Gasquet - Christian Democracy in pre-Reformation times

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GasquetChristian Democracy inPre-Reformation Times


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CHRISTIAN DEMOCIN PRE-REFORMATION TIMES

BYDOM F. A. GASQUET, D.D.

LONDONCATHOLIC TRUTH SOCIETY


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Price One Penny Each.Leo XIII. on Labour. By Cardinal Manning.Christian Aspects of the Labour Question. By theRight Rev. Abbot Snow, O.S.B.Our National Vice. By Cardinal Manning.Catholic Temperance Leaflets (8 in wrapper).Total Abstinence from a Catholic Point of View.By the Rev. W. H. Cologan.A Temperance Catechism. By a Priest.Woman s Work in the African Missions.The African Slave Trade. By Lady Herbert.Our Responsibility for Intemperance. By the Bishopof Newport.The Drunkard. By Archbishop Ullathorne.Mixed Marriages. By the Bishop of Leeds.Mixed Marriages. By the Rev. G. Bampfield.An Enemy of the Race. By Sir Andrew Clark.Socialism. By the Rev. Joseph Rickaby, SJ. (New edition.)Catechism of Christian Doctrine (in stiff cover).Science and Scientists. By the Rev. J. Gerard, S.J.

1. Mr. Grant Allen s Botanical Fables.2. Sir John Lubbock on Flowers andInsects.3. Some Wayside Problems.

4. " Behold the Birds of the Air."5. How Theories are Manufactured.6. Instinct and its Lessons.

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CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACYINPRE-REFORMATION TIMES

BY DOM F. A. GASQUET, D.D.*

WE are all of us, I take it, interested in the socialquestions which nowadays are clamouring for consideration. In all parts of the civilized globe the voice ofdemocracy has made itself heard ; it has arrested theattention of rulers and statesmen, and has proved thatthe day when popular aspirations received sufficientanswer in the sic volo sic jubeo of the autocrat is past,and, moreover, that the " masses " have at least asmuch right to be considered as the " classes." Perhapsfortunately for myself, I am not directly concerned toexplain, much less to defend, the principles of what isbroadly known as " Christian democracy." About allthis matter opinions differ very widely indeed ; andalthough, I suppose, we may all of us, in these days,claim to be socialists of some kind of type, there is


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2 Christian Democracyheat and temper. My concern is happily with facts notwith theories, with the past not with the present. Iconfess that personally, I like to feel my feet uponthe ground, and facts furnish undoubtedly the bestcorrective for mere theorizing which, at times, is aptto run away with all of us, and to give rise either tounwarranted hopes or unnecessary fears. In the beliefthat even " the dark ages " have their useful lessons forus whose lot has been cast in these times, I propose tolay before you briefly the teaching of the Church ofEngland in pre-Reformation days, as to the relationswhich should exist between the classes of every Christiancommunity, and to illustrate by a few examples the wayin which the teaching was translated into practice by ourCatholic ancestors.

THE RELATION BETWEEN RICH AND POOR.There can be no doubt as to the nature of the

teaching of the English Church in regard to the relationwhich, according to true Christian principles, shouldexist between the rich and the poor. The evidenceappears clear and unmistakable enough in pre-Reformation popular sermons and instructions in formalpronouncements of Bishops and Synods, and in booksintended for the particular teaching of clergy and laityin the necessary duties of the Christian man. Whilstfully recognizing as a fact that " the poor must always bewith us " that in the very nature of things there mustever be the class of those who " have " and the class


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in Pre-Reformation Times 3recognized as an inevitable consequence of the policyintroduced with the new era. To the Christian moralist,and even to the Catholic Englishman, whether secularor lay, in the fifteenth century, those who had beenblessed by God s providence with worldly wealth wereregarded as not so much the fortunate possessors ofpersonal riches, their own to do with what they listedand upon which none but they had right or claim, as inthe light of trusted stewards of God s good gifts tomankind at large, for the right use and ministrationof which they were accountable to Him who gave them.

