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Once Again on the Kongo Nkisi FiguresAuthor(s): Zdenka VolavkovaSource: African Arts, Vol. 7, No. 3, (Spring, 1974), pp. 89-90Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies CenterStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3334878Accessed: 26/05/2008 18:50

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more interested in their mystical attri- butes, as specified in the traditions, than in their appearance. The general nature of indigenous thinking is illustrated by a taxonomic essay written in KiKongo, about 1910:

"The class of 'land' min'kisi is very large. They are called 'of the land' be- cause when they are used their ingredi- ents are not derived from the water but from the land only, whether for healing or for interdiction. Among the land min'kisi are Luhemba, Mwe Kongo, Kula, Biyala, Mwe Nsundi, Madungu or Nkokobondo, Kilonda, Musansi, Mbwanga, Nsakulu, Mungani, and Kubangu. Kinkita belongs to both the land and water. Muzinga, Niambi, Muteke, and Mutadi are also land min'kisi, but they are classed as divina- tion min'kisi too. In the 'water' class we find Bunzi, Matinu, Mbumba, Mpodi, Bisimbi, Mwe Mbuku, Mbola. Among the Nkondi, some are water, some land. In the water class, but also included in divination, are Mutadi (sic), Suku, and some Nkondi. Makwanga is in the 'sky' class, but also belongs to 'land.' Mwe Kongo, Madungu and Mungani are 'land' min'kisi, but they are also used to bless dogs and traps."

Evidently this classification is partly functional and partly cosmographic. For art historical purposes, a strictly formal classification of the objects is likely to be more practical.

Wyatt MacGaffey Haverford College, Pennsylvania

John M. Janzen University of Kansas

1. J. M. Janzen, "Laman's Kongo ethnography," Africa 42, 4 (1972), pp. 316-28. 2. K. Laman, The Kongo, 11, Uppsala, 1957, p. 92. 3. W. G. L. Randles, L'Ancien Royaume du Congo, Paris, 1968; W. MacGaffey, "The West in Congolese experience," in P. Curtin, ed., Africa and the West, Madison, 1972.

ONCE AGAIN ON THE KONGO NKISI FIGURES

The fact that my study stimulated such a lengthy response might have been a welcome occasion for a useful dialogue between two distinct disciplines, art his- tory and anthropology. Yet Wyatt Mac- Gaffey and John M. Janzen did not think about partnership, nor did they wish any dialogue between theirs and someone else's discipline. With author- ity and certainty they came to enlighten, teach and evaluate art history which they presume to be ignorant, and the author whom they presume to be help- less. One has to wonder, therefore, what expertise in both history and art sub-

more interested in their mystical attri- butes, as specified in the traditions, than in their appearance. The general nature of indigenous thinking is illustrated by a taxonomic essay written in KiKongo, about 1910:

"The class of 'land' min'kisi is very large. They are called 'of the land' be- cause when they are used their ingredi- ents are not derived from the water but from the land only, whether for healing or for interdiction. Among the land min'kisi are Luhemba, Mwe Kongo, Kula, Biyala, Mwe Nsundi, Madungu or Nkokobondo, Kilonda, Musansi, Mbwanga, Nsakulu, Mungani, and Kubangu. Kinkita belongs to both the land and water. Muzinga, Niambi, Muteke, and Mutadi are also land min'kisi, but they are classed as divina- tion min'kisi too. In the 'water' class we find Bunzi, Matinu, Mbumba, Mpodi, Bisimbi, Mwe Mbuku, Mbola. Among the Nkondi, some are water, some land. In the water class, but also included in divination, are Mutadi (sic), Suku, and some Nkondi. Makwanga is in the 'sky' class, but also belongs to 'land.' Mwe Kongo, Madungu and Mungani are 'land' min'kisi, but they are also used to bless dogs and traps."

Evidently this classification is partly functional and partly cosmographic. For art historical purposes, a strictly formal classification of the objects is likely to be more practical.

