Acculturation and Wellness of Native American Adolescents in the United States of North

America

Michael Tlanusta Garrett

Edil Torres Rivera

Andrea L. Dixon

Jane E. Myers

Abstract

Cultural conflicts and the process of acculturation contribute to feelings of boredom, anxiety, depression, isolation, stress, self-doubt, alienation, and rejection among Native American high school students.

Further, acculturation may have a negative impact on the identity development and wellness of these

students. The purpose of this pilot study was to: (a) assess and compare the levels of acculturation of Native American and non-Native American 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students; and (b) examine the

relationship between level of acculturation and wellness for the Native American students. Results

indicated significant differences between Native American and non-Native American students’ levels of

acculturation; and significant differences between the Native students’ three levels of acculturation on some of the 17 scales of wellness.

Resumen

Conflictos culturales y el proceso de aculturación contribuyen a sentimientos de aburrimiento, ansiedad,

depresión, aislamiento, presión, desconfianza, alienación, y del rechazo entre estudiantes de escuela superior que son indios americanos. Aún más, la aculturación puede tener un impacto negativo en el

desarrollo de identidad y bienestar de estos estudiantes. El propósito de este estudio piloto fue: (a) evaluar

y comparar los niveles de aculturación de estudiantes que eran indios americanos y no-indio americano en los grados académicos del noveno, décimo, décimo primero y de duodécimos; y (B) examinar la relación

entre nivel de aculturación y bienestar de los estudiantes indio americanos. Los resultados indicaron

diferencias significativas entre estudiantes indio americanos y estudiantes no-indio americano en los niveles de aculturación; y diferencias significativas entre los estudiantes indio americanos en tres niveles

de aculturación en la parte de las 17 escalas del bienestar.

Key Worlds: Acculturation, Wellness, Native Americans

Palabras Claves: Aculturación, Bienestar, Indio Americano

University of Florida

University of North Carolina at Greensboro

Research regarding the formal education of Native American students suggests that the

traditional value orientation of these students remains in constant conflict with the value

orientation upon which United States’ school systems function (Charleston, 1994; Garcia &

Ahler, 1992; Little Soldier, 1992; Marsiglia, Cross, & Mitchell, 1998; Shutiva, 2001; Simmons

& Barrineau, 1994). Thus, these students often experience poor academic achievement, poor

self-concept, low self-esteem, and higher rates of educational attrition (Brandt, 1992; Colodarci,

1983; Deyhle, 1992; Hornett, 1990; Marsiglia et al, 1998; Mitchum, 1989; Radda, Iwamoto, &

Patrick, 1998; Swisher, Hoisch, & Pavel, 1991). Native American students have drop-out rates

twice the national average—the highest rate of any U.S. ethnic or racial group (Capriccioso,

2005; Radda, Iwamoto, & Patrick, 1998). Also, boredom in school and difficulty with teacher

and peer relationships are among a few of the reasons for Native American high school students

dropping out before graduation (Brandt, 1992; Capriccioso, 2005; Colodarci, 1983; Deyhle,

1992). These statistics suggest that both the quality of relational interactions in schools, and the

content and presentation of curricula, play important roles in the degree of cultural conflict

experienced by Native American high school students.

Cultural conflict or discontinuity can be better understood in terms of the cultural

discontinuity characterized by incompatible value orientations (Charleston, 1994; Garrett, 1995;

Little Soldier, 1985; Sanders, 1987; Sue & Sue, 2003; Whitbeck, Hoyt, Stubben, &

LaFromboise, 2001; Yamauchi, & Tharp, 1995). For Native American students, the discontinuity

among cultural values seems to have its greatest impact around the fourth grade, at which point

academic performance has a tendency to steadily decline, eventually leading to academic failure

and the dropout of numerous students during the high school years (Cummins, 1992; Deyhle,

1991; Hornett, 1990; McLaughlin, 1994; Sanders, 1987; Swisher et al., 1991). The goals,

purpose, value and behavioral expectations, and sequence of learning processes in a traditional

Native American approach to education and socialization are differ vastly from and are in direct

conflict with the mainstream U.S. educational approach (Charleston, 1994; Garcia & Ahler,

1992; Marsiglia et al, 1998; Okagaki, 2001; Shutiva, 2001). The additional stress associated with

achieving a meaningful sense of personal/cultural identity during the adolescent years presents

many Native American students with the constant challenge of reconciling cultural differences in

personal values and educational expectations (Garcia & Ahler; Little Soldier, 1985; Sanders,

1987; Yamauchi, & Tharp, 1995). Therefore, the period leading up to and during grades 9-11 is

critical because the majority of Native American students drop out of school around the tenth

grade (Colodarci, 1983; National Center for Education Statistics, 2004; Swisher et al., 1991)

when Native adolescents’ traditional choices and values are tested.