Thus, to take one instance : the proceeds of ecclesiastical benefices were recognized in the Constitutions ofLegates and Archbishops as being in fact as well as intheory the eleemosyncu, the spes paupemm the alms andthe hope of the poor. Those ecclesiastics who consumed the revenues of their cures on other thannecessary and fitting purposes were declared to be" defrauders of the rights of God s poor " and " thievesof Christian alms intended for them ; " whilst theEnglish canonists and legal professors who glossed theseprovisions of the Church law gravely discussed the waysin which the poor of a parish could vindicate their right

right, mind to a share in the ecclesiastical revenuesof their Church.

This "jus pauperum,"

which is set forth in such atext-book of English law as Lyndwood s Provinciale, isnaturally put forth more clearly and forcibly in a workintended for popular instruction, such as Dives et Pauper.


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4 Christian Democracy. jY/ ... i . . That thou keepest for thyself of the altar

passing the honest needful living, it is raveny, it is theft,it is sacrilege." From the earliest days of EnglishChristianity the care of the helpless poor was regardedas an obligation incumbent on all: and in 1342 Archbishop Stratford, dealing with appropriations, or theassignment of ecclesiastical revenue to the support ofsome religious house or college, ordered that a portionof the tithe should always be set apart for the relief ofthe poor, because, as Bishop Stubbs has pointed out, inEngland from the days of King Ethelred "a third partof the tithe" which belonged to the Church was theacknowledged birthright of the poorer members ofChrist s flock.That there was social inequality goes without saying,

for that is in the very constitution of human society, andmay indeed be said to be a very law of human nature.In feudal times this obvious truth passed unquestionedas the divine law of the universe, and with the overthrowof the system in the thirteenth century there was createda chasm between the upper and lower classes which itwas the interest of popular agitators and demagogues towiden and deepen. But even then, in theory at least,the claims of poverty were as fully recognized as theduty of riches. The verses of Piers Ploughman and theCanterbury Tales, and even the words of "the madpreacher," John Ball, are not more clear as to theexistence of the social difficulties of those days and theclaims put forward in the name of justice to commonhumanity, than the language of the great and fearless


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in Pre-Reformation Times 5be, all Christians are members of one body and arebound one to the other by the duties of a commonbrotherhood.

Still more definite is the author of the book of popularinstruction, Dives et Pauper, above referred to. Thesympathy of the writer is with the poor, as indeed is thatof every ecclesiastical writer of the period. In fact it isabundantly clear that the Church in England in Catholicdays, as a pia mater, was ever ready to open wide herheart to aid and protect the poorer members of Christ smystical body. This is how Pauper, in the tract inquestion, states the Christian teaching as to the duty ofriches, and impresses upon his readers the view that theowners of worldly wealth are but stewards of the Lord :"All that the rich man hath, passing his honest livingafter the degree of his dispensation, it is other men s, nothis, and he shall give full hard reckoning thereof at theday of doom, when God shall say to him : Yieldaccount of your bailywick. For rich men and lords inthis world are God s bailiffs and God s reeves, to ordainfor the poor folk and to sustain them." Most stronglydoes the same writer insist that no property gives any onethe right to say " this is mine" and that is thine ; forproperty so far as it is of God is of the nature ofgovernance and dispensation," by which those who by(rod s Providence

"have,"act as His stewards and as the

dispensers of His gifts to such as " have not."The words of Pope Leo XIII. as to the Catholicteaching, most accurately describe the practical doctrine


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6 Christian Democracyone s possessions be used ? the Church replies withouthesitation in the words of the same holy Doctor (St.Thomas): Man should not consider his outwardpossessions as his own, but as common to all, so asto share them without difficulty when others are in need.When necessity has been supplied and one s positionfairly considered, it is a duty to give to the indigent out ofthat which is over. It is a duty, not of justice (exceptin extreme cases), but of Christian charity . . . (and)to sum up what has been said : Whoever has receivedfrom the Divine bounty a large share of blessings . . .has received them for the purpose of using them for theperfecting of his own nature, and, at the same time, thathe may employ them, as the minister of God s Providence, for the benefit of others."