Wyatt MacGaffey Haverford College, Pennsylvania

John M. Janzen University of Kansas

1. J. M. Janzen, "Laman's Kongo ethnography," Africa 42, 4 (1972), pp. 316-28. 2. K. Laman, The Kongo, 11, Uppsala, 1957, p. 92. 3. W. G. L. Randles, L'Ancien Royaume du Congo, Paris, 1968; W. MacGaffey, "The West in Congolese experience," in P. Curtin, ed., Africa and the West, Madison, 1972.

ONCE AGAIN ON THE KONGO NKISI FIGURES

The fact that my study stimulated such a lengthy response might have been a welcome occasion for a useful dialogue between two distinct disciplines, art his- tory and anthropology. Yet Wyatt Mac- Gaffey and John M. Janzen did not think about partnership, nor did they wish any dialogue between theirs and someone else's discipline. With author- ity and certainty they came to enlighten, teach and evaluate art history which they presume to be ignorant, and the author whom they presume to be help- less. One has to wonder, therefore, what expertise in both history and art sub- stantiates their authoritative paternal- ism.

Rejecting their tone, my response con- centrates on the major points of their comments. The authors' introductory statement directed against ethnocentric

stantiates their authoritative paternal- ism.

Rejecting their tone, my response con- centrates on the major points of their comments. The authors' introductory statement directed against ethnocentric

attitudes to African art meets with my sympathy. W. Hausenstein, a European art historian, tainted in 1929 the imposi- tion of Western concepts upon non- Western art, labelling such concepts as "colonizing," and even earlier, A. Riegl (1901), one of the founders of art his- torical methodology, explained such undertakings as not only ahistorical, but lacking any scientific substance. Yet, however clear and old the principles may be, they always can be neglected or ignored, especially if African art is treated by non-professionals.

The second paragraph of MacGaffey's and Janzen's comments might be under- stood as if the author of the article on nkisi figures shared this negligence of the basic foundations of historical work. I would prefer to believe that that was not the intention because it would be against the rules of fair play. Without the knowledge of my previous publica- tions and long educational activities linked together with the African inde- pendent states, mere literacy helps to comprehend that the article on the nkisi figures was written to criticize ethno- centric approaches.

One of the points of my study was to demonstrate that the classification of the nkisi figures according to their functions was useless if not impossible. The au- thors of the comments understood this well as is shown in their eleventh para- graph and in their last sentence. Even though they seemed to understand, they criticized the author for having what are, in fact, non-existent troubles.

Besides some redundant explanations of the treatment of nkisi figures com- monly known to those doing research in the area, suggestions on the decoding of the meaning of the components of the magic figures, as well as some termino- logical explanations, are interesting anthropological observations which may contribute to the study of certain art historical problems. However, for the purpose of further work, MacGaffey and Janzen ought to provide their state- ments with the necessary research data on when, where and by whom the in- formation was recorded. Although the Kongo non-verbal communication sys- tem seems to be of rather general valid- ity, the particular symbols were change- able in space and time. Sometimes the meaning of the entire object undergoes a change, sometimes the meaning of its components, sometimes its name. For example: in Manianga, peanuts are very meaningful as ingredients of the sym- bolic wedding present in that they tes-

attitudes to African art meets with my sympathy. W. Hausenstein, a European art historian, tainted in 1929 the imposi- tion of Western concepts upon non- Western art, labelling such concepts as "colonizing," and even earlier, A. Riegl (1901), one of the founders of art his- torical methodology, explained such undertakings as not only ahistorical, but lacking any scientific substance. Yet, however clear and old the principles may be, they always can be neglected or ignored, especially if African art is treated by non-professionals.

The second paragraph of MacGaffey's and Janzen's comments might be under- stood as if the author of the article on nkisi figures shared this negligence of the basic foundations of historical work. I would prefer to believe that that was not the intention because it would be against the rules of fair play. Without the knowledge of my previous publica- tions and long educational activities linked together with the African inde- pendent states, mere literacy helps to comprehend that the article on the nkisi figures was written to criticize ethno- centric approaches.

One of the points of my study was to demonstrate that the classification of the nkisi figures according to their functions was useless if not impossible. The au- thors of the comments understood this well as is shown in their eleventh para- graph and in their last sentence. Even though they seemed to understand, they criticized the author for having what are, in fact, non-existent troubles.