Studies have shown that despite the between- and within-group diversity that exists

among Native American tribes, there is a common core of traditional values that characterize

Native American traditional culture across tribal groups and geographic regions (DuBray, 1985;

Heinrich, Corbine, & Thomas, 1990; Herring, 1992; Sue & Sue, 2003; Thomason, 1991). In

general, Native American traditional values (Table 1) consist of the importance placed upon

community contribution, sharing, cooperation, being, noninterference, community and extended

family, harmony with nature, a time orientation toward living in the present, preference for

explanation of natural phenomena according to the spiritual, and a deep respect for elders

(Charleston, 1994; DuBray, 1985; Garrett & Garrett, 1994; Garrett, 1995, 1996; Good Tracks,

1973; Heinrich et al., 1990; Herring, 1994; Little Soldier, 1992; Locust, 1988; Marsiglia et al,

1998; Sanders, 1987; Thomason, 1991; Trimble & Jumper-Thurman, 2002). Comparative value

studies revealed that Native American traditional values differ from American mainstream

values (illustrated in Table 1) which consist of importance placed on self-promotion, saving,

domination, doing, competition and aggression, individualism and the nuclear family, mastery

over nature, a time orientation toward living for the future, a preference for scientific

explanations of everything, as well as clock-watching, winning as much as possible, and

reverence of youth (Charleston, 1994; DuBray, 1985; Garcia & Ahler, 1992; Garrett, 1995; Little

Soldier, 1992; Sanders, 1987; Sue & Sue, 2003).

The conflict in cultural values between traditional Native American values and

mainstream American values represent the varying degrees of acculturation experienced by

Native Americans (Garrett & Garrett, 1994; Heinrich et al., 1990). Not all Native Americans

experience the same level of acculturation, as evidenced by levels of acculturation which include

traditional, marginal, bicultural, and assimilated (Garrett & Pichette, 2000). Although the values

of Native American culture and mainstream American culture differ, the result of those

differences may be mediated by level of acculturation. The combined effect of cultural value

differences and level of acculturation is reflected in the personal and social functioning of Native

Americans (Garrett & Pichette, 2000). Indeed, researchers have reported the enormous personal

difficulties many Native American students experience due to the process of acculturation (see

Figure 1), often characterized by cultural conflicts between their home and school environments

(D'Andrea, 1994; Little Soldier, 1985; Whitbeck et al., 2001).

Table 1

Comparison of Cultural Values and Expectations (adapted from Sanders, 1987)

Traditional Native American Contemporary Mainstream

American

• Harmony with nature • Power over nature

• Cooperation • Competition

• Group needs more important than individual needs • Personal goals important

• Privacy and noninterference; control self, not others • Need to control and affect others

• Self-discipline both in body and mind • Self-expression, self-disclosure

• Participation after observation (when certain of ability) • Trial and error learning, new skills

practiced until mastered

• Explanation according to nature • Scientific explanation for

everything

• Reliance on extended family • Reliance on experts

• Emotional relationships valued • Concerned mostly with facts

• Patience encouraged (allow others to go first) • Aggressive and competitive

• Humility • Fame and recognition

• Win once, let others win also • Win first prize all of the time

• Follow the old ways • Climb the ladder of success; importance of progress and change

• Discipline distributed among many; no one person • Blame one person at cost to others

takes blame

• Physical punishment rare • Physical punishment accepted

• Present-time focus • Future-time focus

• Time is always with us • Clock-watching

• Present goals considered important; future accepted • Plan for future and how to get

ahead as it comes

• Encourage sharing freely and keeping only enough • Private property; encourage

acquisition of to satisfy present needs material comfort and

saving for the future • Speak softly, at a slower rate • Speak louder and faster

• Avoid speaker or listener • Address listener directly (by name)

• Interject less • Interrupt frequently

• Use less "encouraging signs"; (uh-huh, head nods) • Use verbal encouragement

• Delayed response to auditory messages • Use immediate response

• Nonverbal communication • Verbal skills highly prized

The cultural discontinuity hypothesis offered by many authors as an explanation for the

high rates of school dropout and adjustment problems of Native American students, assumes that

"culturally based differences in the communication styles of the minority students' home and the

Anglo culture of the school lead to conflicts, misunderstandings, and ultimately, failure for those

students" (Ledlow, 1992, p. 23). According to Sanders (1987), the incompatibility of the

traditional Native American value system with that of the mainstream American educational

system is a source of great difficulty experienced by many Native American students, and may

directly affect their wellness. Little Soldier (1985) reported that the formal education of the

public school system requires the adoption of unfamiliar ways of acting and thinking by Native

American children, while rejecting, minimizing, and even ridiculing the Native American

traditional education and learning style that shows children how to live in the "Indian way."