THE CONDITION OF THE POOR.There is no need to dwell upon this point, as there

can be no doubt as to the practical teaching of theChurch in Catholic England on the subject of the dutiesof the " classes " to the " masses." I pass at once tothe actual state of the poor in the times which precededwhat a modern writer has fitly called " the GreatPillage." It would be, of course, absurd, to suggest thatpoverty and much hardness of life did not exist in pre-Reforrnation days ; but what did not exist in Catholictimes was that peculiar product which sprung up soplentifully amid the ruins of Catholic institutions over


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in Pre-Reformation Times 7learning a craft might set his foot on the ladder ofpromotion. The most certain way to rise was furnishedby education and by the law of the land. Every manor woman, of what state or condition that he be, shallbe free to set their son or daughter to take learning atany school that pleaseth him within the realm/ " Mr.Thorold Rogers, than whom no one has ever worked morefully at the economic history of England, and whomnone can suspect of undue admiration of the CatholicChurch, has left it on record that during the century anda half which preceded the era of the Reformation themass of English labourers were thriving under theirguilds and trade unions, the peasants were graduallyacquiring their lands and becoming small freeholders,the artisans rising to the position of small contractorsand working with their own hands at structures whichtheir native genius and experience had planned. In aword, according to this high authority, the last years ofundivided Catholic England formed " the golden age "of the Englishman who was ready and willing towork.

" In the age which I have attempted to describe,"writes the same authority, "and in describing which Ihave accumulated and condensed a vast amount ofunquestionable facts, the rate of production was small,the conditions of health unsatisfactory, and the durationof life short. But, on the whole, there were none ofthose extremes of poverty and wealth which haveexcited the astonishment of philanthropists, and are now


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Christian Democracyof the Plantagenets and Tudors was that every one knewhis neighbour, and that every one was his brother skeeper."

THE REFORMATION AND THE POOR.This period was put an end to, in Mr. Rogers

opinion, by the confusion and social disorder consequentupon the introduction of the new principles of theReformers, and the uprooting of the old Catholicinstitutions.To relieve the Reformation from the odious charge

that it was responsible for the poor laws, many authorshave declared that not only did poverty largely existbefore, say, the dissolution of the monastic houses, butthat it would not long have been possible for the ancientmethods of relieving the distressed to cope with theincrease in their numbers under the changed circumstances of the sixteenth century. It is, of course,possible to deal with broad assertions only by theproduction of a mass of details, which is, under thepresent circumstances, out of the question, or by assertions equally broad : and I remark that there is noevidence of any change of circumstances, so far as suchchanges appear in history, which could not have beenfully met by the application of the old principles, andmet in a way which would never have induced thedegree of distressing pauperism, which in fact wasproduced by the application of the social principlesadopted by the Reformers. The underlying idea of


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in Pre-Reformation Times 9Most certainly the result was not calculated to improve

the condition of the poorer members of the community.It was they who were made to pay for the Reformation,whilst their betters pocketed the price. The well-to-doclasses in the process became richer and more prosperous,whilst the " masses " became, as an old writer has it,"mere stark beggars." As a fact, moreover, povertybecame rampant, as we should have expected,immediately upon the great confiscations of land andother property at. the dissolution of the religious houses.To take one example : Dr. Sharpe s knowledge of therecords of the city of London enables him to say that :"the sudden closing of these institutions caused thestreets to be thronged with the sick and poor, and thesmall parish churches to be so crowded with those whohad been accustomed to frequent the larger and morecommodious churches of the friars that there was scarceroom left for the parishioners themselves."

" The Devil," exclaims a preacher who lived throughall these troublous times

" the Devil cunningly turneththings to his own way." " Examples of this we haveseen in our time more than I can have leisure to expressor to rehearse. In the Acts of Parliament that we havehad made in our days what godly preambles have goneafore the same, even quasi oracuhnn Apollinis, asthough the things that follow had come from the counselof the highest in Heaven ; and yet the end hath beeneither to destroy abbeys or chauntries or colleges, orsuch like, by the which some have gotten much land,


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io Christian Democracycommon profit and common defence, but in very deed itwas for private and proper lucre."