Besides some redundant explanations of the treatment of nkisi figures com- monly known to those doing research in the area, suggestions on the decoding of the meaning of the components of the magic figures, as well as some termino- logical explanations, are interesting anthropological observations which may contribute to the study of certain art historical problems. However, for the purpose of further work, MacGaffey and Janzen ought to provide their state- ments with the necessary research data on when, where and by whom the in- formation was recorded. Although the Kongo non-verbal communication sys- tem seems to be of rather general valid- ity, the particular symbols were change- able in space and time. Sometimes the meaning of the entire object undergoes a change, sometimes the meaning of its components, sometimes its name. For example: in Manianga, peanuts are very meaningful as ingredients of the sym- bolic wedding present in that they tes- tify to the virginity of the girl in ques- tion. In Ngoyo, on the other hand, the same peanuts in the same context may be free of all symbolic sense (forgotten? unknown? rejected?), although the Woyo are otherwise major experts in

tify to the virginity of the girl in ques- tion. In Ngoyo, on the other hand, the same peanuts in the same context may be free of all symbolic sense (forgotten? unknown? rejected?), although the Woyo are otherwise major experts in

symbolism. Thus, what is presented in MacGaffey's and Janzen's comments as statements relevant to the Beshi Kongo in general, may, in fact, relate merely to a certain region in a certain period of time. A further example: the authors corrected the term of teki which I used for non-initiated sculpture, replacing it by the term of mpamba as being its gen- eral Kongo denomination. Yet from the 1880s until the 1970s the term of teki used for such sculpture has been re- corded in several regions south of the River by travellers, missionaries, as well as by myself, while L. Kiener, by the beginning of the century in the region of Pangala among the Sundi, recorded kifuiti (sic), and in numerous localities in Mayumbe, according to the results of my repeated enquiries, the "empty" sculpture is called tumba. The disparity is here not a mere terminological matter, but may be of historical significance. In the Kongo country which is quite large, and among the Beshi Kongo who are a multi-ethnic agglomeration of people with various historical backgrounds, any fast generalization in terms of space and time delays instead of clarifying the knowledge about the past and present.

MacGaffey's and Janzen's interpreta- tion of the difference between the price of the "empty" sculpture and that of the nkisi, might partly explain the prob- lem. However, the authors probably do not realize that the nkisi is not opposed to the "plain" carved piece of wood, and that in terms of the involvement with magic, a nganga does not differ from a sculptor in quality but rather in quantity. The Kongo carvers in various regions repeatedly explain their work as the result of inspiration caused by spirits during a dream. (There are sev- eral other examples of sculptors' in- volvement with magic.)

Making statements with much cer- tainty on the history of a ritual in the 16th century on the basis of a con- temporary story recorded in a source from the second half of the 17th cen-

symbolism. Thus, what is presented in MacGaffey's and Janzen's comments as statements relevant to the Beshi Kongo in general, may, in fact, relate merely to a certain region in a certain period of time. A further example: the authors corrected the term of teki which I used for non-initiated sculpture, replacing it by the term of mpamba as being its gen- eral Kongo denomination. Yet from the 1880s until the 1970s the term of teki used for such sculpture has been re- corded in several regions south of the River by travellers, missionaries, as well as by myself, while L. Kiener, by the beginning of the century in the region of Pangala among the Sundi, recorded kifuiti (sic), and in numerous localities in Mayumbe, according to the results of my repeated enquiries, the "empty" sculpture is called tumba. The disparity is here not a mere terminological matter, but may be of historical significance. In the Kongo country which is quite large, and among the Beshi Kongo who are a multi-ethnic agglomeration of people with various historical backgrounds, any fast generalization in terms of space and time delays instead of clarifying the knowledge about the past and present.

MacGaffey's and Janzen's interpreta- tion of the difference between the price of the "empty" sculpture and that of the nkisi, might partly explain the prob- lem. However, the authors probably do not realize that the nkisi is not opposed to the "plain" carved piece of wood, and that in terms of the involvement with magic, a nganga does not differ from a sculptor in quality but rather in quantity. The Kongo carvers in various regions repeatedly explain their work as the result of inspiration caused by spirits during a dream. (There are sev- eral other examples of sculptors' in- volvement with magic.)