Many Native American students experience feelings of boredom, anxiety, depression, isolation,

stress, self-doubt, and "being unwanted" (Barney, 2001; Brandt, 1992; Charleston, 1994; Clarke,

2001; D'Andrea, 1994; Deyhle, 1992; Little Soldier, 1992; McCarty, Wallace, Lynch, & Benally,

1991). These feelings represent a disruption in the mental, physical, and spiritual wellness of

Native American students through the possible impact of cultural value differences and the

process of acculturation on their personal, social, and environmental spheres of functioning

(Sanders, 1987).

The Wellness Experience of Native Americans

One of the primary goals of counselors is to facilitate optimum human development and

functioning (American Counseling Association, 2005). For Native Americans, this goal is

affected by cultural discontinuity in values and expectations, differentially experienced by the

individual Native American as a function of his or her level of acculturation. To positively

impact the mental health of Native Americans, a focus on wellness is desirable because of its

emphasis on a holistic approach (Constantine & Sue, 2006). This emphasis is consistent with

traditional Native American values and beliefs concerning health and wellness which focus on

the harmony and balance between all aspects of the individual and his or her social and

environmental surroundings (Garrett & Garrett, 1996; Locust, 1988; McCarthy & Benall, 2003).

A wellness approach incorporates concern for the individual in context, illustrated by

Myers, Sweeney, and Witmer's (2000) emphasis on the five life tasks of spirituality (oneness,

purposiveness, optimism, and values); self-direction (sense of worth, sense of control, realistic

beliefs, spontaneous and emotional responsiveness, intellectual stimulation, problem-solving,

and creativity, sense of humor, physical fitness and nutrition, self-care, gender identity, and

cultural identity); work and leisure; love (trust, caring, and companionship); and friendship

(sense of connection with the human community). Many of these components (e.g., sense of

identity and purpose through belonging, mastery, independence, and generosity) not only parallel

a traditional Native American emphasis on wellness, but have also been identified in the

literature as being critical to the healthy functioning of Native Americans (Brendtro, Brokenleg,

& Van Bockern, 1990; Garrett & Garrett, 1994; Garrett, 1995; LaFromboise & Rowe, 1983;

LaFromboise, Trimble, & Mohatt, 1990; Locust, 1988).

Due to the paucity of research and literature focusing on Native American high school

students’ experiences of acculturation and wellness, the purpose of this pilot study was to: (a)

assess and compare the levels of acculturation of Native American and non-Native American

9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students, using the Native American Acculturation Scale (Author,

2000); and (b) examine the possible relationships between levels of acculturation and wellness

for Native American 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students.

Method

Participants

Today there exist many definitions of the term "Native American." The U.S. Bureau of

Indian Affairs (1988) legally defines a "Native American" as a person who is an enrolled or

registered member of a tribe or whose blood quantum is one-fourth or more, genealogically

derived from Native American ancestry. The U.S. Bureau of the Census [USBC] (2001),

meanwhile, relies on individuals’ self-identification to determine who Native Americans are.

Oswalt (1988) points out, however, that "if a person is considered an Indian by other individuals

in the community, he or she is legally an Indian . . . [in other words], if an individual is on the

roll of a federally recognized Indian group, then he or she is an Indian; the degree of Indian

blood is of no real consequence, although usually he or she has at least some Indian blood" (p.

5). Within this article, the term Native American refers to any individual who self-identifies as

Native American and maintains cultural identification as a Native American through

membership in a Native American tribe recognized by the state or Federal government or

through other tribal affiliation and community recognition.

Specifically, participants in this pilot study consisted of Native American and non-Native

American 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students from two rural areas of North Carolina

(Graham and Swain Counties). These two areas were chosen because of their fairly even

representation of Euro American and Native American students in the public schools (Neely,

1991), and the final participants were considered to be a sample of convenience. These particular

geographic locations potentially included Native American students who varied across the

acculturation continuum from very traditional to assimilated, (Neely, 1991). The choice of 9th,

10th, 11th, and 12th grade was intended to include students both younger and older than the

mandatory school attendance age of 16 (NCES, 2004), while also examining an age range

considered to a period of identity development during adolescence and early adulthood in which

an individual's personal values are established.