In the sixty years which followed the overthrow of theold system, it was necessary for Parliament to pass nofewer than twelve Acts dealing with the relief of distress,the necessity for which, Thorold Rogers says, " can betraced distinctly back to the crimes of rulers and agents."I need not characterize the spirit which is manifestedin these Acts, where poverty and crime are treated asindistinguishable ; it was not the spirit of old Catholicdays, but it was the spirit of ",Protestant individualism "carried into the sphere of social economy.

NOT THE GOOD BUT THE GOODS OF THE CHURCH.The fact is, as we are now beginning to find out, the

change of religion in England was not effected so muchby those who hungered and thirsted after purity ofdoctrine and simplicity of worship, who hated iniquityand what they held to be superstition, as by those whowere on the look-out to better their own interests in aworldly point of view, and who saw in the overthrow ofthe old ecclesiastical system their golden opportunity.These " new men " looked not so much to the " good "as to the " goods " of the Church, and desired more theconversio rerum than any conversio morum. WhatJansens long ago showed to be the case in Germany,and what Mr. Phillipson and M. Hanotaux declare to becertainly true of France, is hardly less clear in regard


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in Pre-Reformation Times 1 1It is, to say the least, strange that the religious

innovations synchronized so exactly with ruthless andwholesale confiscations of the old Catholic benefactionsfor the poor, and with the appropriation of fundsintended by the donors for their benefit, to purposesother than the relief of distress. Putting aside thedissolution of the religious corporations, the destructionof the chantries, the wholly unjustifiable confiscationof the property of the guilds, the heartless seizure ofhospitals and almshouses, the substitution of thewell-to-do for the poor as the recipients of the benefitscoming from the foundation funds of schools andcolleges, even the introduction of married clergy whosewives and children had to be supported on the portionof the ecclesiastical benefices intended for the relief ofpoverty, and much more of the same kind, are all somany indications of the new spirit of Individualism,which produced the great social revolution commonlyknown as the Protestant Reformation. It was a revolution indeed, but a revolution not in the ordinary sense.It was a rising, not of people against their rulers, nor ofthose in hunger and distress against the well-to-do, but itwas in truth the rising of the rich against the poor, theviolent seizure by the new men in power of the fundsand property which generations of benefactors hadintended for the relief of the needy, or- by educationaland other endowments to assist the poor man to rise inthe social scale.


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1 2 Christian Democracyhave existed to cover them up, now that the sources ofauthentic information are open to all, they can no longerbe denied. I will content myself here with a briefreference to the confiscation of the chantries and guildswhich took place, as all know, in the first year of KingEdward VI., and I shall endeavour to illustrate what Ihave to say by examples taken mainly from this countyof Nottingham.

It may at first sight, perhaps, not appear very obviouswhat the question of the chantries has to do with triepresent subject. But this is simply because the purposefor which these adjuncts to parish churches existed hasnot been understood. We have been taught to believethat a " chantry " only meant a place (chapel or otherlocality) where Masses were offered for the repose of thesoul of the donor, and other specified benefactors. Nodoubt there were such chantries existing, but to imaginethat they were the rule is wholly to mistake the purposeof such foundations. Speaking broadly, the chantrypriest was the assistant priest, or, as we should nowadays say, curate of the parish, who was supported by thefoundation funds of the benefactors for that purpose,and even not infrequently by the contributions of theinhabitants. For the most part their raison d etre wasto look after the poor of the parish, to visit the sick, andto assist in the functions of the parish church. Moreover, connected with these chantries were very commonlywhat were called "obits," which were not, as we havebeen asked to believe, mere money payments to the


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in Pre-Reformation Times 13Amyas Chantry. The former, we are told, was founded" to maintain the services and to be an aid to the vicar,and partly to succour the poor," the latter to assist in" God s service," and to pray for William Amyas, thefounder. When the commissioners in the first year ofEdward VI. came to inquire into the possession of thesechantries, they were asked to note that in this parishthere were " 1,400 houseling people, and that the vicarthere had no other priests to help but the above twochantry priests." I need not say that they were notspared on this account, for within two years we find theproperty upon which these two priests were supportedhad been sold to two speculators in such parcels of land