Making statements with much cer- tainty on the history of a ritual in the 16th century on the basis of a con- temporary story recorded in a source from the second half of the 17th cen-

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:m ..............................1 :m ..............................1

tury, or reconstructing the reaction of the Kongo to the preacher in 1682 on the basis of recent field experience, is to strive for historical conclusions by means of non-historical methods.

MacGaffey and Janzen agree with the oft repeated statement about the mis- understanding by the Bakongo of the Catholic missionary efforts of the 16th and 17th centuries. W. G. L. Randles, to whom they refer, published an inter- esting montage of the regesta from some European sources of the 17th to 19th centuries (pp. 160-164) which show how old the Western idee fixe about this misunderstanding is. The regesta give some evidence of what the Westerners thought about the historical reality (that is also how Randles presents them), but by no means the evidence of the reality itself. The latter will partly result from the critical analysis of the available sources per extensum, from the compar- ative study on their credibility and from the investigations of what kind of Ca- tholicism was really offered in the 17th century by the Capuchins on the one hand, and by the Jesuits on the other. Both the tactics and content of the Cath- olic missionary work necessarily under- went changes, and the Capuchin meth- ods of the period of Reformation un- doubtedly differed from the attitudes of the period of Enlightenment and of the 19th century. A Capuchin arriving in the 19th century in the Kongo capital may have been surprised by the Beshi Kongo expecting him to make rain, as one of Randles' excerpts shows. How- ever, his predecessor, a Capuchin in the 17th century in Soyo, tried to convince the people by demonstrating that the bishop was able to make rain much more efficiently than the nganga, as the 17th century Capuchin source shows.

It is generally accepted by the litera- ture that the Bakongo misunderstood the missionary teaching in the 17th cen- tury due to their devotion to the minkisi and magic which drastically oppose Christianity. Yet, study of the Capuchin sources reveals that the Capuchins taught them, for example, to use "conse- crated palm branches instead of the magic guard ... planted to preserve ... (the) corn and to render it fertile," "to wear religious relics instead of the wiz- ards' mats" and to believe that the nganga "fell down dead, while he had his hand on the mass-book," and the other one "died in about six hours after" (Merolla: Pinkerton XVI, pp. 228, 239). One of the prerequisites of any historical conclusion on the effects of

tury, or reconstructing the reaction of the Kongo to the preacher in 1682 on the basis of recent field experience, is to strive for historical conclusions by means of non-historical methods.

MacGaffey and Janzen agree with the oft repeated statement about the mis- understanding by the Bakongo of the Catholic missionary efforts of the 16th and 17th centuries. W. G. L. Randles, to whom they refer, published an inter- esting montage of the regesta from some European sources of the 17th to 19th centuries (pp. 160-164) which show how old the Western idee fixe about this misunderstanding is. The regesta give some evidence of what the Westerners thought about the historical reality (that is also how Randles presents them), but by no means the evidence of the reality itself. The latter will partly result from the critical analysis of the available sources per extensum, from the compar- ative study on their credibility and from the investigations of what kind of Ca- tholicism was really offered in the 17th century by the Capuchins on the one hand, and by the Jesuits on the other. Both the tactics and content of the Cath- olic missionary work necessarily under- went changes, and the Capuchin meth- ods of the period of Reformation un- doubtedly differed from the attitudes of the period of Enlightenment and of the 19th century. A Capuchin arriving in the 19th century in the Kongo capital may have been surprised by the Beshi Kongo expecting him to make rain, as one of Randles' excerpts shows. How- ever, his predecessor, a Capuchin in the 17th century in Soyo, tried to convince the people by demonstrating that the bishop was able to make rain much more efficiently than the nganga, as the 17th century Capuchin source shows.