The resulting total sample of 142 participants consisted of 16 classrooms of Native

American and non-Native American 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students. There were 121

students (85.2%) who identified as white or Euro American, 1 African-American student

(0.01%), 1 Latino student (0.01%), and 19 Native American students (13.4%) in the sample;

three cases included incomplete demographic data. The following tribes were represented by the

Native American students in the sample: Cherokee Nation, Eastern Band of Cherokee, Lumi,

Mewoke, Mydue, Seminole, and Lakota (Sioux).

Instrumentation

Native American Acculturation Scale. The authors used the Native American

Acculturation Scale (NAAS; Author & Pichette, 2000), the primary author’s adapted version of

the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican-Americans and the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity

Acculturation Scale (Atkinson, Lowe, & Matthews, 1995; Cuellar, Harris, & Jasso, 1980; Suinn,

Ahuna, & Khoo, 1992), to investigate the levels of acculturation of Native American high school

students. Recognizing the multidimensionality of acculturation and taking into account the issue

of bicultural development, these instruments were created as an assessment of cognitive,

behavioral, and attitudinal areas (Atkinson et al., 1995; Cuellar et al., 1980; Suinn et al., 1992).

The NAAS was an adaptation created by rewording items on the Acculturation Rating Scale for

Mexican-Americans and the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale in order to

reflect appropriate references to Native American culture. The purpose of this instrument is to

assess an individual's level of acculturation along a continuum ranging from “traditional Native

American” to “assimilated mainstream American.”

The NAAS can be administered individually or in groups, and has a 9th grade reading

level. The instrument consists of 20 multiple choice questions covering language (5 items),

identity (2 items), friendships (3 items), behaviors (4 items), generational/geographic

background (5 items), and attitudes (1 item). Scores range from a low of 1 = low acculturation

(or high Native American identity) to a high of 5 = high acculturation (or high mainstream

American identity), with a score of 3.08 indicating "bicultural" (Suinn et al., 1992). The alpha

coefficient for the NAAS in this study was 0.91, based on the sample size of 142.

Wellness Evaluation of Lifestyle. Integrating research and theoretical concepts from a

variety of disciplines including anthropology, education, medicine, psychology, religion, and

sociology, Witmer and Sweeney (1992) proposed a holistic model of wellness which considers

the healthy functioning of the individual in the context of family, religion, education,

business/industry, media, government, and community. According to this model of wellness, the

five major life-tasks are spirituality; self-regulation (sense of worth, sense of control; realistic

beliefs; emotional responsiveness and management; intellectual stimulation, problem-solving,

and creativity; sense of humor; nutrition; exercise; self-care; stress-management; gender identity;

and cultural identity); work, recreation, and leisure; love; and friendship. Based on this model,

the Wellness Evaluation of Lifestyle (WEL; Myers, Witmer, & Sweeney, 1995) assesses an

individual on each of the five life tasks (17 total subscales).

A special version of the WEL, the WEL-G, which has a 7th grade reading level, was used

in this study (Myers et al., 1995). The WEL-G has 95 total items, on which participants rate each

statement according to a five-point Likert scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree.

The alpha coefficients representing the reliability of the WEL-G in this study based on a sample

size of 142 ranged from 0.50 to 0.81. These reliabilities were fairly consistent with reports in the

literature of alpha coefficients, with adults, ranging from .58 to .89 for the scales.

Procedures

This pilot study involved a descriptive research design examining Native American and

non-Native American 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students from rural areas of North Carolina.

After receiving permission from school superintendents, principals of participating schools, and

students’ parents/guardians, appointments were scheduled with the coordinating school

counselors in order to explain the procedures and distribute the questionnaires. Each of the

schools preferred we enter into intact classrooms versus identifying Native American students

and pulling them out of class. A written set of instructions for the administration of the

instruments were given to the schools’ coordinating school counselors. The coordinating school

counselors and teachers of participating classrooms supervised the completion of the NAAS and

the WEL-G by each of the students. A Demographic Information Form was completed by all

students indicating: the name of their school, date of administration, their initials and date of

birth (for coding purposes), age, gender, grade level, primary ethnic designation, tribal

affiliation, family background, and current living situation.