John Howe and John Broxholme.Then again, in the parish of St. Nicholas, we findfrom the returns that the members of the Guild of theVirgin contributed to the support of a priest. In theparish there were more than 200 houseling people, andas the parish living was very poor, there was no otherpriest to look after them but this one, John Chester, whowas paid by the Guild. The King s officials, however,did not hesitate to confiscate the property on thisaccount. It is useless to multiply instances of thiskind, some hundreds of which might be given in thecounty of Nottingham alone. I will, however, take oneor two examples of " obits " in this part of the world : Inthe parish of South Wheatley there were parish lands letout to farm which produced eighteenpence a year, sayfrom i to i 43. of our money. Of this sum one

was for the and


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14 Christian Democracyadd that the Crown took the whole sum intended for thepoor, as well as that for the support of the ecclesiasticalservices. Neither can we hold, I fear, that the robberyof the poor was accidental and unpremeditated. I knowthat it has been frequently asserted that although graveinjury was undoubtedly done to the poor and needy inthis way, it was altogether inevitable, since the moneythus intended for them was so inextricably bound upwith property to which religious obligations (now declaredto be superstitious and illegal) were attached, that thewhole passed together into the royal exchequer. Iconfess that I should like to consider that this spoliationof the sick and needy by the Crown of England wasaccidental and unpremeditated, but there are the hardfacts which cannot be got over. The documents proveunmistakably that the attention of the officials was drawnto the claims of the poor, and that in every such casethese claims were disregarded, and a plain intimation isgiven that the Crown intended to take even the pittanceof the poor.

THE GUILDS.I pass to the question of the Guilds. They were the

benefit societies and provident associations of the MiddleAges. They undertook towards their members the dutiesnow frequently performed by burial clubs, by hospitals,by almshouses, and by guardians of the poor. " It isquite certain that town and country guilds obviatedpauperism in the Middle Ages," writes Mr. Thorold

"


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in Pre-Reformation Times 15confiscation of their corporate property, which may betaken as for the most part representing the accumulatedsavings of the working classes. Moreover, in putting anend to the Guild system, the Reformers did a far greaterinjury than can be gauged by the amount of the moneyseized. A large proportion of the revenues of thesesocieties was derived from the entrance fees and annualsubscriptions of the existing members, and in dissolvingthem the State swept away the organisation by whichthese voluntary subscriptions were raised. In this wayfar more harm was done to the interests of the poor,sick, and aged, and in fact to the body politic at large,than was caused by the mere loss of their hard-earnedsavings.I have here merely indicated some lines of inquiry,especially on the ecclesiastical side, into matters of factwhich, if followed out, may help us to come to somesound knowledge of the principles which guided ourCatholic forefathers in these matters, and which I thinkmay be safely called the principles of Christian Democracy, or Christian Collectivism. That Christian Democracy was, I think, manifested before the Reformation inthis that the community, parishes, trades, &c., did infact show full appreciation of the principles of self-helpand mutual assistance. Self-help and self-governmentshowed themselves in popular efforts to carry out commonobjects as far as possible, and to secure the commongood. The community possessed common interests innumberless things, had common lands, common cattle,


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1 6 Christian Democracythe principle of Tudor enclosure carried out to thefullest extent. It is evident that the idea of the"common" is opposed utterly to the idea of absoluteproperty, whilst the root idea of Christian Democracy isthat the social order is founded upon the principle,which is also the Christian idea, that property is of thenature of a trust and stewardship, rather than that ofabsolute, individual possession. I need not point outhow the firm apprehension of this principle must influence our judgment on many of the schemes and practicalproposals of the day.


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GASQUET, F.A. BQTChristian democracy in 3461pre-reformation times. .03


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Gasquet - Christian Democracy in pre-Reformation times