M a w la n a H a s h m i)
(H5) Tumhe Allah ne bnaya hai....Us ne banaty huy jesy aik engineer motor ba-nata hai to is me diesel engine rakhta hai, is me petrol dalo to khatam aur petrol engine rakhta hai to is me diesel dalo to khatam.(A lla h h a s m a d e y o u [ .. .] l ik e a n e n g in e e r w h o m a k e s a m o to r a n d p u t s a d ie s e l e n g in e in it. I f y o u f i l l p e tr o l in th is d ie s e l e n g in e , i t w i l l b r e a k d o w n . A n d i f th a t e n g in e e r p u t s a p e tr o l e n g in e in th is m o to r a n d y o u f i l l d ie s e l in it, i t w ill b r e a k d o w n , to o .) (E x tra c te d f r o m th e sp e e c h d e liv e r e d b y M a w la n a
T a r iq J a m c c l)
Humanized metaphoric expressions underlined in H.l, H2, H3, H4 and H5 attempt to link two conceptual domains, i.e. the ‘source’ domain and the ‘target’ domain and inculcate certain ideologies in the minds of the masses. The source domain identified in the above extracts range from attributes (beautiful voice in H2) to certain concrete entities (prisoner, king, judge and engineer in Hi, H3, H4 and H5 respectively). The ‘target’ domain tends to be abstract and makes listeners develop certain concepts and undergo certain experiences virtually. Through the use of the metaphors underlined above, the speakers make listeners or speakers construe all the experiences associated with them. The maps drawn below (see fig. 1) show the part of visual ontology for two of the humanized metaphoric expressions extracted out of the selected data. Fig 1 shows some of the concepts semantically associated with the metaphors of ‘p r i s o n e r ’
and ‘k i n g ’. Both of these words have both negative and positive connotations but the overall discourse of the speeches highlight positive side of these concepts. Thus,
Metaphors with think with 59
'prisoner’ here conveys the closeness of the confined (i.e. devout Muslim) and the confiner (i.e. God). Here God wants to keep the prisoner confined in the four walls of His mercy and love all the time. Similarly, the metaphor of ‘king’ stands for a just ruler who always makes right decisions.
Fig. 1: Concept maps for “prisoner” and “king”
guard ^ ^ crimeleader
loneliness Prisoner * holdpower
punishment / j r V reflectionruleY
war / ' solitude
Similarly, the concept maps for the rest of the underlined metaphors (i.e. judge, beautiful voice or singer and engineer) could also be drawn. Like metaphors of prison ' and ‘king’ discussed above the overall speech discourses of the analyzed speeches seem to foreground positive connotations of these concepts. Through such portrayal, the speakers intend to highlight positive qualities of a good Muslim. The speakers implicitly exhort audience to insculpt themselves in the Islamic mould. In this way the ideology that Islam is the best religion which always creates positive attributes in a human being is invested quite successfully and appropriately in the audience.
05. Discussion and ConclusionThe categorization and strategic employment of metaphoric representation identified in this study establishes the fact that the use of metaphor-laden language is a common practice in Pakistan. The incorporation of societal metaphors in everyday speech keeps happening without even being noticed by the language users. The term ‘societal metaphor’ here stands for the images which assume a particular meaning to a certain speech community. Other speech communities or sociocultural contexts might not associate the same sense with that particular metaphor, for example, the use of ‘dog’ as a verbal abuse to connote filth and worthlessness in the Indo-Pakistani context. Lakoff and Johnson’s (2003) work could be studied in this connection that makes an attempt to show how everyday language is filled with metaphors which interlocutors may not always notice. The reason for the popularity of metaphors is that metaphoric representation “fulfills the basic need of the people to make sense of events in the world, which gives them an illusion of being able to influence the world” (Trckova, 2012: 148).
The four metaphoric strands discussed above build upon one another and bring to a clear view the way abstract religious ideologies are disseminated and popularized with the help of substantial and concrete metaphoric representation. Such metaphoric representation employed by religious scholars is a conceptual instrument which makes Muslim men and women accept certain worldviews. Ana (1999) points out the same when she contends that “metaphors are conceptual instruments that
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embody otherwise amorphous or remote concepts in ways that the public can readily understand” (p. 195). All four strands of metaphoric representations identified in this research serve to create certain identities and ideologies in the audience discursively. The ideologies in this case have been Islamic which are considered to be absolute and unquestionable by the followers of the religion of Islam. The purpose of such ideology inculcation is to mould Pakistani Muslims’ faith into a certain shape which would serve the vested interests of the powerful or ruling group of the country. As it has been stated at the very outset that Pakistan was created in the name of Islam and Muslims of the Indian sub-continent were made believe that the partition of India and the creation of a new Islamic state Pakistan was in their best interest. Thus, to keep masses under perpetual control, religious rhetoric had to be disseminated. And there is no better platform for hegemonization and naturalization of such ideologies than these religious gatherings. The analysis of speeches in this study reveals that one of the most effective linguistic strategies employed by religious speakers in these gatherings is metaphors. Metaphors paint the picture of otherwise farfetched and inaccessible religious concepts thus making them tangible and observable to the listeners. Radman (1997) points out that metaphor “represents a cognitive shift from initial puzzlement to an articulated pattern” (p.197).
Despite the limited data in the present research, several conclusions can be drawn regarding the metaphoric representation of religious doctrines in Pakistani religious scholars’ speeches. It seems that, in light of the range and sources of metaphoric devices employed by the speakers, religious scholars become quite dominating in their discourses because of their powerful position of having command over religious knowledge. The said religious scholars at times verge on making their listeners draw a certain mental model. They make an attempt to legitimize their particular worldview and to find subtle ways to influence the sentiments of their listeners. In this context they use popular religious rhetoric borrowing from sacred sources like Quran and Hadiths. They prefer to use popular images instead of unique ones in order to propagate certain ideologies and worldviews. Through such discoursal manipulation, they render their general listener moved and the said listeners who are already a product of discursive practices of their socio-cultural set up become quite influenced at times and do not hesitate inflicting physical harm to the followers of somewhat different versions of faith.
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