Data Analysis

Once the data were collected and scored, we calculated factor models and estimates of

reliability for each scale on the NAAS and the WEL-G. In addition, we implemented

multivariate analyses of variance (MANOVAs) to test the hypotheses. The dependent variables

were participant scores on the NAAS and on the WEL-G and the independent variables were

cultural/ethnic background (Native American and non-Native American) and grade level (9th,

10th, 11th, and 12th). A series of MANOVAs were performed on each of the dependent

variables to examine the comparison of levels of acculturation by ethnicity and grade level; and

the effect of level of acculturation on wellness. Univariate analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were

utilized to examine group differences on individual scales. An alpha confidence level of .05 was

used for acceptance of research hypotheses.

Results

In order to examine the first hypothesis that there would be significant differences in the

levels of acculturation between Native American and non-Native American 9th, 10th, 11th, and

12th grade students as measured by the NAAS, MANOVA analyses were conducted. The results

of the MANOVA on acculturation by ethnicity and grade level are presented in Table 2. As

illustrated, there was a statistically significant difference between Native Americans and non-

Native American students on acculturation, as measured by the NAAS. On average, Native

American students scored lower on acculturation than non-Native American students, but still

scored above the 3.08 cut-off point, indicating that the Native American students were somewhat

culturally identified with a mainstream American identity (see means in Table 3). Therefore,

hypothesis one was supported: there were significant differences in the levels of acculturation

between Native American and non-Native American 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students.

However, no significant differences were revealed between Native American and non-Native

American students on acculturation given differences in grade level.

Table 2

MANOVA Results for Acculturation Scale by Ethnicity and Grade Level

Factor df ΔF p

Ethnicity 1 142 11.84 .001

Grade Level 3 142 1.41 .242

Ethnicity by

Grade Level 3 142 0.41 .745

*p < .05

Interestingly, the Native American students’ acculturation mean scores designated them

as primarily bicultural, with neither a completely traditional Native American cultural identity,

nor a completely assimilated mainstream American identity (see Table 3). Meanwhile, the

acculturation mean scores of the non-Native American students designated them as mostly

assimilated. Both of these findings were consistent with the current literature, which indicates a

movement of many Native American youth away from traditional values, beliefs, and practices

due to the effects of acculturation in the school environment (Cummins, 1992; Garcia & Ahler,

1992; Hornett, 1990; Ledlow, 1992; Mitchum, 1989; Sanders; 1987).

Table 3

Means and Standard Deviations of Participants' Scores on the Native American Acculturation

Scale by Ethnicity and Grade Level

Ethnicity/Grade Level M SD N

Non-Native American 4.29 0.50 123

9th 4.20 0.47 38

10th 4.21 0.61 22

11th 4.41 0.32 40

12th 4.41 0.54 21

Native American 3.22 0.62 19

9th 3.23 0.50 5

10th 3.10 0.00 1

11th 3.16 0.68 12

12th 4.05 0.00 1

In order to examine the second hypothesis that there would be significant differences in

the 17 subscales of wellness by level of acculturation (Traditional, Bicultural, Assimilated)

between 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students, as measured by the NAAS and the WEL-G, we

conducted a series of MANOVA analyses. The sample (142 participants) was divided into the

lower quartile (23.9%, Traditional), middle two quartiles (50.0%, Bicultural), and upper quartile

(25.4%, Assimilated), according to scores on the NAAS. The means and standard deviations for

each of the three groups are presented in Table 4. A MANOVA was performed on the scales of

wellness by level of acculturation, indicating significant differences between the three

acculturation groups, Wilks’ Lambda F (2, 142) = 1.67, p < .05. Therefore, the second

hypothesis was supported. Follow-up univariate ANOVAs on the individual wellness scales,

illustrated in Table 5, indicated that there were significant differences between the three

acculturation groups on Sense of Worth and Control, with Assimilated students scoring higher on

Self-Worth, and Bicultural students scoring higher on Control.