It is generally accepted by the litera- ture that the Bakongo misunderstood the missionary teaching in the 17th cen- tury due to their devotion to the minkisi and magic which drastically oppose Christianity. Yet, study of the Capuchin sources reveals that the Capuchins taught them, for example, to use "conse- crated palm branches instead of the magic guard ... planted to preserve ... (the) corn and to render it fertile," "to wear religious relics instead of the wiz- ards' mats" and to believe that the nganga "fell down dead, while he had his hand on the mass-book," and the other one "died in about six hours after" (Merolla: Pinkerton XVI, pp. 228, 239). One of the prerequisites of any historical conclusion on the effects of the encounter of the Kongo and Euro- pean religions, is a detailed study of the Catholic practices in the discussed pe- riod and not some general idea about Christianity which is out of time and context. Also, Baroque iconography

the encounter of the Kongo and Euro- pean religions, is a detailed study of the Catholic practices in the discussed pe- riod and not some general idea about Christianity which is out of time and context. Also, Baroque iconography

with images of saints specializing, for instance, in the relief of toothache, pre- vention of fire or lightning, is useful in the comparative study of Christian and Kongo elements.

Comparative historical work serves to find some possible similarities, but mainly to investigate the divergence of principles. In Kongo art, a specific visual language has been developed, according to the results of my research. This par- ticular point of my article on nkisi figures was not understood by Mac- Gaffey and Janzen. The Kongo visual language, although having no Grammar or Dictionary by Bentley or Laman, is very definite and seems to be much less determined by space and time than the dialects of KiKongo. Its semantics is quite different from the Western one. A composition with the body of the figure tilted, for instance, does not depict readiness to fight as believed by J. Maes. The upraised arm of the statuette does not mean a threatening pose as de- scribed by MacGaffey and Janzen. The figure with its arms behind its back is not a slave as suggested by H. W. Hall. How distant the Kongo reading may be from the Western is shown, for instance, in the latter example where the pose indicates the sex and high social status of the figure. The Kongo visual language is not imitative, descriptive and illus- trative as opposed to the Western visual vocabulary. It is metaphoric and elliptic. The dress of the nail minkisi is terrify- ing only to Westerners who, on the other hand, may find the dotted, well-shaped mask used by the Woyo nganga to de- tect and destroy the ndoki (witch) changed into an owl, very handsome. Considering the said character of the visual language, the nail or knife (both have been imported) driven into the figure's body in order to hurt it, is in- congruent with the Kongo visual vocab- ulary. The nail or knife does not have any metaphoric meaning; they serve really as instruments of injury, the im- agery thus being straightforward and naturalistic as the Western one. Finally, this is the same Western semantic level in which the role of the nail in Dapper's story, as I quoted, was misunderstood: having been used first as a binding me- dium (not used in Kongo art and archi- tecture), it was then conceived of as an instrument of injury.

The imposition of contemporary con- cepts on historical situations, the appli- cation of Western semantics on African art, and the lack of historical scepticism, undoubtedly simplifies complex prob- lems and makes their solution clear and

with images of saints specializing, for instance, in the relief of toothache, pre- vention of fire or lightning, is useful in the comparative study of Christian and Kongo elements.

Comparative historical work serves to find some possible similarities, but mainly to investigate the divergence of principles. In Kongo art, a specific visual language has been developed, according to the results of my research. This par- ticular point of my article on nkisi figures was not understood by Mac- Gaffey and Janzen. The Kongo visual language, although having no Grammar or Dictionary by Bentley or Laman, is very definite and seems to be much less determined by space and time than the dialects of KiKongo. Its semantics is quite different from the Western one. A composition with the body of the figure tilted, for instance, does not depict readiness to fight as believed by J. Maes. The upraised arm of the statuette does not mean a threatening pose as de- scribed by MacGaffey and Janzen. The figure with its arms behind its back is not a slave as suggested by H. W. Hall. How distant the Kongo reading may be from the Western is shown, for instance, in the latter example where the pose indicates the sex and high social status of the figure. The Kongo visual language is not imitative, descriptive and illus- trative as opposed to the Western visual vocabulary. It is metaphoric and elliptic. The dress of the nail minkisi is terrify- ing only to Westerners who, on the other hand, may find the dotted, well-shaped mask used by the Woyo nganga to de- tect and destroy the ndoki (witch) changed into an owl, very handsome. Considering the said character of the visual language, the nail or knife (both have been imported) driven into the figure's body in order to hurt it, is in- congruent with the Kongo visual vocab- ulary. The nail or knife does not have any metaphoric meaning; they serve really as instruments of injury, the im- agery thus being straightforward and naturalistic as the Western one. Finally, this is the same Western semantic level in which the role of the nail in Dapper's story, as I quoted, was misunderstood: having been used first as a binding me- dium (not used in Kongo art and archi- tecture), it was then conceived of as an instrument of injury.