Table 4

Means and Standard Deviations of Participants' Scores on the Wellness Evaluation of Lifestyle

by Level of Acculturation

Wellness Traditional Bicultural Assimilated

Scale (n = 34) (n = 71) (n = 36)

Spirituality

M 3.80 3.88 3.78

SD 0.64 0.65 0.67

Sense of Worth

M 3.54 3.93 3.98

SD 1.07 0.60 0.63

Control

M 3.43 3.87 3.80

SD 0.75 0.64 0.58

Realistic Beliefs

M 3.43 3.55 3.40

SD 0.71 0.66 0.59

Emotional

Responsiveness

M 3.72 3.80 3.65

SD 0.70 0.65 0.58

Intellectual

Stimulation

M 3.61 3.71 3.81

SD 0.78 0.66 0.71

Sense of Humor

M 3.74 3.97 3.97

SD 0.83 0.59 0.61

Nutrition

M 3.08 3.54 3.42

SD 0.98 0.76 0.84

Exercise

M 3.68 4.02 3.92

SD 0.71 0.78 0.88

Table 4 (continued)

Wellness Traditional Bicultural Assimilated

Scale (n = 34) (n = 71) (n = 36)

Self-Care

M 3.56 3.80 3.85

SD 0.93 0.79 0.79

Stress Management

M 3.49 3.54 3.57

SD 0.87 0.68 0.49

Gender Identity

M 4.12 4.09 3.90

SD 0.76 0.64 0.76

Cultural Identity

M 3.97 3.93 3.62

SD 0.74 0.63 0.69

Work, Rec., & Leisure

M 3.42 3.50 3.38

SD 0.79 0.73 0.54

Friendship

M 3.81 3.98 3.90

SD 0.66 0.63 0.53

Love

M 3.73 3.85 3.89

SD 0.69 0.67 0.49

Perceived Wellness

M 3.93 4.04 4.02

SD 0.92 0.65 0.6

Table 5

Univariate ANOVA on Wellness by Level of Acculturation

Effect df F p

Spirituality 2 142 .300 .741

Sense of Worth 2 142 3.36 .038

Control 2 142 4.59 .012

Realistic Beliefs 2 142 .735 .482

Emotional Resp. 2 142 .612 .544

Intellectual Stim. 2 142 .644 .527

Sense of Humor 2 142 1.34 .267

Nutrition 2 142 2.92 .058

Exercise 2 142 1.74 .179

Self-Care 2 142 1.17 .313

Stress Management 2 142 .127 .880

Gender Identity 2 142 1.01 .367

Cultural Identity 2 142 2.89 .060

Work, Rec., Leis. 2 142 .348 .707

Friendship 2 142 .713 .492

Love 2 142 .590 .556

Perc. Wellness 2 142 .222 .801

*p < .05

The mean scores of the Bicultural and Assimilated students tended to be higher on the

WEL-G than the mean scores of the Traditional students (see table 6). Results from the

MANOVA and univariate ANOVA analyses on wellness by acculturation revealed significant

differences between the three acculturation groups on Sense of Worth and Control. The

Assimilated group demonstrated a higher sense of self-acceptance, genuineness, and realness

within themselves and in relation to others (Myers et al., 1995) than did members of the other

two acculturation groups. Meanwhile the Bicultural group demonstrated feeling a greater sense

of competence, confidence, and mastery (Myers et al.) than did members of the other two

acculturation groups. This supports the assertion in the literature that bicultural students are often

identified as having fewer personal, social, and academic difficulties because of their ability to

effectively utilize a greater range of social behaviors and cultural communication in a variety of

contexts and situations (LaFromboise & Rowe, 1983, Little Soldier, 1985).

Table 6

Means and Standard Deviations for Participants' Score on the Wellness Evaluation of Lifestyle-

G by Ethnicity

Non-Native American Native American

(n = 123) (n = 19)

Wellness

Scale M SD M SD

Spirituality 3.82 0.66 3.88 0.65

Sense of Worth 3.83 0.77 4.10 0.57

Control 3.71 0.69 3.78 0.52

Realistic Beliefs 3.44 0.64 3.81 0.47

Emotional Resp. 3.70 0.64 4.02 0.53

Intellectual Stim. 3.70 0.70 3.88 0.50

Sense of Humor 3.89 0.66 4.15 0.63

Nutrition 3.35 0.88 3.33 0.73

Exercise 3.87 0.82 3.92 0.73

Self-Care 3.64 0.87 4.07 0.71

Stress Management 3.49 0.66 3.80 0.71

Gender Identity 4.00 0.70 4.28 0.56

Cultural Identity 3.78 0.68 4.19 0.46

Work, Rec., Leis. 3.42 0.71 3.66 0.51

Friendship 3.90 0.61 3.99 0.45

Love 3.82 0.61 3.96 0.62

Perceived Wellness 3.99 0.73 4.10 0.62

MONOCULTURAL danger BICULTURAL MONOCULTURAL

o---------------------------<---->--------------------------<---->--------------------------------o

zone

TRADITIONAL ACCULTURATED ASSIMILATED

Identifies/enculturated Raised/enculturated with Identifies/

with traditional traditional American enculturated with

American Indian Indian values/worldview, mainstream

values, behaviors, but has acquired American values,

and expectations. the behaviors behaviors, and

required for functioning expectations.

in mainstream

American culture.

Figure 1. The acculturation continuum (adapted from Little Soldier, 1985).

Overall, the results of this study highlight the notion that an individual’s level of

acculturation has an impact on specific areas of wellness. The wellness mean scores for

Traditional students, overall, were significantly lower than those of the Bicultural or Assimilated

students. This adds credence to the current literature which suggests that many students with

traditional cultural values experience difficulties related to the incompatibility of cultural value

systems and the pressure associated with acculturation (Little Soldier, 1985; Sanders, 1987). By

contrast, the wellness mean scores of Bicultural and Assimilated students, overall, were

significantly higher, indicating that these students experience fewer personal, social, and

environmental difficulties.

Discussion and Implications for Culturally-Responsive Counseling

The results of this study with Native American and non-Native high school students have

a number of implications for the training of culturally-responsive professional counselors and for

culturally-responsive counseling practice. First, it is important to revisit the construct of

acculturation as

―the cultural change that occurs when two or more cultures are in persistent contact. In

this process, change may occur in each of the cultures in varying degrees... A particular

kind of acculturation is assimilation, in which one culture changes significantly more

than the other culture and, as a result, comes to resemble it. This process is often

established deliberately through force to maintain control over conquered peoples, but it

can occur voluntarily as well‖ (Garcia & Ahler, 1992, p. 24)

As we evaluated the study’s results, we took into account that the participants made up a public

school sample of convenience, and because the students were in N.C. schools that maintain

integrated racial/ethnic populations, we believed it was important to compare results of

acculturation scores attained by Native students as well non-Native students. Specifically, we

believed this was critical because the Native American participants spend their school days in

mainstream culture environments with a larger number of non-Native students

As expected, Native American students scored significantly lower on acculturation levels

than non-Native American students, although the Native American students were somewhat

culturally identified with a mainstream American identity. The non-Native students reported

higher acculturation levels, which signifies their cultural connections with the mainstream

American society, and suggests that they would experience far less cultural discontinuity that

Native students. These findings support the notion that despite their participation in mainstream

schools, Native American students continue to have differing levels of acculturation exist if

compared to non-Native American students, and that level of acculturation is a major variable in

understanding and counseling with Native Americans (Little Soldier, 1985; Thomason, 1991).

Therefore, it is important for counselors working with Native American adolescents to assess

each individual's level of acculturation in order to better understand his or her worldview and

cultural frame of reference. Ultimately this will allow for professional counselors to create and

implement culturally-responsive strategies for effectively working with Native persons,

including the involvement of their traditional values, families/extended families, and tribal

supports.

A somewhat surprising finding in this study involves the number of participants who

scored in the ―traditional‖ level on the NAAS. Based on the premise of the NAAS to measure

individuals’ levels of acculturation along a continuum ranging from ―traditional Native

American‖ to ―assimilated mainstream American,‖ it was unexpected that the number of

participants who fell in the ―traditional‖ level was greater than the number of Native American

respondents in the study. We believe it is likely that there may have been random responding by

some participants and/or socially-desirable responding (Paulhus, 1991) given the purpose of this

study, which was described to the students before they participated.

As mentioned previously, cultural discontinuity is one explanation for the personal and

social difficulties that many Native American adolescents experience, including feelings of

anxiety, rejection, depression, isolation, boredom, and self-doubt (Charleston, 1994; D'Andrea,

1994; Ledlow, 1992; Sanders, 1987). The results of this study lend support to the cultural

discontinuity hypothesis insofar as differences in wellness due to level of acculturation were

demonstrated, with a Traditional group tending to score significantly lower on wellness than

either Bicultural or Assimilated groups. Conversely, Bicultural and Assimilated groups scored

significantly higher on wellness on average. In addition, Assimilated students demonstrated a

significantly higher sense of worth, compared to Traditional and Bicultural students. Bicultural

students, however, demonstrated a significantly higher sense of control, compared to Traditional

and Assimilated students. These findings emphasize the need for counselors to assess the level of

acculturation of the student/client, regardless of race/ethnicity, by assessing a student’s/client's

cultural identity. This assessment may include attention to variables such as values, beliefs,

language, friendships, customs, behaviors, generational/ geographic background, and attitudes

(Atkinson et al., 1995; Cuellar et al., 1980; Suinn et al., 1992). These findings also emphasize the

need for counselors to utilize culturally-grounded and culturally responsive interventions which

promote, among other areas of wellness, a sense of self-acceptance, and a sense of competence

and confidence in one's abilities to exercise imagination, knowledge, and skill to achieve goals

and exercise individual choice (Myers et al., 1995).