The imposition of contemporary con- cepts on historical situations, the appli- cation of Western semantics on African art, and the lack of historical scepticism, undoubtedly simplifies complex prob- lems and makes their solution clear and easy. They have however nothing in common with the history of African art as a scholarly discipline.

Zdenka Volavkova York University, Toronto

easy. They have however nothing in common with the history of African art as a scholarly discipline.

Zdenka Volavkova York University, Toronto

letters Continued from page 7

Recently I've concluded that the ma- terial printed in your publication is con- servative and colonialistic in character in relationship to not relating African art to its influence on universal partic- ularly European contemporary art fine and commercial. Not interested in art forms where Euro- pean influences have not been (absorbed /transferred) into an African idiom. Avoid the highly technical.

. . . the contemporary prose and arts area seems to lack any critical defini- tion, or the editorial sensibility that is making the rest of your publication more and more indispensable. Maybe attention to contemporary African art is politically necessary, but at the pres- ent level it seems critically shallow and patronizing. This could be an area in which African Arts could pioneer. I find very little relevancy between con- temporary work and traditional work, and with one or two exceptions find it very inferior aesthetically to good tra- ditional work. I have no doubt that "purists" will at- tack any possible concession to the fact that contemporary African artists can produce anything worthwhile other than tourist garbage. I laud your attempt to bring recognition to African artists shunned by so many art collectors, or repressed for political reasons. With their traditions shattered, many modern artists are striving to find their identities. I never cease to be amazed by those who exhibit so little understanding of con- temporary African artists and who ex- pect them to copy the past. The motivation [of the annual arts com- petition] is to be commended; the results are usually a bore or worse.

African Arts keeps me in tune with the changing scene of the mother land.

... I like the inclusion of modern and traditional arts and the variety of the arts represented. . . Would like more articles on musical instruments and use in various regions. You offer very little on housing... I'd like to know just what it is like inside homes of different types-what type of room arrangement, bedding, closets, chests, etc. Would like to see more articles on con-

letters Continued from page 7

Recently I've concluded that the ma- terial printed in your publication is con- servative and colonialistic in character in relationship to not relating African art to its influence on universal partic- ularly European contemporary art fine and commercial. Not interested in art forms where Euro- pean influences have not been (absorbed /transferred) into an African idiom. Avoid the highly technical.

. . . the contemporary prose and arts area seems to lack any critical defini- tion, or the editorial sensibility that is making the rest of your publication more and more indispensable. Maybe attention to contemporary African art is politically necessary, but at the pres- ent level it seems critically shallow and patronizing. This could be an area in which African Arts could pioneer. I find very little relevancy between con- temporary work and traditional work, and with one or two exceptions find it very inferior aesthetically to good tra- ditional work. I have no doubt that "purists" will at- tack any possible concession to the fact that contemporary African artists can produce anything worthwhile other than tourist garbage. I laud your attempt to bring recognition to African artists shunned by so many art collectors, or repressed for political reasons. With their traditions shattered, many modern artists are striving to find their identities. I never cease to be amazed by those who exhibit so little understanding of con- temporary African artists and who ex- pect them to copy the past. The motivation [of the annual arts com- petition] is to be commended; the results are usually a bore or worse.

African Arts keeps me in tune with the changing scene of the mother land.

... I like the inclusion of modern and traditional arts and the variety of the arts represented. . . Would like more articles on musical instruments and use in various regions. You offer very little on housing... I'd like to know just what it is like inside homes of different types-what type of room arrangement, bedding, closets, chests, etc. Would like to see more articles on con- temporary African literature. .. Please diminish works in poetry and literature. To see art in use-oh, baby, that's what I like! C1

temporary African literature. .. Please diminish works in poetry and literature. To see art in use-oh, baby, that's what I like! C1

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