Past literature indicates that individuals who demonstrate higher levels of spirituality,

sense of worth, sense of control, realistic beliefs, emotional responsiveness, intellectual

stimulation, sense of humor, nutrition, exercise, self-care, stress management, gender identity,

cultural identity, satisfaction with work, recreation, and leisure, connection through friendship,

and connection through love are the people who tend to demonstrate higher levels of wellness

(Myers et al., 1995). One of the important implications of the results of this study is that,

regardless of race/ethnicity, bicultural and assimilated individuals demonstrate higher levels of

wellness than those who are not as acculturated. Bicultural competence, as the ability of an

individual to effectively utilize "dual modes of social behavior that are appropriately employed

in different situations" (LaFromboise & Rowe, 1983, p. 592), may be an important goal for

working with Native American adolescents, particularly those who are more traditional. By

developing realistic ways for helping students with traditional cultural value systems deal with

personal, social, and environmental difficulties resulting from cultural discontinuity and the

process of acculturation, professional counselors can focus on wellness and promote identity

development, while also emphasizing culturally appropriate methods and communication styles.

This might be accomplished, for example, through counseling interventions designed to enhance

identity development and bicultural competence in traditional Native American adolescents

using techniques such as values clarification, self-awareness exercises, stress management, and

communication skills enhancement.

As mentioned earlier, one of the primary goals of counselors is to facilitate the optimum

human development and functioning of the client (ACA, 2005). The results of this study point to

the importance of assessing Native American adolescents’ cultural identity and level of

acculturation, taking gender differences into consideration, and utilizing developmentally

appropriate interventions with adolescents in order to facilitate wellness through identity

development. Understanding students’ cultural frame of reference is essential in utilizing

appropriate counseling interventions and modes of communication to promote the wellness of

both Native American and non-Native American youth during this critical period of

development.

Limitations of the Study

Although this study yields important information about the levels of acculturation of

Native American and non-Native American 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th grade students; and the

relationship between level of acculturation and wellness for a sample of Native American

students, there are limitations that should be mentioned. First, this study involved limitations that

either existed or were imposed for reasons of practicality, therefore affecting the generalizability

of the results. The geographic region being considered in the study was limited to a rural setting

in one location of the country. Therefore, the focus of the study was limited primarily to one

major Native American tribe (the Eastern Band of Cherokee, although members of other Native

American tribes were present) in one geographic region, thereby limiting the generalizability of

the results to Native American high school students in rural N.C. Other geographical settings,

suggested by the literature as being indicative of varying levels of acculturation, include urban

and reservation areas (Garrett & Garrett, 1994). The choice of rural areas resulted from the need

to capture a range of acculturation levels which would include the very traditional value

orientation of the Cherokee people in Graham County, as well as the varying levels of

acculturation of the large number of students from the Cherokee Indian Reservation attending the

schools we entered.

Overall, when attempting to generalize the current results, counselors and researchers

must take into consideration the limited number of Native American participants, and limited

number of tribes represented in the study. In addition, student participants were solicited for

voluntary participation through their schools. Those individuals who choose to volunteer in

research studies may respond in skewed manners (whether positive or negative) based on

socially-desirable responding (Paulhus, 1991). Finally, the NAAS was adapted specifically for

this study, and although it was based in theory, future studies could further define the reliability

and validity of this self-report acculturation measure.

Conclusion

The results of the current study, along with existing literature, suggest the importance of

counselor training that incorporates a developmental focus, and provides counselors with

information concerning Native American cultural values, beliefs, and practices; the impact of

acculturation, and differences in levels of acculturation; developmental issues of Native

American adolescents in a cultural context; and culturally responsive and relevant goals and

interventions in the counseling process. These issues might be addressed through readings,

observation, critical incidents, interviews, modeling, role-play, and supervised practice in

counselor education courses such as counseling theories and techniques, career development,

group counseling, school counseling, counseling adolescents, counseling children, and

multicultural counseling, in which the emphasis is on promoting the development of the

client/student through appropriate methods of communication and intervention.

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